The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > New Jersey Legislature Voids Monmouth County Election by Michael Adelberg This painting of a county election in the 1700s depicts a rowdy public event. Monmouth County’s chaotic 1777 election was tainted by voter interference and voided by the state legislature. - November 1777 - As discussed in prior articles, David Forman was the most powerful man in Monmouth County in 1777—its senior militia officer and Colonel of the locally-stationed Continental Army regiment. With no functioning local government to check him, Forman’s actions became increasingly reckless. Due to his zeal in serving the Revolutionary cause, other leaders sought to look past his transgressions. Of the many controversies surrounding Forman in 1777, it was his intervention in Monmouth County’s 1777 annual election that finally forced a check on his conduct. Under New Jersey’s Constitution, county elections were held annually to select delegates to New Jersey’s legislature and certain county offices, including sheriff. Elections were held at the county seat (Freehold) and votes were cast in public—so the votes of an individual were known to all present. Elections were overseen by three election judges who advertised the election, qualified voters, recorded votes, and tallied vote totals. While Monmouth County did not have political parties, there was a political split among its Revolutionary leaders. One group of leaders placed laws and individual rights above the need to prosecute the war. The other group believed that the war was such an existential threat that true patriots had to take any steps they deemed necessary to prosecute the war. Over time, this split would harden into competing factions of “Due Process” and “Machiavellian” leaders. Most Due Process leaders were from vulnerable shore areas, while most Machiavellian leaders were from Freehold and other relatively safe inland areas. The election judges at the October 14 election were Samuel Forman, Samuel Forman Jr., and Thomas Henderson—each of whom lived inland in Freehold and Upper Freehold townships. The Tainted Election of 1777 Based on the counted votes at the county election on October 14, two of Monmouth county’s three incumbent “Due Process” delegates were defeated by two “Machiavellian” candidates from Freehold Township—Kenneth Anderson (also county clerk) and Kenneth Hankinson (also militia captain). One Due Process incumbent, James Mott of Dover Township, was re-elected. But two petitions sent to the legislature alleged that the election was grossly unfair. One of those petitions has survived; in it, three complaints were made: First, petitioners complained about the closure of the polls. “The [election] judges, altho' demanded by the Sheriff and others that the election should go on” closed the polls before some voters could reach Freehold. Sheriff Asher Holmes and others asked the polls not “be adjourned until the next day” but second day voting was not permitted. This favored Machiavellian candidates because voters living on the vulnerable shorelines needed more time to travel to Freehold. Second, the petitioners accused David Forman and Dr. Thomas Henderson (an election judge) of cajoling voters and issuing threats during the voting. This was not allowed once voting commenced: General Forman, assisted by Lt Col Henderson harangued the people on the conduct of the late Assemblymen & candidates for the present Assembly, charging them with throwing cold water on every spirited measure & saying the people's liberties depended on their conduct that day... and made a partial representation from the votes of the late Assembly, and threatening to cram the votes down the throat of one of the late members, then a candidate for the present one and confine him with his guards, with many other threats. Third, the petitioners accused the election judges of permitting illegal voting: “a security [evidence of voter eligibility] was also demanded but refused, altho' several voted that was not entitled to vote by law.” The petitioners concluded, “therefore we conceive the election illegal, unjust & unconstitutional and even dangerous to the liberties of a free people." New Jersey Legislature Voids Election On November 4, the new session of the New Jersey Assembly convened and the elected Monmouth delegates—Anderson, Hankinson, and Mott—were seated. According to the minutes of the Assembly, the first item of business was considering two petitions from Monmouth County "complaining of undue and illegal proceedings at the election of representatives for the County." Summons were sent out to the petitioners, election judges, and David Forman. Forman had recently fought at the Battle of Germantown and was currently raising troops for the defense of Red Bank on the Delaware River. He declined the summons. He wrote George Washington about his decision: Two petitions ware handed into the Assembly most unjustly charging me and sundry other Gent. with undue practices on the Day of Election & praying the Election to be set Aside—The Petition was read in the House and a Hearing ordered on Tewsday [sic] next and a Notice served on me to Attend. I immediately went to the Assembly, informed them of my then situation and requested the hearing might be deferr’d for a few days until the Militia ware Assembled and put in some order—my request was Denyed [sic]. Forman “found myself hurt as a Gent. by the illiberal charges” and said his duty as an officer would not let him spend so much time away from Red Bank . “I then delivered [my Brigadier General commission] to Mr Speaker and left the House.” Forman said that the Assembly Speaker rejected the return of his commission, but he found someone else who would accept it. Forman then blasted the Legislature for not supporting the war effort: I have Long been disgusted with the indolence and want of attention to military matters in the Legislature of this State. I was determined to spin out this Campaign in my Slavery until I found a set of Men plotting by the most unfair means to stain my reputation. Forman’s resignation saddened George Washington, who wrote: “General Forman has, to my great concern, and contrary to my warmest solicitations, resigned his commission upon some misunderstanding with the Assembly." Yet, Forman’s resignation did not deter the New Jersey Assembly. It re-read the petitions on November 11 and heard testimony from witnesses on November 12. Other scandals related to Forman including the banishing of Loyalist women and extra-legal hanging of Stephen Edwards were likely discussed. On November 13, the New Jersey Assembly voted by a 13-12 margin to void the Monmouth County elections. This action drew a protest from the Monmouth County election judges. They claimed the Assembly’s majority “refused to point out to us or inform us in any degree (although requested of the House) we had violated the law, or whereupon the conduct of the officers acting at said election had been so illegal as to make necessary to set the election aside.” Therefore, judges would not “give any certificates further respecting the said election." This meant that those elected to county office on October 14 (including the new sheriff) would not have their election certified. The refusal to certify the election of county officeholders sparked another Monmouth County petition against the election judges: "The Judges at the late annual election refuse to give the Sheriff [newly-elected Nicholas Van Brunt of Shrewsbury Township] a certificate of his election, whereby they are deprived of a Sheriff for the said County, and praying a law for Commissioning said Sheriff." On November 21, the Upper House of the Legislature, the Legislative Council, unanimously concurred with the Assembly’s vote and ordered newly-elected Sheriff Van Brunt to advertise the new election. On November 28, the legislature passed "An Act to procure a Return of the Election of a Sheriff of the County of Monmouth” which affirmed the election of Sheriff Van Brunt and empowered him to supervise the new election that would be held to rectify the tainted October 14 election. This appears to be the first time that the New Jersey legislature had investigated, much less overturned, a county election. The Monmouth County delegates were sent home and new elections were held in December. In the new election, three Due Process leaders, Mott, Peter Schenck (Middletown Township), and Hendrick Smock (Freehold Township but Middletown family) were elected. No doubt, unfortunate timing and recent events impacted what happened at Freehold on October 14. The British had captured the nation’s capital three weeks earlier and David Forman had rallied hundreds of Monmouth Countians to support Washington’s Army; at the Battle of Germantown on October 4, Monmouth Countians had at least one killed and others wounded. Forman’s men returned home defeated and were exasperated by news of punishing Loyalist raids into Monmouth County near Shrewsbury . Forman had also just convened a tribunal and issued a death sentence on Stephen Edwards, who would be hanged at Freehold on October 15, the day after the election. These events came to a head at Freehold on October 14. Anger over recent events combined with the ample levels of liquor, gossip, and simmering grudges that day. The result was a combustible atmosphere that tempted leaders into actions that were illegal and undemocratic. Related Historic Site : Monmouth County Historical Association Sources : Petition, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, Photocopy; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, November 4-12, 1777, p 5-17; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 151–154; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, p 108; Personal Correspondence: David J. Fowler, Letter: Samuel Forman, Samuel Forman Jr. and Thomas Henderson to New Jersey Assembly, no date; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, November 26-27, 1777, p 28, 30; Missing or Alienated Records of the State of New Jersey, http://www.nj.gov/state/archives/missinglaws13.html; and The Acts of the Council and General Assembly of the State of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: Trenton, 1784) p33; Journals of the Legislative Council of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: State of New Jersey, 1777) p15. