This 250-article collection by author and renowned historian, Michael Adelberg, is the most comprehensive history of the American Revolution in Monmouth County ever assembled. Learn about the bloody civil and coastal warfare in the territory, the amazing story of David Forman, Joshua Huddy, Colonel Tye, and others in this incredible compilation. 250 for the 250th Celebrating the 250th Anniversary of the American Revolution in Monmouth County by Historian and Author Michael Adelberg ©2025 Articles by Year About the Author Purchase Books Other Resources Subscribe Monmouth Courthouse, 1778 We now understand that the American Revolution was more complicated than a contest between the George Washington’s Continental Army and the red-coated British. In no locality are these complications more evident than Monmouth County, New Jersey, where Patriots and Loyalists clashed in brutal, localized civil warfare. This local war transformed the county in multiple ways. It ushered in a new set of leaders whose ambitions were previously blocked by British rule; i t sparked new industries such as privateering and salt-making that brought new people and capital to the shore region, and i t re-structured the county’s most important institutions, including its churches, annual elections, and courts. While some of the clashes and incidents that occurred in Monmouth County—such as the Battle of Monmouth and the hanging of Captain Joshua Huddy by vengeful Loyalists—are well-narrated, dozens more remain largely unnarrated. The 250th anniversary of the American Revolution is the ideal time to compile and narrate the most important events and activities that occurred in Revolutionary Monmouth County. Articles by Year Click the year to be taken to all articles for that year, then click the article title By Year 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780 1781 1782 1783 1774 1774 1. April 1774 - Turning Away the Tea Ship, Nancy 2. June 1774 – Committees Form to Resist British Policies 1775 1775 3. January 1775 – Shrewsbury Township Resists Continental Movement 4. January - April 1775 – Committees Consider Three Loyalists 5. May 1775 -- Anglican Reverend Samuel Cooke Flees Shrewsbury 6. October 1775 – Shrewsbury Leaders Move Against Their Black Neighbors 7. October 1775 – Monmouth Countians Capture British Ship 8. December 1775 -- Monmouth Militia Takes Control of the Ship, Polly & Anne 1776 1776 9. January 1776 -- Elias Longstreet’s Continental Army Company 10. January 1776 – The Capture of the Blue Mountain Valley 11. March 1776 – Dysfunction in the Monmouth County Militia 12. March 1776 - The Mission to Disable the Sandy Hook Light House 13. April 1776 – British Navy Takes Sandy Hook 14. April 1776 -- British Burn the Sloop Endeavor at Tucker’s Island 15. April 1776 – First Skirmish at Sandy Hook 16. May 1776 – Salt Works Begin on the Monmouth Shore 17. May 1776 – Sandy Hook Becomes Haven for Loyalists 18. June 1776 – Monmouth County’s Petitions Against Independence 19. June 1776 – The Difficult Service of Forman’s Flying Camp 20. June 1776 – Captain Thomas Creigher Sails the Monmouth Coast 21. June 1776 – Lt. Colonel Tupper’s Continentals Attack on Sandy Hook 22. June 1776 – Upper Freehold’s First Loyalist Insurrection 23. June 1776 – George Taylor and Nathaniel Scudder Report the Arrival of British Army 24. July 1776 – Monmouth Loyalists Join British Army at Sandy Hook 25. July 1776 – Pennsylvania Continentals Travel Through Allentown 26. July 1776 – Dr. John Lawrence and the Crime of Having Loyalist Kin 27. July 1776 – Monmouth Militia March to Perth Amboy to Defend Against British Attack 28. July 1776—The Rise of Little Egg Harbor and the British Response 29. July 1776 – New York Tories Find Refuge in Shrewsbury 30. July 1776 – Monmouth Slaves Seek Freedom Behind British Lines 31. August 1776 – Shrewsbury Friends Move to End Slaveholding 32. August 1776 – The Discovery of Samuel Wright’s Loyalist Association 33. August 1776 – County Commissioners Inventory Loyalist Estates 34. October 1776 – First Moves Made to Stop Illegal Trade from Monmouth County 35. October 1776 – The Capture of the Betsy and Disappearance of Its Cargo 36. November 1776 – Colonel George Taylor Turns Loyalist 37. November 1776 – David Forman’s Campaign Against William Taylor’s Loyalists 38. November 1776 – The Capture of Richard Stockton and John Covenhoven 39. November 1776 – The Continental Navy on the Monmouth Shore 40. November 1776 – Defending the Pennsylvania Salt Works at Toms River 41. December 1776 – The “Tory Ascendancy” in Upper Freehold 42. December 1776 – The Freehold-Middletown Loyalist Insurrection 43. December 1776 – The “Tory Ascendancy” in Shrewsbury and Down the Shore 44. December 1776 – British and Continental Soldiers Pass Through Allentown 45. December 1776 – Monmouth Loyalists Jailed at Fredericktown, Maryland 1777 1777 46. January 1777 – The First Battle of Monmouth 47. January 1777 – Lt. Colonel Gurney’s Campaign against Monmouth Loyalists 48. January 1777 – Monmouth County’s Ill-Fated Loyalist Militia and the Fall of George Taylor 49. January 1777—Loyalist Refugees Go into British Lines 50. January 1777 – Raising David Forman’s Additional Continental Army Regiment 51. January 1777 - Captain Francis Wade at Allentown 52. February 1777 – Reconstructing Monmouth County’s Government 53. February 1777 – Disaffection in the Monmouth Militia 54. February 1777 – The Battle of the Navesink 55. February 1777 – Militia Family Suffering after the Battle of Navesink 56. February 1777 -- Daniel Van Mater and Monmouth Refugees in New York 57. March 1777 – Salt Work Laborers and Militia Exemptions 58. March 1777 – Monmouth Baptists Reset Their Congregations 59. March 1777 – David Forman’s Attack on Sandy Hook 60. March 1777 – The First Loyalist Raids against Monmouth County 61. March 1777 -- Captain John Walton Captures Loyalist Boat 62. March 1777 -- David Forman’s Drift into Martial Law and Scandal 63. April 1777 – Monmouth Loyalists Pardoned for Continental Army Service 64. April 1777 – The Disaffection of Edward Taylor 65. April 1777 – David Forman and the Continental Army Red Coats 66. April 1777 -- New Jersey Council of Safety Moves on Monmouth Loyalists 67. April 1777 – Lewis Bestedo Kills Loyalist and Exposes Loyalist Outlaws 68. April 1777 – The Trial of Joseph Leonard 69. May 1777 – Monmouth’s Presbyterians Lose Two Ministers in a Week, then Gain One 70. May 1777 – David Forman Seeks a Fort, Sends Intelligence, and Struggles with Militia 71. May 1777 – Competition for Continental Army Recruits in Monmouth County 72. May 1777 – The Difficult History of the 1st Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers 73. May 1777 – The Travails of Mary Leonard and Other Loyalist Women 74. June 1777 - Monmouth Militia Join Continental Army to Shadow British Retreat 75. June 1777 – The Confusing Case of Captain Benjamin Weatherby 76. June 1777 – Thomas Seabrook and Other Whigs Move Inland for Safety 77. June 1777 – David Forman’s Informants in and from New York 78. July 1777 – The Rental of Loyalist Estates 79. August 1777 – Forman’s Additional Regiment and Salt Works Scandal 80. August 1777 – The Capture of the William & Anne and Post-Capture Maneuvering 81. August 1777 – 1st Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers Routed on Staten Island 82. September 1777 -- The Hanging of Stephen Edwards 83. September 1777 – Monmouth Countians Fight at Battle of Germantown 84. October 1777 – Huddy’s Artillery Company 85. October 1777 – Monmouth Militia Defeated by New Jersey Volunteers near Sandy Hook 86. November 1777 -- The Demise and Sale of the Pennsylvania Salt Works at Toms River 87. November 1777 – New Jersey Legislature Voids Monmouth County Election 88. November 1777 – The Disaffection Rhoda Pew and Murder of James Pew 89. November 1777 – Nathaniel Scudder’s Service in the Continental Congress 1778 1778 90. January 1778 – The First Monmouth County Court of Oyer and Terminer 91. March 1778 – Forman’s Additional Regiment Merged into the New Jersey Line 92. April 1778 –The Continental Army Draft in Monmouth County 93. April 1778—British and Loyalist Attack Monmouth County Salt Works 94. May 1778 – State Troops Raised for the Defense of Monmouth County 95. May 1778 – Loyalists Raid Middletown Point and Keyport 96. June 1778 – William Marriner and John Schenck Raid Brooklyn, New York 97. June 1778 – Second Monmouth County Court of Oyer and Terminer 98. June 1778 – The British Army’s Unpleasant Stay at Allentown 99. June 1778 – British Plundering and Arson at Freehold 100. June 1778 – The Monmouth Militia during the Monmouth Campaign 101. June 1778 – The Second New Jersey Volunteers During the Monmouth Campaign 102. June 1778 – The Continental Army Camps at Englishtown and Manalapan 103. June 1778 – Local Leaders at Battle of Monmouth 104. June 1778 – Damages from the Battle of Monmouth 105. June 1778 – Burying the Dead and Recovering the Wounded after the Battle of Monmouth 106. June 1778 – Monmouth Countians Attack British Baggage Train 107. June 1778 – British Army Marches through Middletown to Navesink Highlands 108. July 1778 – Continental Army and Militia Shadow British Withdrawal 109. July 1778 - British Army Boards Ships via Sandy Hook 110. July 1778 – British Fortify Sandy Hook in Preparation for French Attack 111. July 1778 – French Fleet Threatens Sandy Hook 112. July 1778 – Local Pilots Advise French Fleet about Sandy Hook 113. July 1778 – Provisioning the French Fleet via Rumson 114. July 1778 – Admiralty Courts Held at Barton’s Tavern in Allentown 115. July 1778 – New Jersey Proprietors Sell Off Land on Monmouth Shore 116. August 1778 – The Irregularity John Morris and Court Martial of Jacob Wood 117. August 1778 – Major Richard Howell’s Continentals Camp at Black Point 118. September 1778—The Capture of the Venus by Two Privateers and Its Aftermath 119. September 1778 – The Privateering of Captain Yelverton Taylor on the Jersey Shore 120. September 1778 - Daniel Hendrickson and Other Militia Officers as Privateer Captains 121. September 1778 – The Re-Capture of the Love & Unity at Toms River 122. September 1778 – The Daring Escape of John Hewson from New York to Monmouth County 123. September 1778 – The Death of the Pine Robber, Jacob Fagan 124. October 1778 – Thomas Crowell and Regulating Loyalist Passage into New Jersey 125. October 1778 - Pulaski’s Legion and the Osborn Island Massacre 126. October 1778 – Pulaski’s Legion in Stafford Township 127. October 1778 – Militia Respond to the Attack on Chestnut Neck 128. October 1778 – The Pardons of Purgatory of Ezekiel Forman 129. October 1778 – John Lloyd and David Rhea Lead Purchasing for the Army 130. November 1778 – William Marriner’s Second Brooklyn Raid and Later Career 131. November 1778 – The Decision to Station Continental Troops in Monmouth County 132. December 1778 - The Capture of the Schooner Two Friends and Its Captain 133. December 1778 – The First American Raids Against Sandy Hook 1779 1779 134. January 1779 – Toms River Emerges as a Privateer Port 135. January 1779 – Shore Neighborhoods Support Loyalists 136. January 1779 -- Militia from Other Counties Ordered into Monmouth 137 January 1779 – Caleb North’s Continentals in Monmouth County 138. January 1779 – Grain Seizure Splits Whig Leadership 139. January 1779 – John Van Kirk Infiltrates Pine Robber Gang 140. February 1779 – Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee’s Dragoons in Monmouth County 141. February 1779 – Major John Burrowes and His Actions at Middletown Point 142. March 1779 – Mordecai Gist’s Continentals in Middletown 143. March 1779 – The Auction of Loyalist Estates 144. March 1779 – Scandals Mar the Sale of Loyalist Estates 145. April 1779 – Loyalist Kin Gain Pieces of Confiscated Estates 146. April 1779 – Alarm Beacons Constructed in Monmouth County 147. April 1779 – Benjamin Ford’s Maryland Continentals in Monmouth County 148. April 1779 – British-Loyalist Raid Tinton Falls and Shoal Harbor 149. May 1779 – Philip Freneau: Patriot, Poet, and Privateer 150. May 1779 – Loyalist Raids Increase in Frequency 151 May 1779 – Holmes v Walton as a London Trading Incident 152. May 1779 – Holmes v Walton as a Constitutional Watershed 153. June 1779 – State Troops Raised to Defend Monmouth County 154. June 1779 – The Loss of Tinton Falls 155. June 1779 – Refugee Women Listed in Monmouth County Militia Returns 156. June 1779 –New England Privateers Prey on Shipping at Sandy Hook 157. July 1779 – Monmouth Soldiers Participate in Campaign against Iroquois 158. July 1779 – Lewis Fenton, the Infamous Pine Robber 159. July 1779 –David Brearley Leaves Continental Army for the Supreme Court 160. August 1779 – Monmouth County’s 3rd Court of Oyer and Terminer 161. September 1779 – The Fall of John Morris and His Loyalist Battalion 162. September 1779 – New Jersey Volunteers Drift into Other Loyalist Units 163. October 1779 – Monmouth County Prepares for Return of French Fleet 164. September 1779 – Yelverton Taylor Takes British Troop Transport 165. November 1779 – The Establishment of the Associated Loyalists 166. November 1779 -- Thomas Henderson Selected to Continental Congress 167. October 1779 – David Rhea Complains about Lee’s Continentals in Monmouth 168. December 1779 – The Capture of the Brigantine, Britannia 169. December 1779 -Continental Congress Seeks Blankets Via London Trade 1780 1780 170. January 1780 – Provisions Taken from Shore Residents for the Continental Army 171. January 1780 – Henry Lee’s Continentals Raid Sandy Hook 172. January 1780 – Winter Storms Drive Five Ships onto Monmouth Shore 173 February 1780 -- Samuel Lippincott, Man-Stealing, and Jailed Militiamen in New York 174. March 1780 – The Disaffected Officeholders of Dover and Stafford Townships 175. March 1780 – Loyalist Privateers Sail the Monmouth Shore 176. March 1780 – Monmouth Leaders Split as David Forman Re-Emerges 177. March 1780 – Asher Holmes Raises New Regiments of State Troops 178. March 1780 – Loyalist Raiding Party Murders John Russell 179. April 1780 – British Counter-Attack American Privateers Off Sandy Hook 180. May 1780 – Loyalist “Manstealing” Peaks and the Rise of Colonel Tye 181. May 1780 – Preparations Made for the Return of the French Fleet 182. May 1780 – The Capture of the Outlaws John and Robert Smith 183. June 1780 – Controversy Surrounds Local Prisoner Exchanges 184. June 1780 – Stephen Decatur: The Greatest Privateer of the Jersey Shore 185. May 1780 – The Battle of Conkaskunk 186. July 1780 – The Establishment of the Association for Retaliation 187 June 1780 – Joseph Murray Killed While Tending His Fields 188. June 1780 – Colonel Tye and the Black Brigade 189. June 1780 – David Forman Sends Intelligence Reports to George Washington 190. July 1780 – Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee Returns to Monmouth County 191. August 1780 – Crackdown on Militia Delinquents in Shrewsbury Township 192. August 1780 – Prominent Loyalists Captured and Scandal Ensues 193. August 1780 – Trevor Newland Pushed toward Disaffection 194. August 1780 – The Capture of William Marriner 195. August 1780 – Colonel Tye’s Final Raid 196. September 1780 – New Jersey Legislature Investigates the Retaliators 197. October 1780 – County Elections Marred by Violence and Voter Intimidation 198. October 1780 – Monmouth Loyalists Captured at King’s Mountain 199. October 1780 – Company of New Jersey Volunteers Taken in Route to Sandy Hook 200. October 1780 – New Jersey Assembly Struggles to Support State Troops 201. November 1780 – Monmouth Whigs Crack Down on London Traders 202. December 1780 – Lt. Joshua Studson Killed by John Bacon 1781 1781 203. January 1781 – Failed Prisoner Exchange Stokes Tensions between Whigs and Loyalists 204. January 1781 – The Capture of Lt. Col. Klein and Others Seeking to Go to New York 205. February 1781 – Monmouth County’s Jail