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Loyalists Jailed at Frederickton, Maryland by Michael Adelberg The Hessian Barracks in Frederick, Maryland was built to hold British prisoners starting in 1777. Before that, in early 1777, 50 Monmouth Loyalists crammed into the six-room prison that preceded it. - December 1776 - In the sixty days between November 15, 1776 and January 15, 1777, at least two hundred Monmouth County Loyalists were arrested, detained, and imprisoned out-of-state (see table at end of this article). Monmouth County’s Loyalist insurrections made it impossible to hold Loyalist prisoners after December 3, when Sheriff Asher Holmes sent his prisoners to Easton, Pennsylvania . The scramble to get prisoners transported on the same day that Loyalists gangs rose up illustrates the improvisational and reactive nature of Continental governance during these desperate times. Loyalist prisoners were treated inconsistently and, sometimes, incompetently. Sending away the Monmouth Loyalist Prisoners Most arrested Monmouth Loyalists were sent to the jail in Philadelphia, but that jail was overcrowded with Loyalists and British prisoners of war. So, many of the Monmouth prisoners were sent more than 200 miles to Fredericktown (Frederick), Maryland. In 1776, the town hastily constructed a two-story 30 x 20 jail that first took in North Carolina Loyalist prisoners in May. It was described as “a dreadful place… so crowded at present that we fear it may be dangerous to their health.” The prison, at the time, held 27 prisoners. It would soon hold 50 from Monmouth County alone—at least until 1777 when a more accommodating barracks-prison was started. The first Monmouth County Loyalists sent to Fredericktown were captured in November. They were members of Samuel Wright’s Loyalist Association , Shrewsbury Township men taken during Colonel Charles Read’s campaign, and men taken in Colonel David Forman’s campaign in Freehold and Middletown townships. William Taylor, leader of the Loyalist association broken up by Forman, recalled: In November 1776, Mr. Washington detached a regiment from his army, under command of Col David Forman, to take up and secure your memorialist and other friends of Government in Monmouth County, they actually took near 100 of your memorialist's friends and relations, and removed them 200 miles to Fredericktown in Maryland, and there closely confined them in gaol. David Forman corroborated this recollection in a letter to George Washington, stating that he “took nearly 100 of his [Taylor’s] friends and relatives, who were removed 300 miles to Fredericktown, Maryland, and there confined to jail." It is interesting that the one point of disagreement between the two accounts was over the distance between Monmouth County and the far-off prison. The prisoners stopped in Philadelphia on their way to Fredericktown. An entry in the Journals of Continental Congress, on December 5, notes the receiving Monmouth County prisoners, "inhabitants of New Jersey being sent under guard to Philadelphia, being charged with the crime of enlisting men for General Howe, and some enlisting themselves in the service of the enemy.” Congress then resolved “that they be sent under guard to Frederick, Maryland, there to be safely confined." However, the prisoners did not leave Philadelphia for Fredericktown until December 10. On that day, Congress’s agent, Captain Mountjoy Bailey, assigned an 18-man guard to transport the prisoners. Fifty Monmouth Loyalists arrived in Fredericktown on December 18 and were put under the care of Frederick County’s Committee Observation. According to a receipt made out to Mountjoy Bailey, the prisoners included John Van Mater, a former Committeeman whose brother helped capture Richard Stockton, and Henry Weatherby, the second-in-command in Samuel Wright’s Loyalist association. The fifty men were a subset of Monmouth prisoners in Philadelphia. On December 15, General Israel Putnam wrote to Mountjoy Bailey about sixteen prisoners in Philadelphia: In consequence of an application from a number of Gentlemen in this city, together with the presentation of Colo. [Nathaniel] Scudder, who is personally acquainted with many of the prisoners, a list of names enclosed. I am induced to authorize you to cause a guard to be immediately provided, which shall convey the 16 persons to the gaol at Lancaster, where they are to be delivered and left... The expense of such an extraordinary guard & the whole process to be defrayed by the prisoners themselves. Some of the prisoners to be shipped to Lancaster were active in Samuel Wright’s association or were Freehold-Middletown and Shrewsbury Loyalist insurrectionists. Noteworthy names include: John Van Mater, Daniel Grandin, Morford Taylor, Thomas Leonard, and Robert James. Curiously, Van Mater, Grandin, and two others on the Lancaster prisoner list also appear on the Fredericktown list. The same man could not have been sent to both places. This raises the strong possibility that the prisoners were lying to jailers about their true identity, perhaps in order to protect their family name and kin still in Monmouth County. Further muddying the documentation is an undated “List of Tories” that includes 53 names. It was likely compiled in Philadelphia in December. It includes several names from the list of 50 Loyalists sent to Fredericktown and several from the list of 16 sent to Lancaster. But it also includes names that are not on either list. And there are interesting annotations next to eight of the names. They are below: Ren Cooke -- "helped discover Tories" John Bennett -- "of Samuel Wright's men" William Dennison -- "escaped" Robert James -- "again apprehended" William Tie -- "taken by Capt. Wikoff" Charles Lucas -- "released" William Jones -- "discharged" William Woolley -- "in Frederick". Based on the annotations, at least three of these men were cooperating with Continental authorities. Returning the Monmouth Loyalist Prisoners On January 2, 1777, Pennsylvania Continentals under Lt. Colonel Francis Gurney routed the new Loyalist militia at Freehold. Gurney pushed east and further broke up Loyalist stores at Middletown and Shrewsbury. The British Army concurrently withdrew across New Jersey. The New Jersey government regained its bearings. On February 13, before learning of the disastrous defeat of the Monmouth militia at the Battle of the Navesink , the New Jersey Assembly passed a resolution to bring back the Frederick Loyalists and "convey them into this State to stand trial." It appears that the Monmouth Loyalists in Maryland were moved to a prison in Salem County. On March 19, the New Jersey Council of Safety , considered trying the Loyalists: “Ordered, that the prisoners lately ordered to be brought from Fredericktown in Maryland and lodged in the gaol of the County of Salem, to be conducted under guard to Bordentown [to appear before the Council].” Three of the Frederick-detained Loyalists appeared before the Board on March 29: "the Board proceeded to examine Major Seabrook [Thomas Seabrook] respecting three prisoners who were sent to Fredericktown in Maryland & are now returned to this State." Meanwhile, the Philadelphia prison remained overcrowded and a breeding ground for disease. In early April, Nathaniel Scudder wrote of the Monmouth prisoners in Philadelphia, including some recently moved to Bordentown, New Jersey, that they “are in a wretched condition, many sick - [John] Sears apparently dying yesterday morning." Three other prisoners, John North, William North, and James Journee–were in the hospital recovering from smallpox. They would soon be permitted to leave prison in exchange for enlisting in the Continental Army. Thomas Wharton wrote Governor William Livingston about the prison overcrowding on March 26. “The prison is much crowded and many of the prisoners are sick, which renders it necessary to take every step possible to lessen their number." Wharton noted that "several of the prisoners from the State of New Jersey have petitioned for a hearing." On April 2, Livingston replied, "the difficulty of knowing how to dispose of them has given me great anxiety" but he also reminded Wharton that the Loyalists were “in treason and rebellion against the United States.” Livingston asked Wharton to continue to hold the Loyalists until David Forman arrived to testify to “several of the delinquencies.” But Livingston then moved to bring home the Loyalists, “I have sent Lt. Smock [Barnes Smock] with a guard to receive them from your State." As late as October 1777, 79 New Jersey prisoners were still being held in the Philadelphia jail. Based on the surnames, as many as 50 of those men could have been from Monmouth County. On April 3, the New Jersey Council of Safety began a long series of trials against Monmouth Loyalists. A few of the men--Garrett Covenhoven, Thomas Woolley, Charles Lucas, Zachariah Sickles—were identified as taken by David Forman in November. They likely showed contrition and were released after taking loyalty oaths. Other jailed Loyalists, such as Edmund Harris and Richard James, remained in prison until their eventual trials before Monmouth County first Court of Oyer Terminer in January 1778. On May 1, the New Jersey Council of Safety noted that William Woolley was still in Fredericktown. The council wished to “deliver said Woolley to Richard Bell, he having promised to bring him into this State, and enter into a bond for his appearing before the Council of Safety." On June 10, the Council noted another Monmouth Loyalist still in Frederick, James Paterson; it permitted Peter Paterson and Thomas Jeffrey “to bring them into this State at their own expense & entering into a bond of L500." Solomon Wardell and Moses Havens were also permitted to retrieve David Brown and George Johnson from Fredericktown under the same conditions. It is unclear why these Loyalists were left behind. The irregularities regarding the out-of-state confinement and return of the Monmouth Loyalists illustrates that the nation’s new leaders, acting under difficult conditions, made significant mistakes. Major Events Resulting in the Capture of Monmouth Loyalists 13 of Samuel Wright’s Party taken by VA. Continentals c. November 15, 1776 70 Shrewsbury Loyalists taken by Col. Charles Read c. November 30, 1776 "Near" 100 Freehold Loyalists taken Col. David Forman c. November 30, 1776 5 Upper Freehold Loyalists taken by DE. Continentals c. December 29, 1776 23 Loyalist Militia taken by PA. Continentals on January 2 and 3, 1777 15 Loyalist insurgents taken by PA. Continentals on January 6 and 9, 1777 The statistics above undercount the complete number of captured Loyalists. They