and the Jailbreak of February 1781 206 March 1781 – Richard Lippincott Leads Raid against Monmouth Shore 207. April 1781 – Richard Lippincott as an Active Loyalist Partisan 208. April 1781 – The Bold Privateering of Adam Hyler 209. May 1781 – Loyalists Seek to Defend Waters Off Sandy Hook 210. May 1781 – The Monmouth County Whig Society 211. May 1781 –William Clark and the Raritan Bay Horse Thieves 212. June 1781 – The Battle of the 1500 at Middletown 213. July 1781 – Shrewsbury Friends Struggle to Stay Out of War 214. July 1781 – Monmouth County Intersects with the Yorktown Campaign 215. October 1781 – The London Trading Case of Elisha Walton v William Laird 216. October 1781 – Violence Again Mars Monmouth County Elections 217. October 1781 – The Vigilante Acts of the Association for Retaliation 218. October 1781 – Nathaniel Scudder Killed during Loyalist Raid 219. December 1781 – Pine Robbers Menace Dover and Stafford Townships 220. December 1781 – The Rise of John Bacon’s Pine Robber Gang 1782 1782 221. January 1782 -- Associated Loyalists Embrace Policy of Retaliation 222. January 1782 – Privateer Captain William Gray Clashes with London Traders 223. January 1782 – Joshua Huddy’s State Troops Stationed at Toms River 224. February 1782 – Loyalists Raid Pleasant Valley during Winter Storm 225. February 1782 – David Forman Seeks Passport for Mrs. Prevost 226. March 1782 – Associated Loyalists Raze Toms River 227. March 1782 – The Capture and Murder of Philip White 228. April 1782 – Richard Lippincott Hangs Joshua Huddy 229. April 1782 – The Local Response to the Hanging of Joshua Huddy 230. April 1782 – The Continental Response to Huddy Hanging 231. April 1782 – The Court Martial of Richard Lippincott 232. May 1782 – The Aftermath of the Huddy Hanging and Lippincott Acquittal 233. May 1782 – Loyalist Estate Confiscations Resume in Monmouth County 234. May 1782 – The Case of Caesar Tite and Other Litigation over Freedmen 235. May 1782 – Prosecution of Loyalists Intensifies in Monmouth County 236. May 1782 – Adam Hyler Captures Loyalist Regulars on Sandy Hook 237. June 1782 – Davenport’s Pine Robbers Routed at Forked River 238. June 1782 – Loyalists and American Prisoners Fish Off Sandy Hook 239. July 1782 – The Capture and Execution of Ezekiel Tilton 240. August 1782 – Monmouth Whigs Form New Associations 241. September 1782 – The Retaliators Outlast the War 242. September 1782 – Monmouth Loyalists Seek to Come Home 243. September 1782 – Monmouth Loyalists Emigrate to Canada 244. October 1782 – John Bacon Slaughters Gloucester Militia at Barnegat 245. November 1782 – The Secret London Trading of the Privateer Nathan Jackson 246. December 1782 – Pine Robbers Defeat Militia at Cedar Creek 1783 1783 247. January 1783 – Accidents and Humiliations Plague the British at Sandy Hook 248. February 1783 – Jonathan Forman’s Long Service in the Continental Army 249. March 1783 – The Death of John Bacon 250. April 1783 - Monmouth County’s Black Loyalists Emigrate to Canada Own the book inspired by these articles! Makes a great gift for the history lovers in your life! The American Revolution in Monmouth County: The Theatre of Spoil and Destruction The Razing of Tinton Falls: Voices from the American Revolution NEW BOOK! Coming July 2026 The Revolutionary War on the Jersey Shore by Michael Adelberg Books About the Author About the Author Michael Adelberg has been researching the American Revolution in Monmouth County, New Jersey, for over thirty years. He is the author of the award-winning The American Revolution in Monmouth County, and three other books. His essays on the American Revolution have appeared in The Journal of Military of History , The Journal of the Early Republic , The Wilson Quarterly , and other scholarly journals. Adelberg’s research has been recognized by the New Jersey Historical Commission, the New Jersey Studies Academic Alliance, the David Library of the American Revolution, the public television program NJ Today , and the government of Monmouth County. Other Resources Other Resources 250 for the 250th FAQs 1. How were topics selected for the articles in 250 for the 250th? Article topics were selected based on two criteria: 1.) the importance of the topic to the people who lived in Revolutionary Era Monmouth County; 2.) adequate source materials to draft the article. The Battle of Monmouth was the largest Revolutionary War event to occur in Monmouth County but it is not narrated in 250 for the 250th. That is because the Battle of Monmouth is already the subject of an excellent book, Fatal Sunday, by Mark Lender and Garry Wheeler Stone. However, several topics related to the battle and its impact on the people of the Monmouth County are the subject of articles. 2. Are the articles in 250 for the 250th written about elsewhere? The articles in 250 for the 250th fall into one of three categories: a.) Discussed by modern historians, but not easily accessible. For example, David Fowler wrote an outstanding PhD dissertation about the Pine Robbers. The dissertation was written for a scholarly audience and never published as a book. Few people will read Fowler’s research. So, there are articles about the Pine Robbers in 250 for the 250th even though Fowler already well-covered this topic. b.) Discussed in local histories and antiquarian works. Several topics in 250 for the 250t are narrated in antiquarian sources or local histories. Some of these narratives are balanced and well-researched, some are not. Either way, Revolutionary War topics in these works hopscotch sources and are spread across dozens of older books. So, many topics covered in these histories are included in 250 for the 250th. c.) Original source materials. A number of topics in 250 for the 250th have never been narrated (for example, the raising of Monmouth County’s state troops). Shards of information exist across original documents and were pasted together for the first time in these articles. I enjoyed being the first historian to write on these topics. 3. How are antiquarian and genealogical materials used in 250 for the 250th? The articles in 250 for the 250th are built on source materials—those written by people who witnessed the American Revolution. If there are not source materials sufficient to write on a topic, that topic is not part of this collection. However, antiquarian and genealogical sources often add important details not contained in source materials. So many of the articles include supporting information from antiquarian and genealogical materials. 4. Modern historians discuss some aspects of the American Revolution in Monmouth County. How are these works used in 250 for the 250th? The articles in 250 for the 250th are ground in and written from source materials. In a number of articles, specific historians who contributed an original analysis or critique on the article’s topic are mentioned and their works are cited. 5. What is the likelihood that there are errors in the 250 for the 250th articles? The articles in this series are built on source materials and these materials offer the most reliable information about the Revolutionary era. But source materials reflect the bias of the author and sources sometimes disagree. For example, casualty counts in Continental and British narratives of the same event frequently disagree. Source materials are often imprecise with regard to specific dates, name spellings, and locations. In many articles, I make suppositions based on probability and context. Qualifying terms such as “likely” and “potentially” are used alert readers to suppositions. In any collection as large as 250 for the 250th there is inevitably a small amount of human error. If a reader believes an error might exist in an article, the reader is encouraged to bring it to my attention, and forward the source material that can correct the record. Readers can contact me at 250@monmouthhistory.org . 6. Were any edits made to source materials when transcribed into the articles in 250 for the 250th? In some articles, small edits were made to made to increase the readability of a particular document. 18th Century sentences were often extremely long and packed with qualifying language that can confuse a modern reader. So, some punctuation edits were made, archaic abbreviations are modernized, and some qualifying text is removed (replaced with “…”). In all cases, edits were minor and made only for the purpose of increasing the readability of the source. 7. Should there be more articles about poor people, women, and minorities in 250 for the 250th? The articles in 250 for the 250th are built on surviving sources and the body of surviving sources tilts heavily toward political and military leaders. When the body of surviving documents allows it, I selected topics that shed light on how the American Revolution impacted poor people, women, and minorities (particularly Africans-Americans in Monmouth County). Even when articles focus on political and military leaders, I seek to discuss the article topic’s impact on ordinary people. 8. Is 250 for the 250th the complete story of the American Revolution in Monmouth County? 250 for the 250th is the most complete account of the American Revolution in Monmouth County, but it is not the complete story. There are many important and interesting topics that lacked enough documentation to develop an article. Below are five examples of interesting topics that are not explored in 250 for the 250th due to lack of source materials: •Free African-American communities •The handfuls of American-Indians, Catholics, and Jews in Revolutionary Monmouth County •The Mattisonia Grammar School near Freehold and education in the county •Refugeetown on Sandy Hook (home to the Black Brigade and other Loyalist partisans) •Rebuilding villages razed by Loyalist raiding parties. Name Index For a name index throughout articles, the following searchable PDF is available. Tip : Use Crtl+F to find the names easily. Tables Here is the link to the tables page. Citations This entirety of this work is protected under US copyright . When using the information, please cite appropriately. This online citation generator offers various styles. Sample citation: Michael Adelberg, “[Article Title],” 250 for the 250th, Monmouth County Historical Association, 2025, [url]. Teacher Resource Click here for a guided classroom activity! Contact Information If you have a question for the author, please email 250@monmouthhistory.org . The author will return correspondence as time allows. Note : Mr. Adelberg is not a genealogist and is unable to help with genealogy questions. If you have a genealogy inquiry for our research librarian, please email Library@monmouthhistory.org . All in-depth genealogy questions will incur a standard research fee . The MCHA staff is unable to respond to emails or voicemails regarding this independent project. Thanks for understanding! Subscribe to get exclusive monthly updates on this collection Email* Join Our Mailing List Subscribe

DONATE NOW PLANNED GIVING MATCHING GIFTS SPONSORS & SUPPORTERS DONATE ARTIFACTS Donate Now Anchor 1 The Monmouth County Historical Association is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. We rely on the generosity of our amazing donors to help us do the work of making history relevant and accessible for all ages, from award-winning exhibits to digitally accessible programs to engaging K-12 education. The Association is committed to preserving its outstanding collection. Your gift of any size is greatly appreciated! DONATE 3rd Annual Farm to Fork Honoring Carol Stillwell of Stillwell-Hansen Saturday, October 4th, 2025 We had another phenomenal event this year - thank you to all of our sponsors and supporters. We could not do it without your help! Please click here for the ad journal video. Many Thanks to Our Garden Party Supporters! The 50th anniversary celebration of this MCHA tradition was a wonderful success thanks to all who donated to help us protect and preserve Monmouth County History. Click here to view the ad journal of our supporters. Planned Giving Planned Giving As we look to grow and increase the number of services and programs in our community, we need to build upon our strong base of support through estate and planned gifts. Many loyal donors have included Monmouth County Historical Association in their wills or named the Association a beneficiary of their IRA or other retirement plan. Those who have included the Association in their estate plans can receive recognition today by sending in a simple one-page, non-binding form, located here . For more information regarding bequest intentions or other planned gifts, please contact us at (732) 462-1466 x10 or at seadon@monmouthhistory.org . Please consider including Monmouth County Historical Association in your estate plan. Thank you for your commitment to the Association. Matching Gifts Matcing Gift Did you know many companies offer a matching gift program to encourage philanthropy among their employees? And that some companies will even match to spouses and retirees? By simply completing a matching gift form (on-line or paper), you may be able to double, or even triple, the impact of your gift! Please check with your company’s Human Resources department to see if your compa ny offers a matching gift program. For additional information about Matching Gifts, please email finance@monmouthhistory.org Already have your matching form? Please mail it to: MCHA Attn: Matching Gifts Department 70 Court Street Freehold, NJ 07728 MCHA is a public charity classified as exempt under section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. The tax ID number is 21-6000082. Sponsors and Supporters Sponsors Your corporate support helps MCHA collect, preserve, and interpret Monmouth County’s rich history and culture while making its resources available to the widest possible audience. Event Sponsorship and Underwriting Be recognized as a community leader through your company’s sponsorship or underwriting of one of the many signature events hosted by MCHA throughout the year. Historic House Museum Sponsorship Your support will help MCHA to preserve and interpret the county’s vanishing architectural heritage through sponsorship of an Historic House Museum. Please contact us at seadon@monmouthhistory.org or (732) 462-1466 for further information. Education Sponsorships Is your organization interested in aligning itself with the education of thousands of students and lifelong learners in Monmouth and Ocean counties? Become an education sponsor today. Contact seadon@monmouthhistory.org or (732) 462-1466 for further information. Corporate Volunteers Help MCHA as a corporate volunteer team. We have numerous opportunities for corporate volunteers. Donate Artifacts Artfacts To schedule an appointment, please contact: Bernadette Rogoff, Director of Collections (732) 462-1466 x17 Email below: We welcome new pieces into our extensive collection! Mail