include only documented events resulting in five or more captures. Captures of less than five are not listed. Additional captures likely occurred that are not documented in surviving records and, therefore, cannot be included. Related Historic Site : Fort Frederick State Park (Maryland) Sources : “You shall be carried to the gaol of Fredericktown,” Emerging Revolutionary War Era, January 29, 2019 ( https://emergingrevolutionarywar.org/2019/01/29/you-shall-be-carried-to-the-gaol-of-fredericktown-part-1/#_edn7 ); “Conveyance of Tory Prisoners of War,” correspondence from the Frederick County Historical Society; Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, Hendrick Van Mater, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/112, reel 11; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 186, 182, 315 note. William Dwyer, The Day is Ours! An Inside View of the Battles of Trenton and Princeton (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1998), p38. Harry Ward, Major General Adam Stephen and the Cause of American Liberty (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1989) pp. 146-7; Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, William Taylor, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/112, reel 10; John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 6, p 307; Peter Force, ed., American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution 1774–1776, 9 vols. (1837–53), 5th Services, vol. 2, pp. 1599, 1603; General Israel Putnam to Capt. Mountjoy Bailey, Dec 15, 1776, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 84, item 70, #117; Prisoner List, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 53, item 42, vol. 2, #301; George Washington to Israel Putnam, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw060334)) ; List of Tories, undated, Princeton University, Firestone Library, CO387, Barricklo Coll., box 1, folder Miscellaneous; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, I78, Miscellaneous Letters to Congress, v22, p193; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, February 13, 1777, p 66; Willliam Livingston to Owen Biddle, New York Public Library, Emmet Collection, #9455; Thomas Wharton to William Livingston, in Carl Prince ed, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, pp. 285-6, 291; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) pp. 9-10; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 292; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 13; Pennsylvania Gazette, December 24, 1777(CD-ROM at the David Library, #24267); Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 209; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, April 9, 1778, p 104-105; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 251; New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 7, June 16, 1778; Nathaniel Scudder to David Forman, Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Neilson Family Papers; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) pp. 255, 283; Memorial of John Williams, Great Britain Public Record Office, British Headquarters Papers, 30/55, #4907; List of Prisoners in Philadelphia Gaol, October 1777, New Jersey Council of Safety, New Jersey State Archives, b2, n120. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > 1st Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers Routed on Staten Island by Michael Adelberg General John Campbell commanded British forces on Staten Island. After the New Jersey Volunteers were routed near dawn on August 22, 1777, his forces rallied and pushed back the attackers. - August 1777 - On July 22, 1777, General William Howe left New York with a large army and fleet that sailed into the Chesapeake Bay and proceeded north to Maryland. There, it deposited Howe’s Army, which marched toward Philadelphia. General George Washington rushed to southern Pennsylvania to defend the capital. A smaller Continental army remained in New Jersey under General John Sullivan, who received reports about the diminished British forces on Staten Island and saw an opportunity. Before dawn on August 22, Sullivan led approximately 2,000 men (Continentals and militia) onto Staten Island. They faced roughly 1,800 British and German regulars, plus 700 New Jersey Volunteers (Loyalists). The Attack on the 1st Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers Lt. Colonel Elisha Lawrence’s 1st Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers, camped near Fresh Kills, were the first to be attacked by Sullivan. The Loyalists were surprised and routed just after dawn. Lawrence and a number of his officers were captured. The 5th Battalion was also surprised. General John Campbell, commanding British forces on Staten Island, reported that: The enemy effected almost a total surprise of two battalions of the Jersey provincials, which occasioned nearly the whole loss sustained by his majesty's troops... that Lieutenant Colonel Lawrence [Elisha Lawrence], and a good many of his corps had been made prisoners. Henry Clinton, commanding British forces in New York, similarly reported: "The Corps that first landed had effected almost total surprise of the two Provincial Battalions belonging to Skinner's [Courtland Skinner] Brigade, and setting fire to the magazine at Decker's Ferry." Both Campbell and Clinton, however, were quick to note the overall success of British forces in repelling Sullivan’s incursion. The Continental attackers were New Jerseyans under Colonel Matthias Ogden. One of his officers, Joseph Bloomfield reported that they captured Lawrence, ten other officers, 120 rank & file, and £10,000 in various supplies. Sullivan reported similar, but not identical numbers: "Col. Ogden we found had taken Colonel Lawrence with 3 Captains, one Lieut., 2 Ensigns & 80 Privates, with a large quantity of stores and a sloop loaded." British accounts suggest that 84 men were captured. There is no complete list of all of the men captured, but the eight captured officers are known: Lt Col Elisha Lawrence Capt. John Barbarie Capt. John Longstreet Lt John Throckmorton Lt [?] Peterson Ens John Robbins Ens Charles Stockton Surgeon William Peterson Four of the eight captured officers—Lawrence, Longstreet, Throckmorton, and Robbins—were from Freehold and Upper Freehold townships in Monmouth County. The Battalion’s second ranking officer—Major Thomas Leonard of Freehold—had been captured on February 18 and was imprisoned in Easton, Pennsylvania at the time of the Staten Island attack. The rest of Sullivan’s raid went badly for the attackers. The now-alerted British, German and Loyalist forces organized and checked the advancing Continentals at Richmond, near the center of Staten Island. The Continentals fell back and, because they lacked boats, left men cut-off on Staten Island on their retreat. The cut-off men faced inevitable capture. Different sources suggest that either 150 or 250 Continentals and New Jersey militia surrendered on Staten Island. While the Continental Army would invade Staten Island again, they would not surprise and rout British forces again. Prisoners Taken from the 1st Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers Elisha Lawrence’s captured Loyalists were initially confined in Pennsylvania. Lawrence wrote that after his capture on Staten Island, he “was marched 100 miles as a criminal, close confined in Philadelphia & very ill treated.” Lawrence and other prisoners were moved west when Howe’s army neared the capital. Lawrence’s wife, without her husband and separated from family that remained in New Jersey, died over the winter. While imprisoned in Pennsylvania, Lawrence and one of his officers, Joseph Barton, wrote a memorial to General Henry Clinton (the new British commander in chief). They noted money they were owed for feeding the battalion’s horses on Staten Island. They had requested reimbursement from the British quartermaster "which he has refused, because (unfortunate for them) they are prisoners of war." As a result, Lawrence and Barton lack money for their upkeep as prisoners, and their troops on Staten Island "are also denied forage for their horses for the same reason." They asked for at least their “expenses accrued to them during their imprisonment." Lawrence and John Longstreet were both were exchanged within a year. When they returned to New York, there were no officer slots at the same rank available for them because the 1st and 5th Battalions, after being decimated by Sullivan’s attack, had been combined. They chose to retire from service on half-pay pensions, though Lawrence would return to service; he led a successful raid against Manasquan on the Monmouth shore in 1780. Some of Lawrence’s men were transferred from Pennsylvania to Leesburg, Virginia, a frontier town 220 miles away from Monmouth County (other Monmouth Loyalists were jailed in Frederick, Maryland ). The exceptional distance from home did not prevent men from attempting escapes. In December 1777, two Pennsylvania newspapers printed similar but not identical advertisements offering rewards for the return of New Jersey Volunteer escapees. The Pennsylvania Gazette advertised for the return of Isaac Johnston, Benjamin King, and John Porter: "The above mentioned prisoners were born in the neighborhood of Shrewsbury in the Jerseys and were taken by General Sullivan on Staten Island.” The Pennsylvania Packet published a more complete announcement: MADE their escape from Leesburg, Virginia, the following people, viz. ISAAC JOHNSTON, about twenty years of age, about five feet ten inches high, smooth face, and dark hair. BENJAMIN KING, a well made man, about five feet eight inches high, pitted with the smallpox, and appeared to be a middle aged man. JOHN PORTER, a stout fellow, near six feet high, and about twenty two years of age. All the above mentioned prisoners were born in the neighborhood of Shrewsbury, in the Jerseys, and were taken by General Sullivan on Staten Island: each had on a great coat, a white waistcoat and breeches. Whoever brings them to me in Leesburg, or confines them in any gaol, shall receive what the law allows. Isaac Johnston and Benjamin King returned to Monmouth County where they apparently renounced their past Loyalism and were permitted to re-integrate into their former communities. Johnston swung from an ardent Loyalist to a radical Revolutionary—joining the vigilante group, the Retaliators, in 1780. King’s conversion was less dramatic. In 1780, King was convicted of a misdemeanor, probably illegally trading with the enemy. Johnston and King likely fared better than their former mates in the 1st Battalion, which struggled to stay provisioned and useful over the course of the war. Porter’s fate is unknown. Related Historic Site : Historic Richmondtown (Staten Island, NY) Sources : Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/110, reel 10; Ira Morris, The History of Staten Island, v 1, p265; Henry Clinton, The American Rebellion; Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative of His Campaigns, 1775-1782, with an Appendix of Original Documents (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1971) p 68 note 20; Joseph Bloomfield, Citizen soldier: The Revolutionary War journal of Joseph Bloomfield (Newark: New Jersey Historical Society, 1982) p 126; Clements Library, U Michigan, Henry Clinton Papers, undated, Memorial of Elisha Lawrence, Joseph Barton; William S. Stryker, The New Jersey Volunteers in the Revolutionary War (Trenton: Naar, Day and Naar, 1887) pp. 11, 29-30, 51; Walter T. Dornfest, “Sullivan's Raid on Staten Island: Aug. 22, 1777,” Staten Island History, 1st ser., vol. 31 (1972), pp. 98–101; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Loyalists Collection, New Jersey Volunteers, box 1, 1L; New Jersey State Archives, Adjutant General's Loyalist Manuscripts, microfilm; Sullivan, John, Letters and Papers of Major John Sullivan, Otis G. Hammond, ed. , 2 vols. (Concord, NH: 1930-31) vol. 2, p 439; Gen. John Campbell to Henry Clinton, London Magazine for the Year 1777, (R. Balston: London, 1778) vol. 46, p 631; Lorenzo Sabine, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1864), vol. 2, pp. 2-3. Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), p 283. Gregory Palmer, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. and London, 1984) p 478. Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Application Claims, D96, AO 13/18, reel 6; Pennsylvania Gazette, December 24, 1777(CD-ROM at the David Library, #24267); Pennsylvania Packet, December 24, 1777 (Library of Congress, Early American Newspapers). Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Yelverton Taylor Takes British Troop Transport by Michael Adelberg The British troop transport, Triton, was disabled in a storm after leaving Sandy Hook. It and its 214 soldiers were captured by privateer Yelverton Taylor. He took the vessel into Little Egg Harbor. - September 1779 - As noted in prior articles, in 1778, there was a sharp increase in privateering on the Jersey shore. Sailors, mostly from Philadelphia but based at Egg Harbour (today’s Little Egg Harbor), took to the sea in small ships to make their living preying on British shipping. Among the most prolific of these early privateers was Yelverton Taylor. By summer 1779, the activity of Taylor and other Egg Harbor privateers was surpassed by New England privateers hovering off Sandy Hook, but Taylor would soon capture the greatest prize taken off New Jersey during the war. Historian Donold Shomette wrote of an ill-fated flotilla that sailed from New York in August 1779 with a mission of transporting thousands of soldiers to South Carolina. The flotilla was buffeted by terrible storms off the Jersey Shore. Badger lost two masts and was attacked by a privateer. After surrendering, HMS Soleby arrived and chased off the privateer. Badger was towed back to Sandy Hook. Three other ships in the flotilla, King George, Craford , and Favorite made it back to New York under the escort of the frigate, HMS Renown . Other ships in the flotilla were less fortunate. The largest transport in the flotilla, Adamant , was lost at sea. Polly was damaged but made it to the Delaware coast before it was captured by a privateer and taken into Philadelphia. Another transport was captured by the 16-gun privateer, Pickering . But the fate of transport, Triton , is best documented. It was taken off Barnegat. The Capture of Triton The New Jersey Gazette and Pennsylvania Gazette reported in early October: On Friday last, Captain Taylor sent into Egg Harbor a transport from New York said to be bound for Halifax with a quantity of dry goods, 214 Hessians, including a Colonel, who are properly taken care of. He was chased into Egg Harbor River by a British frigate; but on his passage up, with the transport in tow, he [Taylor in the schooner Mars] was unfortunately overset by a sudden squall of wind, by which one man drowned. The vessel, it is said, will be got up again. Taylor was accompanied by Captain Stephen Decatur, sailing in the smaller privateer, Comet , which had been captained by Taylor the prior year. Their capture was the British troop transport, Triton . Triton left Sandy Hook on September 14 in a flotilla with two other transports, Molly and Archer . One of the German officers on board, Andreas Wiederhold, provided a detailed account of the vessel’s capture. The flotilla encountered “turbulent weather under persistent rain” and the British ships “quite separated themselves” from Triton in the bad weather.” The storms continued next day, Widerhold recalled: Waves, mountains in height, seemed to devour the ship. Soon we were on top of such a terrible wave, soon we drove between such cruel waves down into the abyss… It was raining and hailing horribly. One of Triton ’s masts broke. The men had to clear the mast and rigging with axes in the rough seas. On September 16, Wiederhold recalled that the sea calmed enough for the men to come on deck. “We saw the miserable state of the ship.” Many men were sick and much of the supplies were waterlogged. Wiederhold concluded, “No man should have to describe such misery.” The next day he wrote that the ship had lost its bearings (though subsequent accounts suggest that they were off Barnegat). Its stores were largely lost, “everything was corrupted and ruined.” That day and the 18th, men came on deck and repaired what they could. On the 19th, a prayer service was held to thank God for delivering the ship from the storm. However, the bad luck of the Triton turned worse. That evening, Wiederhold reported: “6 p.m. of the evening we discovered a ship not more than 3 leagues removed. …I loaded a swivel (which was still left) and fired him 2 times to give a signal that we are flying the English flag… to see whether it was friend or foe. But it was night before we got close.” The men spent the evening discussing what they would do if the vessel was a rebel privateer. Wiederhold wrote about the ship approaching Triton slowly on September 20: “9 a.m. we beheld a ship which seemed to come straight to us; we were happy and believed that it could be an English frigate” to tow us into Sandy Hook. “Because it flew no flag, we could not tell whether it was friend or foe!” On September 21, the vessel closed gradually: “the night was very restless,” the vessel stood landward and “soon came to us from the face.” The Germans determined the vessel to be a rebel schooner and planned their defense. Then the vessel sailed away; it did not return until September 26. By September 25, Wiederhold was more optimistic: “We were … excited to come through the country complete with grazing privateers and to regain the open sea.” With favorable winds, he predicted “we would be happy to be the following day at Sandy Hook.” The optimism was misplaced. He wrote on September 26 of “a sad and unfortunate day.” The guard on the Triton spotted a vessel at dawn. “Everyone dressed and went to the top and all with the hope the vessel is from the friendly port of New York.” The Triton was too wounded to evade an enemy, and Weiderhold wrote of the moment he recognized the vessels as rebel privateers: We were according to the Capt. in so miserable circumstances that they would be unable to turn or evade an enemy. O! We were cheated in our hope because after they came so close and their breeze was felt, we saw a 13 stripes flag, which transformed our joy in suffering… on the right was a schooner named Mars, 14 Cannon, Capt. Taylor commander; that to the left was a shallop named Comet of 10 Cannon, Capt. Decatur commander. What likely happened is that one of the privateers spotted Triton several days earlier and, seeing the size of the transport, sought the assistance of a second privateer before moving against it. By 8:00 a.m. on the 26th, the two privateers were alongside the transport; they were the schooner Mars and schooner Comet . Wiederhold wrote of the transport being defenseless: We were completely unable to defend ourselves since all our cartridges were stuck together and our rifles were useless, and both ships, which remained a considerable distance from us, would have sunk us at the slightest resistance. There was nothing to do but surrender. The Triton sent an officer to Taylor to negotiate a surrender, the terms of which were not honored: They promised to leave the officers with their baggage and the soldiers with their knapsacks, a promise they kept badly. As we left our ship, our chests and boxes had to be opened and they searched them carefully, as well as the soldier’s knapsacks; and whatever they fancied, they took, so that little remained. I protested against this procedure, but received the answer that we should be glad we kept what we did. As privateers, they were entitled to everything. Weiderhold recorded that “the intention of the privateers was immediately to collect us for Philadelphia and the Delaware.” The privateers put the Triton in tow. However, a large ship was spotted in the distance, and, given its size, it was “considered an English ship and it moved always on us.” This forced the privateers to “settle for the entrance of the Little Egg Harbor.” The ships anchored at dusk at the mouth of Little Egg Harbor. Wiederhold wrote of little progress on September 28, perhaps because one of the privateers, Mars , grounded in the shallows of the unmarked harbor. Weiderhold wrote: It went aground on a shoal or a sandbank not more than a good musket shot from us. Since the wind was blowing strong and the waves beat violently against it, all their efforts to get it afloat were in vain. It capsized before our eyes and everything [on it] was lost. All the people on board were sitting on the keel, which was just about even with the surface of the water and over which the waves broke constantly, until they were fetched, little by little, in boats. So, the men “again anchored” at 7 pm. On the 29th, Wiederhold recorded that, “We ran into the little harbor… and dropped the anchor.” Then on the 30th, “Capt. Reiffurth [of the Triton ] and several crew” loaded