Monmouth County Historical Association collects, preserves, and interprets its extensive museum, research library, and archival collections that relate to Monmouth County’s history and culture and makes these resources available to the widest possible audience. About Us Our Mission Monmouth County Historical Association collects, preserves, and interprets its extensive museum, research library, and archival collections that relate to Monmouth County’s history and culture and makes these resources available to the widest possible audience. The Association promotes the study and appreciation of regional and national history through educational programming, publications, special exhibits, and research services. The Association also preserves and interprets five significant historic sites that represent the County’s vanishing architectural heritage. Through its pursuit of these objectives, the Association enriches the quality of life in Monmouth County by preserving and passing on knowledge of its diverse heritage for future generations. Logo History Over a quarter of a century ago, MCHA adopted the thistle as the official logo of the organization. The image was taken from a carving in a rare chair in the Association’s collection. The Rhea Chair is the oldest piece of documented New Jersey furniture and the only surviving wainscot chair made in the state. The chair maker Robert Rhea emigrated from Scotland to America, eventually settling in Monmouth County. Rhea, who was both farmer and carpenter, carved the Scottish thistle along with his and his wife Janet’s initials into the chair back with the date “1695.” According to James Fenimore Cooper, “The thistle is the order for dignity and antiquity.” The national symbol of Scotland, it is also the emblem of the Order of the Thistle, one of the highest orders of chivalry of Scotland. Throughout Celtic areas the thistle signifies strength, bravery, durability and determination. As the familiar symbol of the Association, the thistle reflects both the depth of the collection and the qualities central to the MCHA’s ongoing mission. Photo caption: Carving on chair back crafted by Robert Rhea with thistle along with date and initials. Executive Committee President Charles H. Jones III, Ed.D. First Vice President R. Glenn Cashion Second Vice President John Gagliano Treasurer Sarah Ashmore Bradley Secretary Betsy O'Connor BOARD of TRUSTEES Thomas Bovino Sarah Ashmore Bradley Elise Casey Leslie M. Clark Lynne Taylor Clemons Eugene Croddick Thomas J. DeFelice III John Gagliano Anna Greeley Jean Holtz Peter Izzo Robert G. Kash Michael J. McCarty William J. Mehr, Esq. La wrence J. Metz Lauren Stavola Luke Mosley Dwight Pittenger Candace Sparks Jessie Spector C arol Stillwell Thomas S. Taylor William Wells Advisory Committee Robert D. Broege, Esq. Hope Jones Ross Millhiser, Jr. Claire Knopf Events 3rd Annual Farm to Fork Honoring Carol Stillwell of Stillwell-Hansen Saturday, October 4th, 2025 We had another phenomenal event this year - thank you to all of our sponsors and supporters. We could not do it without your help! Please click here for the ad journal video. Many Thanks to Our Garden Party Supporters! The 50th anniversary celebration of this MCHA tradition was a wonderful success thanks to all who donated to help us protect and preserve Monmouth County History. Click here to view the ad journal of our supporters.

Monmouth County Historical Association is a non-profit history museum, research library and archives with five historic houses throughout the county. Museum Hours Main Museum, 70 Court Street in Freehold : On the Edge of War: Monmouth Before the Revolution. Open Wed-Fri 1-4, and on the 1st, 3rd, and 5th Saturdays of the month from 1-4 Covenhoven House : Fridays 1-4, 2nd and 4th Saturdays of the month from 1-4 Marlpit Hall and Taylor Butler House : Fri-Sun 1-4 Allen House is currently closed for renovations, reopening in 2026! Free audio tours for adults (and kids!) available here for Covenhoven, Marlpit Hall and the Allen House! Happening Now Holiday Hearth Event! Saturday, Dec. 6, 12pm-4pm Covenhoven House 150 W. Main St. Freehold Stop by Covenhoven House to tour this beautiful 1752 farmhouse, and have some cozy complementary cider and donuts, just as the Covenhovens would have! 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth In celebration of the 250th anniversary of our nation, MCHA is proud to announce the newest project by author and renowned historian Michael Adelberg. The incredible 250-article collection is the most complete history on this topic ever assembled! It is free and digitally accessible on our website - click here to visit or enter via the Learn tab above! The Allen House Restoration Project The Allen House needs you! Please consider helping MCHA save an important piece of American history by donating to the Allen House restoration project. Your donation will be matched dollar for dollar. Thank you in advance for your generosity - we could not do everything we do without the care and dedication of the community! DONATE Explore Explore our museum collections, exhibits, educational materials, research library and historic houses. Exhibits Click image for more details on individual exhibits Education: K-12 and Lifelong Learners Digital and on-site programs K-12 Education Library & Archives Research Monmouth County History and Genealogy Library and Archives Open by appointment only A Virtual Lecture Series Historically Speaking Historically Speaking: A Virtual Lecture Series Check schedule for upcoming presentations Monmouth History! Learn more Our curriculum-based digital resource was created for high schoolers - but we guarantee you'll learn something new no matter what your age! Objects, images, archival documents, and videos tell many of Monmouth's most fascinating stories. The page is under construction, but you are welcome to see it in progress! eMuseum Explore one of the country's finest regional collections eMuseum Virtual Museum Gallery Visit the Houses Visit the Houses Learn about the houses with select exterior audio tours Oral Histories Hear history told by the fascinating individuals who lived it Oral Histories Join our email list for updates! Sign Up Thanks for submitting!

Join us for free virtual lectures given by Monmouth County's most interesting speakers! MCHA Presents HISTORICALLY SPEAKING A Virtual Lecture Series - Co-Sponsored by the Monmouth County Library - Register below today for FREE Zoom lectures given by Monmouth County's most interesting and well-respected historians! You'll even have the chance to engage in a Q&A at the end! Browse our upcoming line-up to join us on the specified date at 7 PM: February 5, 2026 Rick Geffken presents New Jersey's Revolutionary Rivalry: The Untold Story of Colonel Tye and Joshua Huddy Join us for the intriguing and little-known story of the Revolutionary War conflicts between a runaway slave called Col. Tye fighting for the British and his Patriot foe. The extralegal hanging of militia Capt. Joshua Huddy in Highlands, New Jersey created an international incident when George Washington resolved to hang a British P.O.W. in retribution. These incidents threatened the success of the Paris Peace Treaty talks which were saved by the intervention of the Queen of France, Marie Antoinette. Book Signing Event : Saturday, Feb. 7th 2 pm -4 pm 70 Court St., Freehold Join us at the Monmouth County Historical Association museum for a Q&A with Rick Geffken and get a signed copy of his new book! Also have a chance to view some historic Tye and Huddy artifacts, and see our exhibit, On the Edge of War: Monmouth Before the Revolution Information Coming Soon! March 26, 2026 Bernadette Rogoff presents Children of the Revolution April 23, 2026 Joe Zemla presents Storm of Revolution: Highlights from the MCHA Collection May 28, 2026 In-Person Lecture on location at the Historic Monmouth Boat Club John Barrows presents Blackbeard! July 2026 Michael Adelberg presents 250 for the 250th: The Revolution in Monmouth November 2026 John Barrows presents The Top Ten Myths of Monmouth Previous Lectures are Now Available! Register Register with the last name of each lecturer you would like to attend, or just type "All" if you would like to be automatically registered for all future lectures. There is no need to register again if you have selected "all" at any point. You will receive a reminder email a few days before the lecture date, and the link will be emailed a couple of hours prior to start time. Submit Thanks for registering! Here is the link to join tonight's virtual presentation at 7 PM: The Haunted History of Monmouth by Greg Caggiano https://us06web.zoom.us/j/86164203397?pwd=pJyHFj37bi6Oa1jmo9t1VWthDGO2QO.1 Anchor 2

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Associated Loyalists Raze Toms River by Michael Adelberg The Block House fort at Toms River was attacked by a 100-man Loyalist party that overwhelmed the defenders. The fort and the village were razed after the defenders surrendered. - March 1782 - In early 1782, Toms River was the most solidly Whig (pro-Revolution) village along Monmouth County’s sixty-mile Atlantic shoreline. According to antiquarian sources, the village included 12-15 homes, including the houses of four officers (John Cook, Jacob Fleming, David Imlay, Ephraim Jenkins) and two civil officeholders, Daniel Randolph and Abiel Aiken. The village also included the house of Mary Studson, whose husband, Joshua Studson was killed by London Traders in December 1780. The village had two taverns (belonging to Daniel Griggs and Aiken), a few warehouses and the gristmill of Abraham Schenck. On the south end of the village was a boatyard for repairing and constructing vessels. On the edge of the village was the Block House, an open fort described as “about six or seven feet high, made of large logs, with loop holes in between, and a number of brass swivels on top, which was entirely open, nor was there any way of entering, but climbing over.” Toms River had a wharf capable of holding up to twenty oar-powered and small sailing vessels. The port was too shallow for large vessels. They had to anchor in the bay and shuttle cargo to shore via oar-powered boats. Toms River was at a junction of three roads—one south to Little Egg Harbor, one north to Shrewsbury, and one northwest to Freehold. Travel on any of the roads was complicated by storms that felled trees and rutted the sandy roadbeds. Their poor condition caused a strong indictment of county Highway Overseers . One antiquarian source claims that the road to Shrewsbury was non-continuous. Travel on any of these roads was made dangerous by Pine Robbers and other thieves who preyed on travelers. New Jersey had three privateer ports—Cape May, Chestnut Neck (upriver from Little Egg Harbor), and Toms River . Local militia conducted patrols in boats. Dover’s long shoreline was sparsely populated and swampy—travel by boat was faster and more likely to yield encounters with London Traders. Interdicting the London Trade and providing a check against Loyalist Pine Robbers were the primary responsibilities of the local militia. Dover militia also acted as privateers when wounded British vessels came near shore. Dover militia officers took several prizes into Toms River during the war. The war brought an unprecedented amount of visitors and capital to Toms River. The Pennsylvania government built a large saltworks south of the village and a second saltwork was established at Mosquito Cove north of the village. The saltworks created jobs and purchased large amounts of provisions from locals. Privateering would prove to be the shore’s true boom industry . Over the course of the war, more than a dozen prizes were brought into Toms River. These captures filled the village’s warehouses with valuable goods and filled the taverns with deep-pocketed buyers. In late 1781, the Pine Robber gangs of John Bacon and William Davenport menaced Toms River. The village’s principal defenders were 30 state troops whose terms were expiring. Amidst a wave of complaints, a new guard was raised under Joshua Huddy of Colts Neck. It arrived in February 1782. But Huddy’s twenty men and the Block House would be no match for a large raiding party. The Toms River Raid in Original Documents On March 24, 1782, a large party of Associated Loyalists raided Toms River. The Loyalist New York Gazette printed the longest report of the raid. It is excerpted below and printed in full in Appendix 1 of this article. The Loyalists, under Lieutenant Blanchard, consisted of “armed whale-boats, and about eighty men belonging to them, with Capt. Thomas and Lieut. Roberts, both of the late Buck’s County Volunteers, and between thirty or forty other refugee Loyalists.” They assembled at Sandy Hook on March 20 but were detained until March 23 by “unfavorable winds.” On the 23rd, they left for Toms River “under convoy of Captain Stewart Ross, in the armed brig Arrogant .” At dawn on March 24, “the party landed near the mouth of Tom’s River, and marched to the block house… just at day light.” The march on Toms River was not easy: They were challenged and fired upon, and when they came to the works they found the rebels, consisting of twenty-five or six twelve-months men and militia, apprised of their coming, and prepared for defence. Blanchard called on the outnumbered defenders to surrender. He was “not only refused” but Huddy showed “defiance.” Blanchard then “ordered the place to be stormed… though defended with obstinacy, it was soon carried.” The report claimed nine defenders were killed (including Major John Cook) and twelve men were captured, including Huddy. “The rest made their escape in the confusion.” The Loyalists also suffered losses: “Two were killed: Lieut. Iredell of the armed boatmen and Lieut. Inslee of the loyalists, both very brave officers… Lieut. Roberts and five others are wounded.” The report described the “piratical set of banditti” living at Toms River whose past acts merited rough treatment. Accordingly, the fort was “burned to the ground and an iron cannon spiked and thrown into the river.” Two large boats, one reportedly owned by Adam Hyler, “were brought off.” Captain Ross of the British navy was thanked for his “spirit through the whole service” including “the politeness and tender treatment of the wounded while onboard his brig.” The New Jersey Gazette printed an anonymous letter describing the raid. Interestingly, the report did not portray the attack as led by the Associated Loyalists, but stated that “about one hundred refugees under the command of one Davenport” attacked Toms River. The report suggested a brave but doomed defense of the Block House: On the alarm, Capt. Huddy repaired to the Block House, in which some of the inhabitants joined him, and others remained outside: The house was defended until the ammunition was expended, when it surrendered. Major Cook, who was out of the house, fell; five others were killed and two wounded. Capt. Huddy, Daniel Randolph, Esq., and several more were carried off. A Monmouth County petition drafted three weeks after the attack on Toms River claimed that “five of Captain Huddy's men were most inhumanly murdered after his surrender." The razing of Toms River was near complete: “The enemy then burnt the village, except the houses of Aaron Buck and Mrs. Studson, after which they went off immediately. The unfortunate inhabitants have not saved more than two horses.” This is not correct. The report incorrectly stated that “Davenport was wounded, supposed since dead.” Davenport was killed three months later in a battle with militia at Forked River . The same report was printed in the Pennsylvania Evening Post . The Maryland Gazette also reported: The Refugees have paid Toms River a visit. They have burnt most of the houses, stripped and plundered the inhabitants of most everything. Mr. Daniel Randolph is carried to New York. Moses Robins is badly wounded and stripped of everything. The inhabitants are in great distress. Colonel Samuel Forman, commanding the local militia, wrote Governor William Livingston on March 25. The letter is similar to a report printed in the New Jersey Gazette , with some additional facts and innuendo. Forman accused Abiel Aiken, the port marshal and township magistrate, of fleeing the fight: "Abiel Aiken took his crooked leg out of the way on the alarm." He (incorrectly) claimed that "Capt. Davenport was wounded (supposed since dead) and one Negro killed." Forman had ordered out four militia companies from Dover and Stafford townships, plus "the 34 you requested from my regiment [from Upper Freehold], I shall also send for to reinforce them." Randolph was captured and was still in jail a month later when he gave a deposition at the court martial trial of Richard Lippincott (who had hanged