into a boat and went ashore. On October 1, Wiederhold went ashore with 45 men in a shallop. This occurred even as the shallop grounded and required assistance: “When trying to navigate toward a house, [it] ran aground until a ship's boy steered us off with his oar and directed us to the right channel.” A privateer schooner, presumably the Mars , “remained on sandbank” grounded. The local geography fascinated Wiederhold, who wrote of Little Egg Harbor and its narrow channels: In reality, it isn't a harbor at all, but an expansive place with sandbars, shoals, swamps, large and small morasses, and sandy islands… The channels are so narrow that in many places a ship can only pass in the middle. In others, the ship can sail so close to shore that one can reach out and touch the banks with one's hand. If a boatman is unfamiliar with these channels or does not have a good pilot, it is impossible to pass through. This is true even though one can see another boat 1,000 paces away. By October 2, all of the men on the Triton were brought on shore. Wiederhold recorded that “after all was now ashore” the “surviving” materials were “loaded and driven up the Creek into the country.” However, because “the current was against us” the men sat at “anchor to stay overnight.” In the still wind, the men had to row the shallop upriver through the night. Finally, on October 3, at 7 a.m., the prisoners arrived at the privateer boomtown of Chestnut Neck. The village had been razed by a British raiding party a year earlier but the burnt buildings were likely rebuilt. Wiederhold did not note any destruction. The village was not equipped for so many prisoners. The Germans had to “lie in stables because otherwise [there] no room for them; were nevertheless pleased to be off the miserable ship and on God's Earth.” On October 4, Wiederhold met Major Richard Westcott. Wescott impressed Wiederhold because he was “so polite, so he gave 3 wagons for the sick.” The German officers compensated Wescott with their silver coins. The Germans were then marched overland to Philadelphia. They reached the Delaware River on October 16. The New Jersey Gazette reported that the Triton was not the only British vessel in the convoy to suffer: “four of the transports [were] much shattered, the Renown returned dismasted." One vessel sunk at sea. The capture of the Triton was Taylor’s last recorded capture. From this and other prizes, he had likely accumulated a small fortune, and he would surely receive harsh treatment from the British if captured. Taylor likely retired although his colleague, Decatur, would remain active . Related Historic Site : Dyckman House Museum (Hessian Hut) (New York) Sources : M.D. Learned, Tagebuch des Capt. Wiederholdt, Vom 7 October 1776 Bis 7 December 1780, (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1914), p74-88; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 65; Donald Shomette, Privateers of the Revolution: War on the New Jersey Coast (Shiffer: Atglen, PA, 2015); Edwin Salter, A History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, N.J.: E. Gardner and Son, 1890), pp. 119-120; Paul C. Burgess, A Colonial Scrapbook: The Southern New Jersey Coast. 1675-1783 (New York: Carlton Press, 1971), p 170; J.A. McManemin, Captains of Privateers. (Spring Lake, N.J.: Ho-Ho-Kus Pub. Co., 1994), pp. 341-344; Valentine C. Hubbs, Hessian Journals: Unpublished Documents of the American Revolution (London: Camden House, 1980) pp. 81-3; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Hand, JP, The Cape May Navy, (Charleston, SC: History Press, 2018) pp. 71-76. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Capture of the Venus by Two Privateers and its Aftermath by Michael Adelberg The Declaration of Independence forced Americans to take sides. In the month prior to the Declaration, Monmouth Countians authored and signed nine petitions against independence. - September 1778 - Privateering along the Jersey shore blossomed in 1778—the appearance of a powerful French fleet in American waters forced British ships into a defensive crouch that extended to waters they formerly ruled. Small and mid-sized privateer ships from Philadelphia and New England started prowling the coastal sea lanes to and from New York harbor and taking British and Loyalist ships with impunity. When British ships were wounded by severe storms or grounded on the Jersey shore, local militia took to their boats and took the prize. Newly-established admiralty courts condemned the taken vessels to the capturing captains. Small fortunes were made from a single lucky day at sea. The Capture of the Venus Privateering quickly eclipsed salt-making as the favorite activity of investors from across New Jersey and Philadelphia and more ships put to sea. Just to the south of Monmouth County, the village of Chestnut Neck , a few miles up the Mullica River from Little Egg Harbor (commonly called Egg Harbor at the time) became a privateering boomtown; Toms River in Monmouth County, smaller than Egg Harbor and lacking a direct overland road to Philadelphia, became the shore’s second privateer port. At least initially, the prizes captured by privateers and brought into Egg Harbor were small or middling vessels owned by middling Loyalists in New York—until the capture of the Venus . On September 16, the Loyalist New York Gazette reported the capture of the Venus on the Jersey shore on August 26. "The ship Venus, [under] Capt. Chowne, was taken by two privateers…and carried into Barnegat." The report noted that Thomas Chowne was now confined in the Continental jail in Philadelphia. The privateer vessels were Chance and Sly from Philadelphia. It is unlikely that either of them carried more than 8 guns or crews larger than 30 men. A week later, the Pennsylvania Packet reported again on the capture, noting that the Venus was unloaded at Egg Harbor. The Venus , bound for New York from London, was taken by privateer captain David Stevens of Philadelphia, seconded by privateer captain, Micajah Smith. Venus had "a very valuable cargo” that was further described: [It] consisted of fine and coarse linen, calicoes, chinces, lawns and chambricks, silks and satins, silk and thread stockings, men's and women's shoes, a great variety of medicines and books, hardware, beef, pork, butter, cheese and porter, in short, the greatest variety of all kinds of merchandise. The New Jersey Gazette advertised the sale of the Venus, “with cargo of fine cloth, satins, silks, shoes, medicines, books, beef and pork” at Egg Harbor on September 14. A second advertisement valued the cargo “in the amount to L20,000”—approximately the cost of ten midsized Monmouth County farm estates. The sale, however, did not occur because a New Jersey Admiralty Court had not yet condemned the prize to Stevens and Smith. Consequently, on September 23, the New Jersey Gazette advertised that an admiralty court would be held in Allentown on October 10 to hear Stevens’ and Smith’s claims to the vessel and its valuable cargo —as well as any potential counterclaims. The delay was bad for Stevens and Smith and tragic for hundreds of others at Egg Harbor and Chestnut Neck. A massive British-Loyalist raiding party , more than 1,000 men, launched a punishing raid against the privateer base before the sale could occur. The raiders arrived in Egg Harbor in early October and burned eleven vessels and the village of Chestnut Neck. The details of the raid are the subject of another article, but importantly, retribution for the captured Venus was a key motivation for the raid. The New York Gazette , on October 24, summarized the raid. It also noted that the raid aimed to avenge the capture of the Venus, "a very fine ship from London." The raiders destroyed the Venus and "11 sail of other vessels.” They also destroyed the warehouses holding the Venus’ cargo at Chestnut Neck. Lacking pilots who could navigate the large ship through the narrow river, they had to burn the ship rather than rescue it. If the Venus grounded in river on the way out, any British vessel behind it might be trapped. Perspective Why did the capture of the Venus prompt a reprisal when the capture of so many other vessels earlier in the year did not? There are likely two reasons: First, the Venus was larger than most or all of the vessels taken along the Jersey shore before it; it was the first time that a top-tier merchant vessel was taken. Second and likely more important, Venus ’s cargo of British-made luxury items was a direct blow to British officers and the wealthiest Loyalists in New York. They were probably eagerly awaiting the ship’s landing and the chance to purchase luxury goods in short supply. New York’s most powerful men directly felt this capture. These men had the power to lobby British leadership to conduct the reprisal. On the American side, the capture of the Venus was an important milestone. It marked the first time that regional privateers had taken a ship off the Jersey shore that could be labeled “a very fine ship from London.” It also appears to be the first time that relatively small privateers teamed up to capture a vessel that would have easily fought off either vessel as a single attacker. This lesson—hunting in small packs —would be used by privateers hovering in the sea lanes to and from Sandy Hook for the rest of the war. Caption : Two privateers captured the British ship Venus and brought it into Egg Harbor in September 1778. The map shows a narrow deep-water channel that needed to be used to carry in the big ship. Related Historic Site : New Jersey Maritime Museum Sources : Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 2, p 3395-6; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Franklin Kemp, A Nest of Rebel Pirates (Egg Harbor, NJ: Batsto Citizens Committee, 1966) pp 5-8. Previous Next

These pieces from our collection will give you a more in-depth sense of the time in which the inhabitants of Marlpit Hall lived. Click the images to be directed to our world-class eMuseum, where you can read the curatorial remarks about each object. Grisaille Painted Kast, ca. 1720 Hanging Cupboard, 1722 Dressing Table, ca. 1730 - 1760 Alderman's Staff, ca. 1834 Tall Case Clock, ca. 1802 - 1810 Marlpit Hall - Taylor Homestead Henry Thomas Gulick, 1952 Sampler Hannah Dorset Taylor, 1811 Edward Taylor, ca. 1830 Photos from the Archives Mary Holmes Taylor III, c. 1865 Last direct descendant of Edward Taylor at Marlpit Hall Marlpit Hall, c. 1900 Former quarters of the enslaved at Marlpit Hall, 2020

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Local Pilots Advise French Fleet About Sandy Hook by Michael Adelberg This map shows the narrow channel that large ships needed to navigate to clear Sandy Hook. Local pilots advised the French that their ships sat too deep in the water to safely navigate the channel. - July 1778 - As noted in the prior article, a large French fleet anchored off Shrewsbury Inlet (which connected the Shrewsbury River to the ocean a few miles south of Sandy Hook) on July 11, 1778. The fleet’s admiral, Comte Charles Henri D’Estaing, knew he greatly outgunned the local British fleet, but he faced a problem. Crossing Sandy Hook to engage the British required navigating a narrow channel just north of the Hook. It was understood that the four largest French ships, each with more than 80 cannon—the same ones that gave them the firepower advantage to destroy the British fleet—would be unable to navigate the channel without local pilots who knew the waters. Sending Pilots to the French Fleet The Continental government knew the French needed pilots. Even before the French anchored on July 11, Samuel Cooper wrote of the first American pilot the fleet picked up (while in the Delaware Bay): A pilot taken from the Delaware had promised the Admiral that he would convey his Squadron into the middle of the harbour of Sandy Hook… But the doubts, the fears, the mistakes of the Pilot, before he had reached Sandy Hook, and finally his absolute refusal to perform what he had undertaken, threw the Count into an Embarrassment. Cooper further noted that local pilots living on the disaffected Shrewsbury shore did not come forward when the French anchored: “That part of the Jerseys has not the reputation of the greatest Zeal for the common cause.” Cooper concluded that “nothing presented itself to the squadron of our allies, unacquainted with our coasts, but an inaccessible Shore.” The first attempt to send a local pilot to the French was on July 12. Richard Westcott, a militia colonel at Egg Harbor, wrote Congress of receiving orders dated July 10. As a consequence of those orders, he "dispatched the Lexington privateer schooner, Capt. Cook [John Cook], with them." John Cook was a militia officer from Toms River who presumably knew the Monmouth shore and Sandy Hook well. George Washington, on receiving word of the French arrival, dispatched Colonel John Laurens to Shrewsbury to establish communications with the French and see to their needs. Washington asked Colonel David Forman, a Continental officer from Manalapan who had lost his command , to take “every measure in your power to facilitate Mr. Laurens getting on board the admiral's ship." Meanwhile, lacking pilots and provisions, D’Estaing took matters into his own hands. The Admiral landed inside Shrewsbury Inlet. He set up an outpost on Rumson Neck to procure provisions and establish contact with the Continental government. D’Estaing wrote Washington: The desire of communication speedily with your Excellency determines me to make a debarkation upon the coast of the Jersey in a village which, according to the map, is to the northwest of the river Shrewsbury. Washington received D’Estaing’s letter on July 14. He forwarded it to Congress, noting that "Count D'Estaing is off or near Sandy Hook, having already seized several fishing boats on the banks, in order to procure information and pilots." One of those pilots was apparently William Fundrum, a Loyalist, who would (likely correctly) counsel the French against attacking Sandy Hook. Washington sought pilots for the French and was led to Captain William Dobbs, living in New York state. Dobbs had been the resident pilot at Sandy Hook before the British took the Hook in April 1776. He wrote Dobbs on July 15: A considerable fleet of French men of War, chiefly Ships of the line, has just arrived at Sandy Hook, under the command of Admiral Count D'Estaing. As the Admiral is a Stranger to our Coast, and is come for the purpose of cooperating with us against the Enemy, it is absolutely necessary that he should be immediately provided with a number of skillful pilots, well acquainted with the Coast and Harbors and of firm attachment to our cause. Washington then asked Dobbs to immediately go to the French fleet: I would flatter myself you will not have the smallest objection to going on board the fleet on so essential and interesting an occasion. I will not at this time say anything of your pay, but I doubt not we shall readily agree on a sum that will not only be just but generous and if we should not, that your services will be liberally considered and rewarded by the States. Dobbs replied that he "should have immediately complied with the request - but that it met me on my sick bed." He suggested two other pilots. French officers with the Continental Army took note. Captain Choin was suspicious: “I am sorry to say… the pilot with the best reputation, under pretext of having a fever, he refused to board your ship." The Marquis de Lafayette was kinder, "regarding this pilot, he will try to get to your squadron as soon as his health will allow." Dobbs arrived in Shrewsbury on July 20. D'Estaing wrote Washington, "I thank you for the Captain... I will make use of him as soon as possible." Cook and other pilots were already on board. On July 16, Richard Henry Lee of the Continental Congress wrote D’Estaing about available fresh water and provisions at Toms River and Egg Harbor. Lee also noted that “the Pilots on board the fleet will conduct vessels sent for the purpose to either of these places.” Governor William Livingston was also seeking pilots. On July 16, he wrote Washington of his efforts “to forward pilots to the Hook to conduct the fleet.” Livingston noted that each French warship “ought at least to have one” pilot, but was doubtful he would find enough qualified pilots. He recommended three pilots living in New York to Washington Dobbs, Dennis McQuire, and Isaac Symondson. That same day, Alexander Hamilton, on behalf of George Washington, wrote to Captain Patrick Dennis of D’Estaing’s arrival and need for pilots: It is absolutely necessary that he should be attended by some Gentlemen of intelligence and who possess an accurate knowledge of the Coast and harbours. His Excellency General Washington from the information he has received is persuaded you answer this description in every part; and I am directed by him to request you in his name, if circumstances will permit, to go on board the Admiral as early as possible. For all the efforts, D’Estaing had only three pilots on July 18. He wrote Washington that the pilots were testing the entrance of the channel to see if it was deep enough for the largest French ships, "I have only three pilots yesterday; they have a need of recollecting their ideas and are at this time sounding the river." A disaffected fisherman, Samuel DeHart, informed the British about the pilots: "Captain Dobes [William Dobbs], Daniel Marlon, John Fise, Jeramia Tonkins are gone on board the French Fleet as Pilots.” DeHart was wrong about Dobbs—who had not yet arrived and he did not mention John Cook, who likely was piloting another French ship for provisions at Toms River or Egg Harbor at that time. The New York government was also seeking pilots. Jacobus Van Zandt wrote Governor George Clinton on July 19 on the need for pilots. Van Zandt was concerned by delays in sending Dobbs: “I beg your Excellency will send Maj. William Dobbs down to Black Point [Rumson]... Dobbs is a proper coasting and channel pilot." Van Zandt had been to Shrewsbury and delivered other pilots—”collected eight and delivered them.” He also had some harsh words about Shrewsbury and its residents, "I am much fatigued and almost burned up with hot sand in going through a villainous Tory country ." By July 20, Alexander Hamilton was at Black Point. He wrote of establishing a chain of signal cannons that would fire to tell the Continental Army when the French started their attack. He also wrote that the French troops were sent to the area, so that a land attack could accompany the sea attack on the now fortified Sandy Hook peninsula. However, the French remained reliant on American pilots. Hamilton wrote, “Pilots will be a material article.” Pilots Advise Against Attack However, those same pilots on that same day advised D’Estaing that the largest French warships sat too deep in the water to navigate Sandy Hook’s channel. Hamilton wrote Washington again on July 20: "he [D'Estaing] has had the river sounded and finds he cannot enter, he will sail for Rhode Island." D’Estaing wrote twice about the counsel he received from the pilots. The key obstacle was an underwater sand bar at the front of the channel: The better pilots obtained and given to me by General Washington joined me. I encouraged them secretly and publicly by the promise of compensation. They only reiterated what we already knew -- it was necessary to take whatever presented itself, but not cross the bar. Later, he wrote: The pilot removed all hopes of crossing the bar. He observed that the French [ships of line] were three or four feet deeper in the water than English ships of the same class, and advised that the larger ships could not enter on the other side of the Hook, one would have to unload the ships and tow them. Conrad Alexandre Gerard, the French diplomat in Philadelphia, wrote comprehensively of the depth of the French ships vs. the depth of the channel. He suggested that the largest French warship might clear the channel by only one inch—an unacceptable margin of error: [The channel will] yield only a high sea depth of 23 feet 11 inches. The Languedoc’s draft is 22 feet six inches; that of the Tonnant is 23 feet 10 inches, and all the squadron’s 74-gun ships draw from 21 to 22 feet of water; they alone can have superiority over the 64 and fifty-gun ships that the English possess. The French warships could be unloaded to lighten them. Then they would sit higher in the water and have less risk of grounding when passing through the channel. But, of course, unloading the ships would mean removing their artillery and neutralizing their firepower. Heading into battle, this was not an option. This was apparently contrary to what the French were told while the fleet was still in Europe. Lt. Jean Julian LeMauff wrote that Americans “assured him [D’Estaing] in Europe that there was enough water there [at Sandy Hook] for his squadron to enter” and “fight the English.” However, when “the pilot having arrived [Dobbs], there was not enough water for