Huddy). Randolph claimed that locals had warned Huddy "that a body of refugees were approaching this port.” Huddy dispatched a scout party but it “entirely missed the enemy" and provided the village no warning of the Loyalist landing. Randolph called the Block House "small and unfinished” and claimed that the attack “commenced without a previous demand for a surrender.” Randolph said “that Capt. Huddy did all that a brave man could do to defend himself against so superior a number” and claimed the Loyalist behaved horribly after quarter was called: This deponent saw a negro, one of the refugee party, bayonet major John Cook, and he also saw a number of refugees jump into the block house and heard them say that they would bayonet them [the defenders], but did not see the deed done to any person save major Cook. Eight Monmouth County militiamen recalled the attack on Toms River in their postwar veterans’ pension applications. John Wilbur, one of Huddy’s men, was posted as a sentry a half mile from the village. He provided the most vivid description: One John Eldridge and David Dodge were stationed sentry on the road about seven or eight hundred yards from my and [James] Kinsey's station; about daylight or a little after, we heard the enemy advancing by the noise they made in walking, and in a minute or two I heard the sentry hail them and fire. I retreated with Kinsey toward the Block House, he in advance of me. When I arrived at the Block House, I found that it was surrounded by the enemy and Kinsey was killed on the outside of the Block House; I did not attempt then to enter, but retreated across the bridge where I met Captain Brown, a sea captain, and George Cook. Dodge & Eldridge did not get in, the brother of George, whom I met on a bridge, was also killed before he got into the Block House; after the alarm of the advance of the enemy, myself and John Eldridge, and one Joseph Parker, were all who made their escape. Another small party also escaped "by being out on a scouting party.” John Eldridge, a sentry with Wilbur, wrote that “the whole party, comprised of thirty men - with the exception of himself and two- were killed or taken prisoner." Henry Applegate recalled that he was “wounded in the thumb on his left hand by a musket" at the battle but continued serving in the State Troops . Brothers, Joseph Parker and George Parker, served under Huddy. Joseph recalled that he “joined his [Huddy’s] company at Colts Neck, from whence they marched to Toms River and was there until the Block House at Toms River was taken and Captain Huddy was taken prisoner.” Geoge Parker recalled: They had been at that place a short time [when] they were attacked by a party of Refugees in a Block House and were all taken, except one man by the name John Eldridge, who got out and made his escape and one other that was left for dead, being badly wounded. George Parker was "confined in prison for about 7 months mostly in the Sugar House, he then got exchanged - returned home” with a festering wound, but he “got the vermin cleaned” and recovered. Parker referred to the Block House attackers as "a party of refugees, Negroes and sailors." Not all locals engaged in the battle. David Imlay, who commanded state troops at the Block House in 1781, wrote that he was "posted at the north end of Toms River Bridge, some forty rods from the Block House" and never engaged. Aaron Bennett of Dover Township recalled that "Toms River was their headquarters... a number of militia were constantly stationed there." But Bennett’s tour of duty expired two days before the attack. He did not return for the fight. Similarly, Aaron Chamberlain of Stafford recalled getting the alarm and marching for Toms River, but arriving too late, "He and a few others got a few shots at the Refugees before they got off, but did not kill any of them." Militia from other counties came to the defense of Toms River but word spread slowly on the sparsely populated shoreline, and they arrived too late to engage the Loyalists. Enoch Young of the Gloucester County militia recalled: He marched through the counties of Gloucester and Burlington and Monmouth to Toms River, at the Block House, to assist against the enemy in the engagement there, but was too late, the enemy had fled before they arrived. One Loyalist briefly discussed the Block House fight in his postwar Loyalist Compensation Application. David Lewis, formerly of Metticonk (present-day Jackson), recalled serving in the Associated Loyalists . He was at Toms River for the Block House raid where he was "very dangerously wounded." The Toms River Raid in Later Accounts Antiquarian sources provide several additional details on the Toms River raid. However, these sources must be regarded with some skepticism. An antiquarian newspaper account from 1868, for example, includes many false details. (See Appendix 2 for this article.) But other details in antiquarian accounts are illuminating, and likely true or mostly true. Some are summarized below. With respect to the Loyalists, one source claims that the Pine Robber leader, John Bacon, participated in the raid. Another claims that Davenport’s Pine Robbers carried off a great deal of plunder after the village was razed. A few antiquarian accounts note the role of William Dillon, formerly a boatman at Toms River, serving as a guide to the attackers. Dillon served as a pilot on Loyalist privateers and a boat belonging to him was taken and brought into Toms River shortly before the raid. So, he had strong motivation to help the raiders. His cousin was Aaron Buck, whose house was spared when the village was fired. Another source claims that Loyalists had planned to raid Manasquan and Shark River on their way back to New York, but gave that up in order to get prompt medical care for the wounded. Antiquarian sources also provide information on Toms River’s defenders. One source singles-out David Imlay (the former commander of the State Troops at Toms River) for cowardice—claiming that he fled the Block House and hid in a swamp. Imlay may have fled because he feared for his life if captured—having killed the Pine Robber, Richard Bird, a few months earlier. Other sources detail casualties: Killed : Maj. Cook (bayoneted after surrender), John Farr (killed in first volley from Loyalists), Lt. Ephraim Jenkins, James Kennedy (mortally wounded, dies that night), James Kinsley (shot and mortally wounded at swivel gun), Moses Robbins (shot in face, dies) and John Wainwright (shot five times). Captured : Lt. Huddy, Sgts. David Langdon, Luke Story; Privates: Daniel Applegate, William Case, David Dodge, James Edsall, John Eldridge, Jacob Fleming, Cornelius McDonald, John Mitchell, John Morris, John Nivison, George Parker, John Parker, Joseph Parker, John Pellimore, Moses Robins (shot in face, survives), Thomas Raftsnider, Daniel Randolph, Jacob Stillwagon, Seth Story, John Wainwright (shot six times but survives), John Wilbur. The accounting of men listed as killed and captured in antiquarian does not fully align names in contemporary sources. Antiquarians also disagree on the killed and captured—two men, John Wainwright and Moses Robins, are listed as either killed or captured depending upon the source. One modern historian has written a full account of the Toms River attack. Historian Donald Shomette wrote that the Loyalists were led by Captain Evan Thomas and Lt. Owen Roberts of the Bucks County Volunteers in whaleboats commanded by a Lt. Blanchard. Shomette concluded that the party was 120 Loyalists, supplemented by Pine Robbers who met the Loyalists at Toms River. Despite the size of the party, they evaded a scouting party sent out by Huddy on word of enemy landing. Shomette noted that the attack began at dawn. The battle was brief but bloody; two Loyalist officer fell during the battle—Lieutenants Insley and Lt. Iredell. Shomette concluded that the raiders outnumbered the defenders "six or seven to one” but the defenders held out until their ammunition ran out. After the surrender, the Loyalists committed "an orgy of destruction and revenge.” Shomette also wrote that Huddy was "mistreated with blows, slaps, etc." by the Loyalists. Due to the need to bring injured back to New York, the raiders did not stop at Manasquan on their return, as originally planned. Retaliation after the Razing of Toms River The attack on Toms River in March 1782 was the last significant Loyalist raid from New York. This is because it set in motion a chain of events that resulted in the British reining in their vengeful Loyalist allies . A few days after the raid on Toms River, a small Loyalist party landed at Long Branch. It included the veteran Loyalist raider, Philip White. Angered by the razing of Toms River and the capture of Huddy’s state troops there, the men who took White separated him from the other prisoners. They harassed White into attempting an escape. When he ran, they murdered him . Enraged Loyalists then took Huddy from jail in New York, brought him to the Navesink Highlands, and hanged him with a note proclaiming his murder an act of retaliation for White’s murder. The murders caused a diplomatic bonfire that reverberated to the highest levels of the British, French and American governments. All of these escalations are detailed in other articles. Related Historic Site : Joshua Huddy Park Historic Markers Appendix 1: "An authentic account of the Expedition against the Rebel Post on Tom’s River, New-Jersey (printed in the Loyalist New York Gazette) On Wednesday, the 20th instant, Lieut. Blanchard of the armed whale-boats, and about eighty men belonging to them, with Capt. Thomas and Lieut. Roberts, both of the late Buck’s County volunteers, and between thirty or forty other refugee Loyalists, the whole under the command of Lieutenant Blanchard, proceeded to Sandy Hook, under convey of Captain Steward Ross, in the armed brig Arrogant, where they were detained by unfavourable winds until the 23rd; about twelve o’clock on that night, the party landed near the mouth of Tom’s River, and marched to the block house, at the town of Dover, and reach it just at day light. On the way, they were challenged and fired upon, and when they came to the works they found the rebels, consisting of twenty-five or six twelve-months men and militia, apprised of their coming, and prepared for defence. The post into which they had thrown themselves was about six or seven feet high, made of large logs, with loop holes in between, and a number of brass swivels on top, which was entirely open, nor was there any way of entering, but climbing over-- They had, besides the swivels, muskets with bayonets, and long pikes for their defence. Lieutenant Blanchard called on them to surrender, which they not only refused, but bid the party defiance; on which he immediately ordered the place to be stormed, which was accordingly done, and, though defended with obstinacy, it was soon carried. The rebels had nine men killed in the assault and twelve made prisoners, two of whom are wounded. The rest made their escape in the confusion. Among the killed was a Major of the militia [John Cook] and two captains and one Lieutenant. The Captain of the twelve-months men [Joshua Huddy] is among the prisoners, who are all brought safe to town. On our side, two were killed: Lieut. Iredell of the armed boatmen and Lieut. Inslee of the loyalists, both very brave officers, who distinguished themselves on the attack, and whose loss is much lamented. Lieut. Roberts and five others are wounded, and it is thought some of them in a dangerous way. The town, as it is called, consisting of about a dozen houses, in which none but a piratical set of banditti resided, together with a grist and saw mill, were, with the block house, burned to the ground and an iron cannon spiked and thrown into the river. A fine large boat (called Hyler’s boat) and another boat, which the rebels used to make their excursions on our coast, were brought off. The appearance of bad weather and the condition of our wounded, being without either a surgeon or medicines, induced the party to return, where they arrived on the 25th." I should not do justice to the Loyalists who were with me, without expressing the highest prohibition of their behaviour and spirit through the whole service; and I beg leave to mention the very great obligation I am under to Captain Ross for his advice, attention to the convoy, and, in a particular manner, for the politeness and tender treatment of the wounded while onboard his brig. Capt. Ross has likewise mentioned in his report the Loyalists, during the service, paid every attention, and were willing to assist in every point." Appendix 2: THE OCEAN EMBLEM, JANUARY 30, 1858 On Toms River raid: “Woodmansee immediately returned to New York, when the plan was laid over until March 18th, 1782, when a second vessel was sent from New York with 100 picked British regulars, and about 25 or 30 refugees of the blackest dye. They arrived at the mouth of the river on the night of the 19th, where they landed and proceeded to the house of James Lippincott (now James Cook’s residence). They forced Mr. Lippincott to march as their guide to the village. Mr. Edward Flinn [Edward Flynn], a son-in-law of Mr. L., was let out of the chamber window by the females, and took a different route, to inform the villagers of the enemy’s approach. The enemy entered the field north-east of the place where John J. Irons’ residence now stands, and marched behind a barn of Abel Akins, Esq., near the present site of the Presbyterian Church some two hundred yards east from the block house. About this time day began to dawn, and the enemy finding himself discovered, rushed to the charge, when the sentinel fired his alarm, and rushed into the fort, calling for someone to go for Capt. Huddy, as there was but one round of ammunition in the fort. The enemy charged on the four men in the fort, murdered John Farr and all the citizens who fell in their way, burned all the houses except three in the village, one of which was the residence of Mrs. Mary Studson, widow of the noble Joshua, which was preserved through the influence of a tory whom she recognized, although in disguise. While a part were satiating their revenge on the north side of the river, others had crossed the bridge and burned the mills of Williams & Randolph, near the mills, they found Capt. Joshua Huddy snugly stored in bed after a pleasant dance that he had attended the night previous, and made him a prisoner. He had commanded the fort only about four weeks. Considering discretion the better part of valor, they beat a retreat before Captain Tilton could arrive with his command, although he lay at Schenck’s Mill, four miles north. The end of the gallant Huddy is known as a part of our Revolutionary struggle, while no one has ever had patriotism sufficient to even point out the grave of Studson, although Woodmansee was subsequently taken, and tied to a stake in front of the widow’s house; his captors said to her, “your will is our pleasure;” she replied with all the magnanimity that woman’s soul is endowed with, “his life will not bring back the life of my husband; besides, his wife would be left with several fatherless children, while I have but one.” Woodmansee was compelled to furnish provision for her for one year, which he did, and then left the country. Mrs. Studson subsequently married Chamberlain; she survived him many years, and died in 1824.” Sources : Lorenzo Sabine, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1864), vol. 1, p 566; William Fischer, The Toms River Block House Fight, March 24, 1782; Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 14, p423-5; Arthur Pierce, Smugglers' Woods, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1960) p 38-9; James Levitt, New Jersey Revolutionary Economy (Trenton: New Jersey Historical Commission, 1975) pp. 19-2-, 22. James Levitt, For