the large ships of the line and even for those of 74 guns, he would not take charge of the squadron." Were the pilots correct that the larger French ships, when loaded for battle, sat too deep in the water to take the channel into Sandy Hook? The first pilot to accompany the French, the unnamed man picked up in Delaware Bay, probably was unqualified to lead the fleet around Sandy Hook. He likely led their failed landing at the bottom of Sandy Hook on July 12. But there is no reason to think the other pilots were incorrect in their judgment. Continental Army Doctor, David Ramsey, who wrote one of the first narratives of the Revolutionary War, did not blame the pilots for the non-attack at Sandy Hook: American pilots of the first abilities, provided for the purpose, went on board his fleet. Among them were persons, whose circumstances placed them above the ordinary rank of pilots… The pilots on board the French fleet, declared it to be impossible to carry the large ships thereof over the bar, on account of their draught of water. Washington, though probably disappointed, trusted the counsel of the pilots. On July 26, four days after the French sailed for Rhode Island, he called Dobbs “a pilot of the first established reputation.” He further wrote: “The most experienced Pilots have been employed in sounding, and after the deepest consideration of what might be effected by lightening the Ships and the like, the attempt has been determined unadvisable." Three years later, British ships of the line, the same size as the largest French ships, would unload their cargoes in order to sail the channel Sandy Hook—an option not available to the French. However, narratives written in the 1800s labeled Dobbs and the other pilots “cowardly,” “timorous” or worse. A French writer, for example, wrote: “The American pilots, whose advice he [D’Estaing] took too much, whether from ignorance on their part, treason or cowardice, dissuaded him from this enterprise.” Someone had to be blamed for the failure to attack Sandy Hook and the pilots—middling men who did not write their own narratives of the war were a convenient place to assign that blame. Related Historic Site : Hartshorne Woods Park Sources : David Ramsey, The History of the American Revolution, Liberty Fund: Indianapolis, 1990, Vol. 2, 88-89; Edmund Burke, Annual Register, 1778 (London: J. Dodsley, 1778) p228; John Campbell, Lives of British Admirals Containing New and Accurate Naval History (London: J. Robinson, 1779) vol. 4, p415-7; Samuel Cooper to Benjamin Franklin, Ben Franklin Papers online: http://franklinpapers.org/franklin/framedVolumes.jsp?vol=37&page=240a002 ; Richard Wescott to Congress, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, I78, Misc Letters to Congress, v 23, p 509; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, General Correspondence; George Washington to Henri D’Estaing, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 50, July 13, 14, and 17, 1778; George Washington to William Dobbs, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw120218)) ; Henri D’Estaing in Henri Donoil, ed., Histoire de la Participation de la France à l'Etablissement des EtatsUnisd'Amerique: Correspondance Diplomatique et Documents, 5 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1876–99), vol. 3, pp. 327-32, 447-9; Alexander Hamilton to George Washington in Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Naval History Foundation: Washington DC, 2018) vol 13, p 405; Henri D’Estaing to George Washington in Jared Sparks, Correspondence of the American Revolution: Being Letters of Eminent Men (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1853) pp. 157-8; George Washington to William Dobbs, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 50, July 15 - 20, 1778; Jacobus Van Zandt to George Clinton, The Public Papers of George Clinton, (Albany: State of New York, 1899) v 4, p561; Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 50, July 20, 1778; Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Naval Historical Foundation, Washington DC, 2019), vol 13, 448; Jonathan Lawrence, Journal, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Naval History Foundation: Washington DC, 2018) vol 13, p 468; Henri D’Estaing to George Washington, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Naval History Foundation: Washington DC, 2018) vol 13, p 653; George Washington to Henri D’Estaing, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 16, 1 July–14 September 1778, ed. David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006, p. 172; Journal of Lt. Jean Julian LeMauff in Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Naval History Foundation: Washington DC, 2018) vol 13, p 359-360; George Washington to John Sullivan, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw120243)) ; Lapeyrouse de Bonfils, Léonard Léonce, Histoire de la Marine Française, Par M. le Comte (Chez Dentu, Librarie, Palais Royal Galerie D'Orleans, Paris, 1845) v. 3, pp45-48. Previous Next

MCHA's Primary Source Workshop Previous Page Download Workshop Packet The Importance of Primary Sources Primary source documents are firsthand accounts of a topic or event from someone who had a direct relationship with it. They are invaluable pieces of information because they represent the closest connection to the focus of study. Examples of primary sources include letters, journals, account books, photographs and newspapers. Sometimes primary sources tell us exactly what we need to know. Other times they give clues that point us in the right direction, or generate more questions that lead us to a deeper focus of study we had not considered when we began. This workshop will teach you to analyze the world of primary sources to extract their hidden information. Archival Documents These documents were used to research the material presented in the Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved exhibit. This is a farm account book entry made by John Taylor that tells us Matilda, daughter of Clarisse, was born in 1806. We know Clarisse was enslaved by the Taylors at this time, so this is why we believe Matilda was very likely born at Marlpit Hall. This is called deductive reasoning - it is a logical conclusion based on the available information that we have. Matilda would eventually be free, but was required to work for Clarisse's owner for a term of 21 years due to the Gradual Abolition Act of 1804. May the 5th 1806 - Negro woman Clarissy had a Molato Child born a girl female named Matilda Making Connections Comparing and Contrasting Perspectives 1. First consider the type of record this is. Look at the wording carefully. How do you think John Taylor viewed the birth of Matilda? How might Clarisse have felt about Matilda's birth? Explain your reasoning. 2. Why might John have replaced the word "girl" with "female" instead? Next > Runaway Ads Runaway ads were placed in newspapers when an enslaved person made a break from their enslaver. These small notices were shrewdly crafted 18th-century tracking devices that used a variety of important identifying details. Activity Using the chart in your student packet , extract the details in each ad that could be used for identification and tracking. Next > An Important Note about Historical Language: You will be analyzing actual ads found in 18th and 19th century newspapers. We cannot change the words in the historic documents, nor should we hide or ignore them. Instead, it is best to understand where they came from and why we no longer use them. Negro means "black" in the Portuguese and Spanish languages. The Portuguese were the first enslavers of Africans, so their word became the common term. The term was used into the 1960s, but was so closely tied to the tragedy of slavery that it was decided the terms Black or African American were more updated and respectful. "Mulatto" also came from the Portuguese, used to describe a person who was biracial or mixed race. Finally, "colored" is a word that has no substitute, because "colored" meant anyone who was not white. Today, we know that it is wrong to say that white is the standard and everything else is either "different" or less. Sale Ads These ads were placed in the newspapers when an enslaver was looking to sell off one of their enslaved persons. Monmouth County papers are full of ads trying to make profits from human bondage. Making Connections Analysis 1. Note the language of these ads. How are they different from the runaway ads? 2. What might be considered "selling points" and why? 3. Does anything strike you about some of the information provided? The Subscriber will dispose of one very likely active NEGRO fellow, twenty years old, for $150 in specie, and two likely active NEGRO girls, fifteen years old, for $120 aforesaid, or the value thereof in current money. They are not to be sold for any fault, but the want of business: They are all country born, and understand most kinds of business... TO BE SOLD, Or put out for a term of years, A NEGRO GIRL, about four years old. Inquire of Wm. TINDALL Trenton, December 10, 1793. 1 2 Next > Deep Down in My Heart... The Influence of African Music Then and Now African rhythms came overseas with the first slave ship, and were passed down through generations of enslaved persons. Music was used for communication, celebration, in rituals and expressions of self. The most common type of African song was known as "call and response." A singer would call out a line and a response was called back. This style can still be heard in the music of today. Listen to the following audio clip to hear an authentic African call and response example, and then listen to the modern examples the follow. Can you think of any other examples of call and response songs today? Next Analyzing Art Visual imagery can be a powerful source of information, expressing emotions and ideas that can be hard to convey with words. Artwork can be analyzed in the same way that documents are. Attention must be paid to even the smallest elements, and sometimes what we find can be open to interpretation. There is often sensitivity and sometimes criticism of images depicting "happy slaves." However, spending recreational time together was as much a human need for the enslaved as for any other. They incorporated their ancestral traditions of African music, dance, and cooking. In doing so, the enslaved celebrated their culture and took back their joy during these times. This in itself could be looked at as resistance in their refusal to have their spirit be broken . What elements do you see in this image, and why are they important? Next > Previous Page Educators: Please email MCHAeducation@gmail.com to request supplemental material

Contact Us General Inquiries Mail Executive Director Shannon Eadon 732-462-1466 ext. 10 Mail Library and Archives 732-462-1466 ext.16 Mail Mail Director of Collections Bernadette Rogoff Mail Senior Curator Joe Zemla Mail Director of Education Dana Howell Research Archivist Kim Bedetti Mail On-Site Education Coordinator Yvette Rego Mail Volunteer Coordinator Tom Ballard Mail Marketing/Development Associate Sydney Ferna ndez Mail

The Monmouth County Historical Association collects, preserves, and interprets its extensive museum and archival collections relating to Monmouth County history and culture, making these resources available to the widest possible audience through special programming and exhibits. MCHA also preserves and interprets five significant historic sites that represent the county’s vanishing architectural heritage. Freehold High School, c. 1925 History is Ours Monmouth County, New Jersey is home to some of the most revolutionary history in the story of America. Originally settled in 1675 as part of what was known as the province of East Jersey and officially established in 1683, the county was divided into the three towns of Freehold, Middletown and Shrewsbury. It was from Freehold that Washington strengthened our resolve at the Battle of Monmouth, young William Burroughs Ross went off to fight for the Union, and a tenacious, spirited Lillie Hamm walked into Freehold High School, ready to change the world. Explore the Stories in the MCHA Museum and Archives and Beyond... Established in 1898, MCHA is home to one of the finest and most extensive regional collections in the country. Our museum collection contains over 35,000 objects, and our archives house over 1,000 manuscript collections. In partnership with local history organizations, this digital resource has been curated to support the NJ Social Studies Curriculum for high school students. We are pleased to offer a variety of local and national primary source examples and other fascinating material to help engage students in the classroom, and will continue to build and refresh the resource with new discoveries. Colonial Era thru Revolution 1600s - 1783 Slavery Era, 16oos-1865 Civil War Era, 1861-1865 Early L ocal Industry 1800s to mid-1900s The Gilded Age thru the New Deal 1870-1938 War in the 20th Century Featured Art Peter Luyster c. 1760 by Daniel Hendrickson No, we don't know either. But good luck sleeping tonight. Now and Then... Hover to Peek Into the Past! Click to Enter Under Construction ! Small Town Life Diverse Monmouth Monmouth County has a rich history of diversity, though minority populations have not always been documented as thoroughly. Through oral histories, video presentations and photographs, learn about the achievements of individuals with physical challenges, the fight for women's equality, the fascinating history of Asbury Park's Segregated Seashore, and the struggles and triumphs of our African American and LGBTQ communities. Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Inspiring Civil Rights Quotes from MC Residents We must discredit the notion that economic status defines an individual’s morality. - Reverend William H. Dickerson Next Social Justice Next Next Hey guess what? The next group of categories really have nothing to do with your curriculum, but we think this stuff is cool so we're sharing it with you anyway! Fun ... Fascinating... Quirky.... Monmouth County Stuff & Things People Interesting Stories Museum Collection Have an idea for us? We know an awful lot over here but we don't know it all...if you have an idea for a topic, please share it and we will do our best to integrate it! Email suggestions to dhowell@monmouthhistory.org

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Elias Longstreet's Continental Army Company by Michael Adelberg Fort Ticonderoga, where Elias Longstreet’s company of Continentals spent the summer of 1776, prior to seeing limited action in Canada. - January 1776 - In late 1775, at the request of the Continental Congress, the New Jersey Provincial Congress began raising two regiments of troops for the Continental Army—one from East New Jersey and one from West New Jersey. Although the colonies had not declared independence from England, there were already hostilities around Boston (where the British had besieged the city) and in Canada, where the Continental Army had invaded in hopes of bringing Canada into the “Continental” rebellion. Monmouth County’s response to the call for troops was modest in comparison to the size of the county. The county was tasked with raising only one company for the First New Jersey Regiment. Elias Longstreet of Freehold Township was tasked with raising this company, and commissioned as its captain. Recruiting was a struggle for Longstreet; he had raised fewer than 40 men at the end of November—less than any of the seven other company commanders in the First Regiment. On December 3, the regimental commander, William Alexander (Lord Stirling), reported to the Provincial Congress on Longstreet’s difficulties: Captain Longstreet, of Monmouth County, reported to me at Brunswick that his company is near complete, but scattered at so great a distance that it will be impossible to assemble them in less than ten days… These Captains all complain very heavily of the usage they meet with from the justices, who issue warrants against the men on the smallest pretense. John Covenhoven of Freehold, a Monmouth County delegate in the Provincial Congress, further noted Longstreet’s recruiting problems on December 15. “Captain Longstreet has been under many disadvantages in raising a company… some people discourage the enlistment.” On January 12, 1776, Longstreet’s company finally reached full strength. It now numbered three junior officers, four sergeants, four corporals, two musicians, and 60 privates. The company assembled at Freehold and marched to Perth Amboy, where it quartered in barracks recently abandoned by British troops. They then marched forward to Elizabeth to join with the rest of the regiment. The combined regiment quartered in New York City for the rest of the winter. The winter was hard on Longstreet’s company. According to a March 6 return of the First Regiment, the Monmouth Company had been whittled down to 45 privates “fit & present.” Five were absent from camp (probably sick), five more were deserted, one was taken prisoner. The company’s arms were adequate (44 guns, 56 bayonets, 70 cartridge boxes) but other important supplies were woefully short (only 22 blankets, 15 beds, 0 shoes). Given the poor state of supplies, it is no wonder that the New Jersey regiment’s rank and file did not take kindly to orders to head to Canada. One of Longstreet’s men, Private Henry Vunck, recalled a near-mutiny in response to the order: When the regiment ascertained that they were to be ordered to march to Canada -- a disposition to marching or refuse going manifested itself among the men in consequence of which Genl Washington [George Washington] caused the regiment to parade without arms which being done it was surrounded by other troops. A parley took place when a man by the name of Brown stated that the cause of dissatisfaction on the part of the regiment was that they were not paid nor clothed and that the hardship of the campaign could not be endured without clothing and if anything of an assurance could be given of their being paid the regiment would cheerfully go and reinforce the northern army. Apparently, the New Jersey troops were mollified because, as reported by Vunck, “about the 10th May the troops destined to reinforce the northern army embarked on board of sloops at New York and sailed up the river to Albany where they landed and encamped on the hill, the whole under the immediate command of Genl [John] Sullivan." Sullivan marched the troops into Canada. At the St. Lawrence River, the New Jersey troops met Massachusetts troops who had endured the previous winter in Canada. Vunck recalled that they were "much worn down with sickness and fatigue, numerous dying with smallpox.” The New Jersey troops were inoculated and moved to Ticonderoga. There, they stayed through the summer without seeing any action. The only event Vunck found worthy of mention was the celebration of the Declaration of Independence “which was followed by the firing of cannon and musketry.” After that, Vunck “was taken sick & with the invalids went to Fort George and afterwards [went] to Albany, where he remained." As for Captain Longstreet, he never participated in any major battle, but was captured sometime that summer. His wife, Rebecca, recalled that “he was taken prisoner” and knowing nothing further about his status until 1779 when “he returned home on parole.” Longstreet was finally officially exchanged March 16, 1780. At the end 1776, the company’s one-year enlistments expired. Few of Longstreet’s men re-enlisted. However, four more companies were raised from Monmouth County in May 1776 for the Continental Army. These men would be called Flying Camp due to their short enlistments. They are the subject of another article. Related Historical Sites : Perth Amboy Barracks Sources : National Archives, New Jersey, 1st Battalion, Elias Longstreet's Company, from: http://www.fold3.com/image/14579224/ ; Robert K. Wright, Jr., The Continental Army (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1983), pp. 255-7; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Carhart Walling; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p133; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Van Note of Ohio, S.11617; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 179, item 162, #330; "Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v4: p 164; Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 4, p 279; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, I68, NJ State Papers, p134; National Archives, New Jersey, 1st Regiment; http://www.fold3.com/image/14579224/ ; National Archives, New Jersey, 1st Regiment, http://www.fold3.com/image/14579224/ ; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 179, item 162, #438; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Elias Longstreet; Information on Longstreet’s services and exchange is in National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 2, p36, 42; Coll. 4, p16. Previous Next