Want of Trade: Shipping and the New Jersey Ports, 1680-1783 (Newark: New Jersey Historical Society, 1981) pp. 141-9; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 45; Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, David Lewis, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/18, reel 6; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Library of Congress, Early American Newspapers, Pennsylvania Evening Post; and New Jersey Gazette, March 27, 1782; Henry Beck, More Forgotten Towns, p86-8; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 164; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 222; Howard H. Peckham, ed, The Toll of Independence: Engagements and Battle Casualties of the American Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974) p 95; Donald Shomette, Privateers of the Revolution: War on the New Jersey Coast (Shiffer: Atglen, PA, 2015); National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Enoch Young of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# 24155756; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 17-8; Stryker, comp., Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary War (Trenton: Naar, Day, Naar, 1872); Samuel Forman to William Livingston, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 4, pp. 388-9; Alfred Heston, South Jersey: A History 1664-1923 (Lewis Historical Publishing, 1923) pp. 233-5; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Henry Applegate of Monmouth, www.fold3.com/image/#12036438 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Aaron Chamberlain; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Daniel Applegate; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Eldridge; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - David Imlay; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Wilbur; William Fischer, Biographical Cyclopedia of Ocean County (Philadelphia: A.D. Smith, 1899) pp. 55-56; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - George Parker; Casualty List, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3854; Francis Bazley Lee, New Jersey as a Colony and as a State (New York: The Publishing Society of New Jersey, 1902), vol 2, pp. 244-6; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Aaron Bennett of New Jersey; Maryland Gazette, April 11, 1782; Contained in: National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Parker of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# NJ 25397561; Correspondence with Jeff Brown, The Ocean Emblem, January 30, 1858; Alfred Heston, South Jersey: A History 1664-1923 (Lewis Historical Publishing, 1923) p 241; Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott, Court Martial, reel 1, pp. 201-4. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Damages from the Battle of Monmouth by Michael Adelberg Although unfinished and struck by cannon balls, St. Peter’s Church in Freehold was secure enough to be used as a barrack by the departing British Army for their severely wounded. - June 1778 - On the day of the Battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778, there were roughly 30,000 Continental and British soldiers and camp followers in Monmouth County—more than double the population of the county itself. Even without a battle, the movement of so many people across the county would inevitably result in significant disruptions—trampled fields, impressed livestock and foodstuffs, thefts, and vandalism. On top of that, the two armies fought a twelve-hour battle that included a massive artillery duel in its final hours. All of this activity caused real harm to many people in Monmouth County. Damages from the Battle of Monmouth Peter Perrine owned a farm near Freehold. His 18-year-old son refused to help guide British troops and was temporarily taken prisoner. The family was requested to provide food to Hessian troops and did so, but their home was looted anyway. Fearing for the family’s safety, Hannah Perrine (Peter's wife) led her four young children and two slaves "into the fields and with their hands, shelled grain for immediate use of the family" for two days. John and Sarah Freeman married in January 1778 and moved onto a rented farm near Freehold. Sarah later recalled that "he [John Freeman] was in the Battle of Monmouth, which took place principally on the farm then occupied by the deponent and her husband.” Their farm sustained severe damage from the battle. Another farm renter, Joseph Bowne, was also in the path of the armies. He took his family and hid for two days. His home was destroyed and fields damaged. Part of the Battle of Monmouth was fought on "Carr's Farm" (a farm owned by David Rhea, but rented to a man named Carr). A year’s worth of crops were ruined by the marching and countermarching of the armies. Thomas Seabrook, who had fled to Freehold after his son was bayoneted by Loyalist raiders in 1777, rented the Tennent Parsonage house and farm. His home took cannon fire and the farm was damaged during the battle. Benjamin Van Cleave, Jr., a boy in 1778, later described the “naked chimneys” standing in the neighborhood in which the British Army burned a dozen homes. He also recalled that, “Several wagons and an artillery carriage were burnt at the shop, but the piece of artillery was thrown into a hole of muddy water in the middle of the road and was not found by the enemy." And young Van Cleave wrote that “the earth was strewn with dead carcasses, sufficient to have produced a pestilence.” The arson and plundering of Freehold is discussed in another article. One of the arsons may have had a military purpose. Solomon Parsons of Massachusetts wrote that during the British advance in the morning of the battle, "they [the British] set fire to a house and marched under cover of smoke.” Parsons was wounded and left on the battlefield, "then came the plunderers and demanded my money. I told him that if he dragged me to the shade, I would give it to him. I gave him my pocketbook containing twenty-four dollars." Both of the Freehold area’s churches were turned into impromptu hospitals during the Battle of Monmouth. St. Peter’s (Anglican) church in Freehold was hit by Continental cannon balls and loaded with British wounded as the British withdrew from Freehold. The Tennent (Presbyterian) church in Manalapan was also converted into a hospital and sheltered local families needing refuge during the battle. One of those refugees, a boy, Tunis Coward, was, according to an antiquarian account, shot by a stray bullet during the battle. He had to be carried into the church. While there is considerable documentation of the damages inflicted on the people of Freehold by the British Army, there is no documentation of damages attributable to the Continental Army’s behavior while at Englishtown . But there must have been bad conduct because general orders read to the troops on June 29 and 30 promised death to “marauders.” The Continental command also put its soldiery on notice that it would find stolen items and punish any thieves in its ranks. William Malcolm's order book includes the following, read to his New York regiment on the morning of June 30: Complaints having been made to the Commander in Chief that certain persons belonging to the Army have received the property of the inhabitants which had been concealed in order to escape the revenge of the Enemy. He calls on the Commanding Officers to order a strict search of the soldier's packs at parade time; the offenders that may be discovered are to be brought to condign punishment; such articles as may be found are to be left the Adjutant General's. After the war, Elizabeth Burke wrote that she and husband, Samuel Burke, were robbed by British soldiers and never compensated for their losses: "Her home was robbed by the British and Hessians... neither she nor her husband received any compensation for the goods and clothes that were taken by the enemy." Other accounts also note losses without compensation. While the New Jersey Legislature acted to forgive the debts of war victims from time to time, there was no attempt by the cash-strapped government to compensate victims for war-related theft or property damage. Without compensation, there was less need to document property damage and theft. The lack of documentation means that it is impossible to fully represent all of the damage and mischief inflicted on the people of Monmouth County. At the end of the war, some New Jersey counties assembled a “Book of Damages ”—in a belated attempt to document the harms against the county’s citizens. Unfortunately, Monmouth County’s Book of Damages was either never compiled or is missing. After the battle, several newspapers discussed the roads around Freehold being littered with the discarded property of the armies. The statements in the New York Journal and Pennsylvania Evening Post are typical: “The enemy have continued their march very precipitously, the roads are strewn with knapsacks, firelocks and other implements of war," and “Their line of march from the Court House was strewn with dead, arms, knapsacks & accoutrements, which they dropped on their retreat." The debris, when combined with the mud from thunderstorms and ruts made by cannon and heavy wagons, made the roads impassable in places, though enterprising scavengers likely profited from the discarded items. Philip Freneau, who would become famous for his satirical anti-British verses , rode from his home at Mt. Pleasant toward Freehold on the day of the battle.. He noted that locals turned out to sell goods to the armies. “Everyone was on the road that day -- children dressed in their best, crowded into farm wagons -- wagons bearing hard cider, wagons bearing food to be sold along the way to anyone with hard money.” Daniel Noe, a soldier with George Washington's main army, noted that locals slowed the Army’s march to the battlefield. "The road from Englishtown to Freehold was so crowded that we had to march across fields to pass." The families that came to Freehold to sell wares to the armies demonstrate that opportunism trumped political preference for many Monmouth Countians. The residents of Middletown, a township with many disaffected and people of fickle politics, would soon host the British Army as it marched through the township on its way to Sandy Hook. Related Historic Site : St. Peter’s Church Sources : Mark Lender, Garry Wheeler Stone, Fatal Sunday (Norman, OK: Oklahoma University Press, 2016) pp 201-216; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Freeman; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p 508; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) appendix 56; The Library Company, Pennsylvania Evening Post; Charles Gilman, Monmouth: A Road to Glory (Red Bank, NJ: Arlington Laboratory for Clinical and Historical Research, 1964) p 10, 29, 34; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 357, 373-4; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 2, p 268, 325; Archibald Robertson, Archibald Robertson: His Diaries and Sketches in America, 1762-1780 (New York: Arno, 1969) p 178; Munn, David, Battles and Skirmishes of the American Revolution in New Jersey, (Trenton: Bureau of Geology and Topography, New Jersey Geological Survey, 1976) p 40; Henrietta Elizabeth Smith, “The Anderson, Perrine, Barbour-Smith, Howell-Clark, Porter and Savery Families (New York: Perrine Press, 1902) pp. 39, 53-5; New York Historical Society, MSS 50, Benjamin Van Cleave – autobiography; Solomon Parsons, Genealogical Matters Relating to the Parsons Family, Proceedings of the Worcester Society for Antiquity, v 20, 1904, p 62-4; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Henderson of of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#23877525 ; Mary Austin, Philip Freneau: The Poet of the Revolution; a History of His Life and Times (New York: A. Wessels, 1901) ; p 103; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Samuel Burke;Jedidiah Huntington, New York Historical Society, Orderly Books Collection, reel 5. #60-61; Garry Wheeler Stone, "The Burning of Upper Monmouth Court House", Monmouth Battlefield State Park (map); Benson Lossing, The Battle of Monmouth Court House, Harper's New Monthly Magazine, vol. 57, 1878, June, p46; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 375. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Joshua Huddy's State Troops Stationed at Toms River by Michael Adelberg In February 1782, twenty State Troops went to Toms River to defend the village. They lacked provisions and their small fort, the Block House, lacked cannon. Loyalists would defeat them in March. - January 1782 - As discussed in prior articles, by 1781, much of Dover and Stafford townships in southern Monmouth County (present-day Ocean County) was disaffected by 1780—to the point that they were electing disaffected men into important local offices. Shore residents were tied into a profitable illegal trade between Monmouth County and British buyers at Sandy Hook and New York, the so-called London Trade. Active Loyalist irregulars, confederated into Pine Robber gangs allied with London Traders. The most prominent Whig enclave on the Monmouth shore (Whigs were people who supported the Revolution) was the port village of Toms River. The village and its port were tied into a privateering economy built on New England and Philadelphia vessels preying on British shipping going to and from New York. Privateers used Toms River to provision their ships and deposit prize vessels. In late 1780, residents of Toms River petitioned for a guard to help protect the village; a 30-man company of New Jersey State Troops under Lieutenant David Imlay was stationed there for a year, and then renewed for a second year. Throughout 1781, Pine Robber gangs in Stafford Township and Little Egg Harbor Township (in neighboring Burlington County) grew bolder. They routed the Stafford Township militia at Manahawkin in early December. In Toms River, locals were convinced that these Pine Robbers—25 miles to the south—posed a dire threat to the village. They sent a series of letters and petitions to Governor William Livingston and New Jersey legislators complaining of their danger. A December 10 petition signed by the leaders of Toms River and several county militia officers called for a new State Troop guard under Captain Joshua Huddy to protect Toms River: It was necessary for the protection of the good citizens of this State that a guard, consisting of twenty-five men, should be stationed at Toms River, and as the time of the present guard is nearly expired, we recommend to your Excellency and Honors Captain Joshua Huddy as a proper person to raise & command a guard to succeed the present, for the ensuing year. Huddy was a controversial figure in Monmouth County. On the one hand, he was a strong supporter of the Revolution and a brave soldier. In 1777, he raised a State Troops artillery company that marched from Colts Neck to Pennsylvania to fight at the Battle of Germantown . During the Battle of Monmouth, Huddy led a brash (and doomed) cavalry attack on the British baggage train. Huddy was also one of several Monmouth County officers who tried his hand at privateering , and managed a tavern at Colts Neck at a time when the village was the center of a campaign to crackdown on militia delinquents . On the other hand, Huddy had a knack for trouble. In 1779, he had a falling out with his wife, Catherine Hart (born Catherine Applegate), that resulted in his having to post an extraordinary bond of £15,000, to be cashed if he sold off any of her possessions. He had also cast out Catherine’s children "by means of threats or blows" and prevented the children "from living & continuing with him, the said Joshua, and Catherine." Huddy was hated by Loyalists for his role in the extra-legal hanging of the captured Loyalist, Stephen Edwards. He was also twice convicted of assault in the Monmouth County courts and was a frequent litigant for other reasons. Huddy was involved in the impressment and confiscation of goods from disaffected Monmouth Countians and joined the Association for Retaliation , a vigilante society established in July 1780. In August 1780, Huddy was the target of a Loyalist raid that temporarily captured him. The raiders were pursued by militia to Rumson, where a skirmish ensued as the raiders were loading themselves and their booty onto boats. Huddy was shot in the thigh (likely friendly fire), but was still able to swim to shore and narrowly escape capture. Raising Huddy’s Toms River Guard Out of respect for the concerns raised from Toms River residents, the New Jersey Legislature approved re-raising a company of State Troops for the defense of Toms River, with service to begin on January 1, 1782. As before, Asher Holmes would be the Colonel of the larger state troop regiment for all of Monmouth County. The captain of record would be John Walton, based in far-off Freehold Township. Huddy, through previously a captain, was now commissioned a Lieutenant reporting to Walton. Recruiting was slow—the regiment raised only 11 enlisted men in January—42 more men in February and 13 more men in March. Half the men were from Freehold Township—the home of Holmes and Walton. A third of the recruits were 21 years old or younger. It appears that Huddy arrived at Toms River with his guard sometime in February. A February 28 troop return provides information on the State Troops guarding Toms River. Nine of Huddy’s men enlisted in January, ten more enlisted in February. One man, William Case, had a term to begin on March 1. The guard was five men short of its full complement. The term of enlistment for all of the men ran through December 15. Problems with Huddy’s Company The State Troops were short on supplies, prompting Walton to complain to Azariah Dunham, the commissary officer for New Jersey, on March 10. Walton wrote that his men and militia responding to alarms (including a February raid against Pleasant Valley) "have some time past been without the rations due them.” Walton continued: There will be a great need of your Honor or some other Gentlemen to come down [to Monmouth to purchase provisions], whom you should appoint to fix someone to contract for us, as Mr. [John] Lloyd has been contracting for some time past without any orders from you, and says he has no money in hand. Dunham arrived at Freehold on March 19 and sought to hire John Covenhoven or Thomas Henderson as the new county contractor to replace Lloyd. Dunham acknowledged the low wages paid to the contractor but appealed to Covenhoven and Henderson’s sense of patriotism as the “militia and troops are now destitute." Covenhoven and Henderson acknowledged “our peculiar and dangerous situation,” but declined to serve as the county’s contractor for supplying the troops. They concluded: We would therefore request that you contract with some person of reputation in the county (if you can) to supply the troops and militia on the best terms that you can until the meeting of the legislature in order to save the county from ruin by the incursions of the enemy. In March 1782, Huddy’s guard at Toms River was undersized and lacking provisions. The men had only been together for a few weeks and their training and discipline was likely minimal. The State Troops had constructed a small fort (called “the block house”) to defend Toms River, but the emplacements for small artillery were empty. They were led by a brave but rash officer who was despised by the enemy. Huddy was so notorious to the enemy that his presence at Toms River might have drawn the attention of vengeful Loyalist leaders with the ability to direct raids. On March 24, a 100-man party of Associated Loyalists attacked Toms River . They likely outnumbered the State Troops and local militia by two-to-one. The Loyalists were also guided by William Dillon, a local boatman with a long list of grievances against the residents of Toms River. The Loyalists overwhelmed the State Troops, captured Huddy and many of his men, and razed the village. The attack on Toms River is the subject of another article, as is the terrible fate that befell Huddy after his capture. Related Historic Site : Joshua Huddy Park Sources : Monmouth County Petition, December 10, 1781, Library of Congress, MMC - Monmouth, NJ - Oversize, cabinet 2, drawer 7; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3852, 3856A; Certificate, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #5915; State Troop Return, National Archives, Collection 881, R 644; Joshua Huddy’s bond, Monmouth County Court of Common Pleas, Catalog of the Exhibition: Joshua Huddy and the American Revolution, Monmouth County Library Headquarters, October 2004John Walton to Azariah Dunham, Monmouth County Historical Association, Haskell Collection, box 1, folder 8; Azariah Dunham to Thomas Henderson and John Covenhoven, Monmouth County Historical Association, Haskell Collection, box 1, folder 8; Thomas Henderson and John Covenhoven to Azariah Dunham, in National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Henderson of of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#23877643 Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Richard Lippincott Hangs Joshua Huddy by Michael Adelberg This sketch shows a proud Joshua Huddy being taken from jail by Loyalists. The brazen hanging of Huddy on April 12, 1782, would become the most infamous incident in Monmouth County’s local war. - April 1782 - As discussed in a prior article, a 100-man Associated Loyalist party attacked the village of Toms River on March 24, 1782. They overwhelmed the small guard of New Jersey State Troops defending the village. A dozen state troops, including the commander, Joshua Huddy, were captured and jailed in New York. A week later, the Loyalist partisan, Philip White, was captured near Long Branch, separated from the other Loyalists taken, and murdered by his guards. The Chairman of the Associated Loyalists, William Franklin (New Jersey’s last Royal Governor) supported eye-for-an-eye retaliation for such atrocities. Huddy, because of his role in hanging a Loyalist years earlier, was an ideal target for a retaliatory killing. Regardless of what Franklin believed, it was risky to take an officer out of a British prison and kill him outside the law. The British Commander in Chief, General Henry Clinton, refused to condone eye-for-an-eye retaliation, and his distaste for the Associated Loyalists was longstanding. So, it appears that the Board of the Directors of the Associated Loyalists issued orders that would enable Huddy’s execution without actually authorizing it—at least in writing. Richard Lippincott's Orders As the Board considered retaliating for the death of White, a report came in from Monmouth County. The Loyalist Clayton Tilton (formerly of Shrewsbury), who was captured in Monmouth County on the same day as White, was sentenced to death. After White’s murder, there was worry that more Loyalists would perish and this report added immediacy to those worries. It is unclear exactly what happened next. But based on the majority of evidence presented in the May 1782 court martial trial of Richard Lippincott, it appears that Franklin discussed Tilton’s endangered status with two embittered Monmouth County Loyalists—Samuel Taylor and Lippincott. Lippincott was a “captain” in the Associated Loyalists who had taken a Whig vessel and led incursions into Monmouth County. He was likely regarded as a man of action. According to his testimony at Lippincott’s court martial, Samuel Taylor informed William Franklin of the murder of Philip White and the death sentence on Clayton Tilton. Taylor proposed two actions: 1.) conduct a prisoner exchange for Tilton, and 2.) hang Huddy in retaliation for White. According to Taylor, Franklin discussed a plan with Lippincott on April 8. Lippincott was apparently willing to conduct a prisoner exchange and hang Huddy, but he also wanted to raid Freehold and capture the vigilante leader David Forman if it was practicable. Lippincott wrote up the plan and presented it to the Board of Associated Loyalists. The extra-legal execution of Huddy was beyond the pale for some on the Board of Associated Loyalists. Samuel Blowers, a Board member, would later acknowledge only some of what Lippincott proposed: Captain Lippincott then proposed to make an expedition against the Jerseys with a view to force the gaol in Monmouth County, with a party of about thirty Loyalists, and to rescue Clayton Tilton, or if that was found impracticable, to make an attempt to seize General Forman. Tench Coxe of the Board was forthright in his opposition to the execution of Huddy. Upon seeing Lippincott’s plan in writing, he reportedly stated: "We have nothing to do with that piece of paper, Captain Lippincott, keep your papers to yourself, the Board does not wish to see them or have them read." The written plan to execute Huddy was apparently withdrawn, but the execution was nonetheless verbally authorized by William Franklin, Chairman of the Board. Samuel Taylor believed this, telling another Loyalist that Huddy’s hanging “was by order of Governor Franklin." Encouraging an execution without issuing a written order was not new for Franklin. In December 1780, Captain Thomas Crowell of the Associated Loyalists was presented with this scenario. Crowell testified that Franklin wanted him to hang one of three Whig prisoners under his care if his prisoner exchange with Monmouth County’s Asher Holmes failed: It was proposed to have executed one of them by way of retaliation, the Board of Directors having promised the Deponent that Orders should be given for the purpose, but ...the Order was not given, nor did the execution take place; but he (the Deponent) in consequence of the Declaration made by the Board of Directors, dated 28th December 1780, should have thought himself justifiable in executing one of those Prisoners. We do not know exactly what Franklin told Lippincott, but it is reasonable to assume that Lippincott was instructed to execute Huddy on the Navesink Highlands—a place where Huddy’s dead body would be quickly found. The conclusion of Lippincott’s court martial was that Lippincott was not guilty of murder because he had a “verbal order” to hang Huddy. Lippincott’s Landing in Monmouth County On April 8, the Board of Associated Loyalists formally authorized Lippincott to take the three most prominent men captured at Toms River—Huddy, Daniel Randolph, Jacob Fleming—and attempt to negotiate a prisoner exchange for Tilton. The next day, on April 9, the Board of the Associated Loyalists approved a (revised) proposal from Lippincott: The Board, having information that Capt. Clayton Tilton, now a prisoner in Monmouth County jail, is in danger of being sacrificed to the violent resentments of the rebels, and that a party of Loyalists under Captain Lippincott proposes to attempt his relief by forcing the jail or by seizing General Forman or some violent rebels in that county. The Board then agreed to request “fifteen stands of arms, eight hundred cartridges, thirty spare flints, and five days provisions for thirty men” under Lippincott. Lippincott was issued a passport to go to Sandy Hook and into New Jersey. Huddy was not mentioned in the approval of Lippincott’s mission. Franklin promptly requested military wares for Lippincott from General Oliver DeLancey; he did so without mentioning Huddy: Captain Clayton Tilton of the Associated Loyalists was lately taken prisoner by a party of rebels in Monmouth County. From the report made to the Board, we have reason to believe Capt. Tilton will speedily fall sacrifice to the resentment of the Rebels, to whom he rendered himself obnoxious for his Loyalty & Activity, unless he is relieved by the immediate action of the Loyal Refugees. To effect this relief, a party of Refugees, propose to make an attempt to force the jail or seize General Forman, a violent persecutor of Loyalists in the County. Franklin asked for the supplies quickly, "as the party must set off this evening to save him [Tilton]." Franklin ordered Lippincott to rescue Tilton who "is in great danger of losing his life" and "save him by forcing the gaol or seizing General Forman.” Lippincott was told to “make your descent on the Jersey shore, proceeding with the greatest secrecy and dispatch to Freehold, the gaol of which you will force, and relieve the prisoners therein." It is unclear if Franklin genuinely expected Lippincott to raid Freehold (fifteen miles inland, and well-guarded) with only thirty men, or whether this was a ruse to conceal the real purpose of Lippincott’s mission. Franklin also issued a letter to the Commissary of Prisoners to turn Huddy, Randolph, and Fleming over to Richard Lippincott: "Sir--Deliver to Captain Richard Lippincott the three following prisoners: Lt. Joshua Huddy, Daniel Randolph and Jacob Fleming, to take down to Sandy Hook to procure an exchange of Captain Clayton Tilton and two other Loyalists." No document lists Lippincott’s entire party. Lippincott claimed he had 25 men. By cobbling together information from various sources, it is possible to identify almost half of the men in Lippincott’s party: Samuel Taylor (who advocated for the hanging), John Tilton and Ezekiel Tilton (brothers of Clayton), Timothy Brooks (a Pennsylvania Loyalist who likely participated in the attack on Toms River), Moses (an African American loyalist who had been captured with Philip White but escaped), Aaron White (brother of Philip White), John Fennimore, John Worthly, and Isaac (African-American) (with Philip White at Long Branch). Huddy was loaded in irons on his hands and feet for his transport from New York to Sandy Hook—an unnecessary punitive act. John Tilton (a Monmouth County Loyalist and brother of Clayton Tilton) testified about this at Lippincott’s court martial, but attempted to explain it away: Joshua Huddy was put in irons on board the sloop, Dolphin. He [Tilton] asked Huddy whether he [Huddy] thought it was good usage or not, to which Huddy answered he thought it was not, but he expected to be exchanged in a few days. Tilton also claimed that Huddy threatened revenge against the Loyalists who had loaded him in irons: He [Huddy] hoped to have the killing of him, the deponent, and a good many others. The deponent then asked if he [Huddy] would hang him in case he fell into his hands, as he did the late Stephen Edwards, to which he [Huddy] replied that he did not hang Edwards, but only tied the knot and put it round his neck, and greased the rope that it might slip easy. Edwards was a Loyalist captured at Eatontown in 1777. He was hanged without a proper trial—an act that outraged Loyalists. Daniel Randolph later stated that on April 8, he, Huddy, and Jacob Fleming were "carried immediately on board a sloop, put down in her hold & ironed, the aforesaid Huddy having irons on both feet and both hands, and a certain refugee named John Tilton told Capt. Huddy that the aforesaid Capt Huddy was ordered to be hanged." Randolph said the men were "confined below deck until the 12th." That day, Huddy was told "to prepare to be hanged for having killed Philip White." Huddy replied that "he was not guilty of having killed Philip White, and should die an innocent, in a good cause, and with uncommon composure of mind and fortitude, prepared himself for his end." British Captain Richard Morris of the guard ship Britannia at Sandy Hook met with Lippincott on the morning of April 10. Morris testified that he understood that Lippincott intended to hang Huddy. He further testified that if the rebels retaliated on Tilton for Huddy’s hanging “he believed one of those two who remained [Randolph or Fleming] would also suffer." Lippincott landed on the Highlands on April 10. But he did not immediately hang Huddy. Instead, he chose to capture an enemy boat. He would write the Board of the capture on April 10: I proceeded to Sandy Hook with twenty-five men and received information of a privateer boat being in the Shrewsbury River & notwithstanding the night and a violent storm, I determined to take her; at sunset, ventured the river and proceeded up six miles where I took an eighteen oared whaleboat with one mast, one sail, four oars, one swivel and two blunderbusses. Hanging Joshua Huddy On April 12, Lippincott’s men were prepared to hang Huddy; Huddy was permitted to compose his will: I, Joshua Huddy, of Middletown in the County of Monmouth, being of sound mind and memory, but expecting shortly to depart this life, do declare my last will & testament. First, I commit my soul unto the hands of almighty God hoping he may receive it in mercy & next I commit my body to the Earth, I do also appoint my trusty friend, Samuel Forman, to be my lawful executor, and after all my just debts are paid, I desire that he do divide the rest of my substance, whether by book debts, bonds, notes or any other effects whatsoever, belonging to me, equally between my two children, Elizabeth & Martha Huddy. Huddy left nothing to his estranged wife, Catherine Hart (born Catherine Applegate). Witnesses at Huddy’s hanging disagreed on the details. Pennsylvania Loyalist, Timothy Brooks, testified that prior to the hanging, "Captain Lippincott shook hands with Huddy, as he was standing on the barrel." But John Tilton testified that Huddy was defiant, claiming that if he was freed, he would hang Clayton Tilton. Taylor claimed that Huddy begged for his release, saying "he would be their friend & a good subject, but the said Taylor said it was too late, shook hands with him, and Huddy was turned off." Huddy was hanged on April 12. Huddy’s corpse was left swinging with a note pinned to it that left no doubt about the Loyalists’ retaliatory intentions: We the Refugees, having with long grief beheld the cruel murder of our brethren and finding nothing but such measures daily carrying into execution. We therefore determine not to suffer without taking vengeance for the numerous cruelties and thus begin and have made use of Captain Huddy as the first object to present to your views, and further determine to hang man for man as long as a refugee is left existing. Up goes Huddy for Phil White. James Putnam, a New York boatman, met Samuel Taylor shortly after he returned to New York. Taylor put himself at the center of the hanging: "Huddy would not have been hanged had it not been for said Taylor" because "many people at the said hanging were against it, but he, said Samuel Taylor, was determined that Huddy should be hanged.” Taylor reportedly told Moses, the African American hangman “that if he, the said Negro, did not do his duty, he, said Taylor, would blow his brains out." Timothy Brooks corroborated that the hangman was a black man: Brooks testified that it was a "Negro that did the hanging." Lippincott, who set out to conduct an execution, ensured that Huddy’s blood would be on the hands of a Black man. After Joshua Huddy’s Hanging The chain of events immediately after Huddy’s hanging is hard to assemble. But a few acts are certain: Lippincott’s party quickly returned to New York without trying to free Tilton or capture Forman; While sources disagree on details, a limited prisoner exchange did occur—Clayton Tilton for Randolph and Fleming (some sources suggest that additional people were exchanged); The Associated Loyalists delayed reporting events in Monmouth County to British leadership. As outrage over Huddy’s hanging built in New Jersey, William Franklin finally reported on the proceedings in Monmouth County to General Clinton on April 27, "Randolph & Fleming are both exchanged for Capt. Tilton -- Capt. Lippincott, on his return from Sandy Hook, made the report of a capture of an eighteen-oar barge.” Franklin then singled out Lippincott as the person solely accountable for killing Huddy. According to Franklin, Lippincott “went before the full Board” and stated that: Huddy had been exchanged (laying emphasis on the word) for Philip White, and that when he came away from the Hook, Randolph was allowed to go to Freehold on his parole, in order to propose an exchange for Tilton, and Fleming for Aaron White, or if that could not be obtained, to offer both Randolph and Fleming for Captain Tilton alone. Franklin claimed to "know nothing" of the hanging of Joshua Huddy beyond Lippincott’s report and took no responsibility for it. His desire to place the blame solely on Lippincott is revealed by Dr. Henry Stevenson who testified at Lippincott’s court martial. Stevenson stated that “the Board of Directors had drawn up an Instrument in writing (which they wished Captain Lippincott to sign) purporting that Captain Huddy was executed without their knowledge or consent." Stevenson stated that members of the Board discussed this certificate and whether "he (Captain Lippincott) might alter it as he thought proper." It is unlikely that Lippincott signed any such statement as it likely would have been presented as evidence at his court martial trial. As discussed in the next article, the brazen retaliatory killing of Huddy sparked outrage in Monmouth County. Local leaders who feuded before and after Huddy’s hanging, united to escalate the matter to the highest levels of the Continental Government. Congress and General George Washington proposed executing a British officer in retaliation for the killing of Huddy unless the killer (Lippincott) was turned over. The British scrambled to defuse the situation by convening a court martial to examine if Lippincott was guilty of murder. Franklin laid low and then quietly boarded a ship for England. The flurry of actions and protests would escalate to senior officials from the Continental, British and French governments. The so-called “Huddy Affair” would become the most infamous incident in Monmouth County’s local war. Related Historic Site : Captain Joshua Huddy Historic Marker Sources : Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p224-5; Transcript of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, http://personal.nbnet.nb.ca/halew/Lippincott.html ; George Washington Papers, Library of Congress: http://founders.archives.gov/?q=privateer%20AND%20Sandy%20Hook&s=1111311111&sa=&r=27&sr= ; Transcript of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, http://personal.nbnet.nb.ca/halew/Lippincott.html; The Associated Loyalist exchange note is in Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 191; Connecticut Journal, May 2, 1782; James Putnam’s Testimony at Richard Lippincott’s Court Martial, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v107, #240-2, 261, 268; Note to Commissary of Prisoners, Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #168-70.; Chronology of the Huddy hanging discussed in Sheila Skemp, William Franklin: Son of a Patriot, Servant of a King (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990) pp. 256-9.; William Franklin to Oliver DeLancey, Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #158-65; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p217; Roth’s essay is in Howard Peckham, Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L. Clements Library (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978) pp. 515, 552, 554-7, 579; In Kinvin Roth’s essay in Howard Peckham, Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L. Clements Library (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978) pp. 578-9; Princeton University Library, Microfilms Collection, #1081.133, Board of Associated Loyalists, April 9, 1782; Testimony of Captain Richard Morris at Richard Lippincott’s Court Martial, Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #31-7; Richard Lippincott’s testimony at his court martial, David Library of the American Revolution, Great Britain Public Records Office, British Headquarters Papers, #4387. Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #186; Joshua Huddy’s will, Catalog of the Exhibition: Joshua Huddy and the American Revolution, Monmouth County Library Headquarters, October 2004; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p219-20; The note pinned to Huddy’s body is printed in David Fowler, egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 201; Edward H. Tebbenhoff, “The Associated Loyalists: An Aspect of Militant Loyalism,” New-York Historical Society Quarterly, vol. 63 (1979), p 142; Maryland Gazette, May 2, 1782; William Franklin to Henry Clinton, Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #175; Richard Lippincott to Board of Associated Loyalists, Princeton University Library, Microfilms Collection, #1081.133, Board of Associated Loyalists, April 15, 1782; Deposition to John Tilton, Great Britain Public Record Office, British Headquarters Papers, 30/55, #4439; Samuel Blowers’ testimony quoted in Howard Peckham, Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L. Clements Library (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978) p 562. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Fall of John Morris and His Loyalist Battalion by Michael Adelberg - September 1779 - In late 1776, the 2nd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers was raised from the Monmouth Shore by John Morris of Manasquan, who was commissioned its Lt. Colonel. After successful recruiting in early 1777, it became the strongest of the original five Loyalist battalions raised from New Jersey. It was the only one selected to join the British Army in the Philadelphia Campaign of 1777 and the only one to participate in the Battle of Monmouth . But the march through its home county was hard on the battalion; it lost about 10 percent of its active men during the campaign (killed, captured, or deserted). Morris grew ill and spent most of 1778 away from his men; a court martial trial revealed that Morris tolerated a deserter living with his men, Jacob Wood, because he supplied him with fresh fish. In late 1778, when the British Army invaded the South, the 2nd Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers was not selected to accompany them. It stayed on Staten Island with other battalions of New Jersey Volunteers. (In addition, the New Jersey Volunteers rotated companies to serve as guards at Sandy Hook.) A September 1779 return of the battalion shows that Morris was still in command but the battalion had only 223 enlisted men—half of whom were unable to fight (31 sick; 40 prisoners; six absent on leave; six deserted; two were out “recruiting”; and 31 were serving as officer waiters, wagoner's, shoemakers, or tailors. By February 1780, the size of the battalion dropped further. It had consolidated from eight to six undersized companies. In addition to Morris, the battalion had two majors, five captains., eight lieutenants., two ensigns, one chaplain, one adjutant, one quartermaster, and one surgeon. The enlisted ranks had shrunk to thirteen Sergeants, eight corporals, five drummers, and 123 privates. The largest company had only 26 privates, half the amount of a full company. Morris was away from his men again; he was listed as “in New York.” Most interesting, a Lieutenant, a sergeant, a corporal, and ten privates were listed as "with the expedition." This is almost certainly a reference to these 13 men being pulled out of the regiment to serve under Major Patrick Ferguson in the Carolina Campaign . The Fall of Lt. Colonel John Morris Lt. Colonel Morris drifted further into disrepute. According to historian Alfred Jones, on August 13, 1780, he "was cashiered for making false returns and drawing provisions for more men than the effective strength of his battalion, but was shortly afterward reinstated.” After that, Morris was apparently coaxed into retirement with a half-pay pension due to sickness. Just a few months later, on October 1, Morris, still in New York City, petitioned for restoration of his full salary: I am much hurt that after losing everything I have upon earth in the service. I should now, by those I supported as Provincials or others I know not of, be reduced to half pay, but add to this that I am a cripple. Nothing but the support of my wife & children could induce me to be troublesome in my situation. The 2nd Battalion was consolidated into a battalion from North Jersey and lost its Monmouth County character as new recruits came in from other places. The disarray of the battalion continued. In August 1781, still on Staten Island, Colonel Joseph Lee wrote Lt. Colonel Isaac Allen, commanding New Jersey Loyalists in South Carolina, "the 2nd Batt of N. Jersey Volunteers is not drafted, owing to the barrack master having not got all the wood from Lloyd's Neck, I shall do everything I can to get some of those men." John Morris remained mired in controversy. He faced court martial in 1781 for maintaining friendly relations with rebels. William Smith, Chief Justice of the Loyalist civil government in New York, was sympathetic to Morris. The case was outside his jurisdiction, but Smith noted that the prosecution "brought two witnesses against Col Morris -- a Doctor Fetter and a Hannah W -- they had neither anything to say respecting his disloyalty but what they had heard while in the country.” Smith concluded of their testimony that “the hearsay amounted to nothing but that Morris was called or esteemed by some of the rebels as their friend.” Morris was acquitted, “The Council were unanimously of the opinion that the accusation was false." Morris stayed in New York through the end of the war. His reputation was partially restored, but he was retired from public service and, by his own statement, he was “crippled.” Twice in March 1782, he advocated for the wives of men who had served under him. On March 20, he attested to the good character of Jane Milligan, a widow of a Loyalist soldier and now a refugee in New York City. Morris wrote that "she was obliged to leave her house and she has a son in the King's service” and was worthy of support. He also wrote on behalf of a Mrs. Lewis, also a Loyalist refugee in New York. She had a son killed in service under Morris and another serving elsewhere in the British Army. After the war, Morris was one of hundreds of Loyalists who applied for compensation for their lost estates. Morris narrated his service, noting that he raised a Loyalist battalion in 1776 and administered Loyalty oaths during the Loyalist insurrection of December 1776-January 1777. Another Monmouth County Loyalist, Captain Samuel Leonard of the New Jersey Volunteers, testified on his behalf. Leonard noted that Morris’ estate was seized and Morris’ "wife and children were turned out of doors." His livestock were sold off, dropping from 20 head of cattle to 0 and 20 sheep to 3 by the middle of 17777. Morris referred to himself as "crippled" during the war. In 1776 and 1777, John Morris was, by most measures, the most consequential of Monmouth County’s Loyalist leaders. He commanded the strongest battalion of New Jersey Loyalists and his men developed strong London Trading ties along the Monmouth shore, from which his regiment was drawn. But Morris left his troops while they were in Philadelphia in the winter of 1777-1778 and, by the time he reunited with his men in July 1778, the war had changed him. He protested British military practices and indulged a deserter in exchange for a personal supply of fresh fish. His health was declining and he was permanently separated from his men. Morris survived court martial, but lived out the rest of the war in retirement with a half-pay pension. The 2nd Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers withered and lost its Monmouth County identity. A January 1782 muster roll shows further disarray. Battalions and companies continued to consolidate—some companies lacked captains and others were commanded by majors or colonels. Only a few dozen men from the original 2nd Battalion were still serving. Four of those original Monmouth County men were listed as recently captured or deserted: Sgt. Vincent White, captured, September 24, 1780, Robert Thomson, captured, September 24, 1780, Thomas Reynolds, captured, September 24, 1780, Isaac Robins, deserted, December 21, 1781. The American Revolution was a sad event for most Loyalists—certainly this was the case for John Morris and most of his men. Related Historic Site : Fraunces Tavern (New York) Sources : New Jersey Volunteers Troop Return, William Clements Library, Henry Clinton Papers, vol. 68; Morris’ location in New York is discussed in William S. Stryker, The New Jersey Volunteers in the Revolutionary War (Trenton: Naar, Day and Naar, 1887) p 30; New Jersey Volunteers Troops Return, NJ State Archives, Adjutant General's Loyalist Manuscripts, microfilm; Alfred Jones, “Letter of David Colden, Loyalist, 1783”, American Historical Review, October 1919, vol. 25, p80 n5; John Morris to ?, New York State Library, Special Collections; Joseph Lee to Isaac Allen, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 65, item 51, vol. 1, #595; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) p 472-3; Return of New Jersey Volunteers, Library of Congress, MMC - Courtland Skinner, box 9; Jane Milligan’s Memorial, David Library of the American Revolution, Great Britain Public Records Office, British Headquarters Papers, #4272 and 4278; Mrs. Lewis Memorial, BF Stevens, Report on American Manuscripts in the Royal Institution of Great Britain (London: Mackie & Co, 1906) v2, p428; Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), pp. 357-8. Gregory Palmer, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. and London, 1984) pp. 625-6. Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Application Claims, D96, AO 13/19, reel 6. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Committees Form to Resist British Policies by Michael Adelberg The Continental Association, October 1774, created a national template for resisting British policies—county and township committees were responsible for enforcing it. - June 1774 - To punish the people of Boston for their “Tea Party” and other defiant acts , the British Parliament passed the so-called Intolerable Acts in early 1774. Colonists across the Thirteen Colonies reacted by boycotting British goods. Americans started forming committees to enforce the boycott and coordinate dissent across localities. The citizens of Freehold Township met at Monmouth Court House on June 6, 1774 to consider the state of affairs. According to minutes of the meeting, they agreed “that the cause for which the inhabitants of Boston are now suffering is the common cause of the whole Continent.” They also endorsed "an entire stoppage of importation and exportation from and to Great Britain and the West Indies.” Finally, they appointed a standing committee to “join an association with the several other counties in this province in any measures that may appear best to the weal and safety of North America." The Committee would be comprised of John Anderson, Hendrick Smock, Asher Holmes, Peter Forman, John Forman, John Covenhoven, Nathaniel Scudder – each of whom would go on to hold important leadership positions in the fledgling American government. While the committees that would soon form in other Monmouth townships contained a mix of men who would support and oppose the Revolution, the Freehold committee was full of ardent patriots (they called themselves Whigs). This would distinguish Freehold from the other Monmouth County townships in the years to come . A week later, on June 13, Josiah Holmes, one of Shrewsbury’s leading citizens, received a letter from the Essex County Committee. He responded by meeting with some other leading citizens in Shrewsbury and putting up a public notice which began: The deplorable state of the inhabitants of the great and (until now) flourishing town of Boston is reduced to by means of the late cruel and inhumane act of the British Parliament, for the blocking up their port, is the fatal occasion that thousands are now destitute of employment, and are also destitute of bread; now they have only to depend on the charity of well-disposed Christians. It is therefore proposed to load a vessel with grain and other provisions from this County of Monmouth, to be sent immediately for their relief. Meanwhile, the people of Monmouth County were called on to participate in the selection of delegates for a Provincial Congress, a state body that would operate outside the influence of New Jersey’s Royal Governor. On July 19, citizens from four of Monmouth County’s six townships met at Freehold to establish a county committee (attending: Freehold, Upper Freehold, Middletown, and Dover; Shrewsbury and Stafford did not attend). In addition to selecting delegates to this new Congress, the attendees agreed to raise foodstuffs for the suffering in Boston and establish a county committee. The new Monmouth County committee declared that British taxes were “altogether unprecedented and unconstitutional” but they also declared loyalty to the King: “they do highly esteem and prize the happiness of being governed by so excellent a system of laws as that of Great Britain, doubtless the best in the universe.” The County Committee quickly became the quasi-government of Monmouth County—with help from the township committees of Freehold, Upper Freehold, Middletown and Dover. Shrewsbury and Stafford townships did not establish township committees until 1775. Over the next few months, the committees of Monmouth County enforced the boycott of British goods by advertising boycott violators. They also raised and shipped “1200 bushels of rye, and 50 barrels of rye flour” for the suffering people in Boston. And they resolved to establish a new militia outside of the control of the Royal Governor. Soon, the County Committee would take action against some of the county’s most public Loyalists. All of this was set in motion before the first Continental Congress established the Continental Association in October 1774—calling on all Americans to take the actions that had already occurred in Monmouth County. Related Historical Sites : Monmouth County Historical Association Sources : Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 43-50; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Council of Safety , 1775-1770 (Trenton: Naar, Day and Naar, 1879) pp. 4-5; Allan Nevins, The American States During and After the Revolution , 1775-1 789 (New York: MacMillan Company, 1 922), p 44; Monmouth County Historical Association, Genealogical Files, folder - Revolutionary War Records of Monmouth County Soldiers ; Proceedings of the Committees of Freehold and Shrewsbury, Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, First Series, 1846, pp. 186-8; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p119-20; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 301-2; Pennsylvania Gazette , November 2, 1774 Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Jonathan Forman’s Long Service in the Continental Army by Michael Adelberg Jonathan Forman led a company of Monmouth troops through the famous winter at Valley Forge. He served in the army from 1776 into 1783, longer than any other Monmouth County officer. - February 1783 - Jonathan Forman was born into a prominent family from Middletown Point. He was the son of a successful merchant and son-in-law to John Burrowes, Sr., the Chairman of the County Committee , (which coordinated anti-British dissent before the Revolution). Members of his extended family included several of the county’s leading supporters of the Revolution: militia colonel, Samuel Forman; judge Peter Forman; sheriff John Burrowes, Jr.; and Continental Army Colonel and judge David Forman. Born in 1755, Jonathan Forman was a recent Princeton graduate at the start of the Revolution; he was not yet deep into career pursuits that would make long term military service difficult. On June 18, 1776, Jonathan Forman enlisted for five months service in the New Jersey Flying Camp Regiment headed by his kinsman, David Forman. Jonathan was commissioned a Lieutenant under his brother-in-law, Captain John Burrowes, Jr. Since both company officers were from Middletown Point, it is probable that they raised their company from that village and the surrounding neighborhoods. Forman served through the disastrous New York campaign and retreat into New Jersey. While most of David Forman’s Flying Camp returned home at the end of November to arrest Loyalists and then laid low during the December Loyalist insurrections , Jonathan Forman stayed with the Army. He enlisted as a captain, under Monmouth County’s Lt. Colonel David Brearley, in the 1st Regiment of the New Jersey Line on November 23, 1776 (some documents list January 1, 1777 as his enlistment date). He would remain in the New Jersey Line for the rest of the war—serving longer than any other Monmouth County officer. The Military Service of Jonathan Forman, 1777-1778 Forman was with Washington’s Army all through 1777, except in the month of August when he was sent home to retake deserters. This is recorded in his journal: 12th, myself got liberty to go to Jersey on command after Deserters / 13th, set out this morning with Capt. [Isaiah] Wool, being provided with horse, arrived that day at Allentno [sic] / 14th, arrived home [Middletown Point] where continued till 27th then set out with Capt. Wool to join the Regt / 28th, Allentno / 29th, C'pers Ferry [Coopers] / 30th, join'd the Regt at Brandywine. He returned in time to be with the Continental Army for its defeats at the battles of Brandywine and Germantown . Muster rolls from Forman’s Continental Army company have survived for much of 1778 and 1779. These muster rolls reveal a lot about Forman’s command. Based on surnames of the men in Forman’s company it is safe to assume that the company was raised from Monmouth County, though it is likely that a few people from other locales served alongside the Monmouth Countians. Starting in 1777, Continental Army recruits enlisted for terms of either three years or the length of the war. Through 1777, Forman’s company had more than 50 rank and file (near full strength). At a time when much of the Army was very short on men, Forman’s company was much larger than most. However, absences were high—18 men were absent in January 1778, and a slightly different list of 18 men were absent in February 1778. The absences occurred during the fabled winter camp at Valley Forge —when Washington’s camp shivered through the winter outside of Philadelphia while the British wintered comfortably in Philadelphia. Forman’s company traveled across New Jersey that June and fought at the Battle of Monmouth . During the Monmouth Campaign the New Jersey Line saw significant action and endured losses (12 wounded, 7 missing, 9 captured, 2 killed in battle, 2 others dead). Forman’s company had only one documented loss: Private Daniel Stevens deserted on the day of the Battle of Monmouth. Forman spent four days at Englishtown after the battle, but went home for a day. Forman recorded in his journal: "29th at English Town… July 2d, went home [Middletown Point] and returned to Englishtno where we lay till Thirst [Thursday]." There is no evidence of exceptional furlough or desertions in Forman’s company even when the company was close to home. This suggests that the company had high morale; it is possible that short absences were winked at by officers and went undocumented. From Englishtown, Washington’s Army marched out of Monmouth County, but Forman’s company stayed and accompanied Colonel Daniel Morgan’s regiment as it shadowed the British on their withdrawal to Sandy Hook. Forman’s journal entries reveal that his company stayed in Monmouth County until July 14, several days longer than Morgan: The Main Army then moved to Spotswood / Our Brigade being left to observe the motion of the en'y [enemy]. Colo march'd that morning to Mr. Denice's, myself sent off to Midle Tno [Middletown] where the en'y [enemy] had possession of the heights to get intelligence[.] Col Morgan laying there with abt [about] 200 Riflemen and part of his Excellency's guards returned Saturday [the] 11th on guard / Sunday 12th, went to Mid Tno [Middletown] with Colo D [Elias Dayton] and David B [Brearley] to reconnoiter [reconnoiter]. The eny [enemy] moved off to Sandy Hook and embark'd / the Brigade moved down to VM [Van Mater] Mills where we lay till Tuesday, the 14th, march'd abt [about] 3 o'clock a.m. to Spotswood abt [about] 14 miles distant. Forman was back with the Continental Army at Elizabethtown by July 18 when he was dispatched to carry a body of British prisoners to Morristown. Forman was sent home again in October when General William Maxwell, commanding New Jersey’s troops, sent him to gather information on the British incursion at Little Egg Harbor: Genl Maxwell has sent two Messengers to Major [Richard] Howell for Intelligence, I have now desired him to send Capt. Forman (who is well acquainted in that Country) to go to Middletown, Naversink &c. and get all the Intelligence he can and immediately to return. That same month, Maxwell sent one officer to each New Jersey County to recruit for one month. Forman was selected for Monmouth County. As noted below, Forman apparently stayed home for another four months after that, missing the brutal winter of 1779 at Morristown. The Military Service of Jonathan Forman, 1779 While Forman served continuously through the war, his junior officers did not. One of his original Lieutenants, Daniel Pearson, left the army on December 1, 1778. The other, Ephraim Whitlock, transferred commands on March 1, 1779. The new Lieutenants (Cyrus DeHart, Absalom Bonham) were probably not from Monmouth County and this might reflect the company’s rank and file evolving over time to be less Monmouth County-centered. In fact, by March 1779, only eighteen of the January 1777 rank and file were still serving in Forman’s company. March 1779 also appears to have been a low point for Forman’s company—its fit and present rank and file had dipped to 33 men. 23 more were unfit: eight men had deserted, two were furloughed, one was absent with leave, eleven were sick & absent, one was confined. That same month, Forman was one of several New Jersey Line officers to petition the legislature regarding inadequate support for its soldiers. Forman followed up with a letter directly to George Washington. On March 8, he wrote: It will be proper to inform your Excellency that the officers of the Jersey Brigade have repeatedly at almost every session of the Assembly since 1777 memorialized upon the necessities of the troops but we have the misfortune to inform your Excellency that not a single resolve was entered into the minutes on our favor... We have lost all confidence in our Legislature, reason and experience forbid that we should have any. Forman specifically noted that the officers were owed several months pay and then concluded: We have the highest sense of your ability and virtue, the execution of your orders has given us pleasure, that we love the service and we love our Country; but when that Country gets so lost to virtue & justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from that service. Forman then signed another petition of complaint to the New Jersey Assembly on April 17. His discontent continued into May when he wrote Governor William Livingston on behalf of the officers of the First Regiment on May 8. Forman noted that previous pleas for assistance for their suffering families were ignored and again threatened resignation: So long ago as last winter we informed the Council of our determination to leave the service unless we were properly provided for, and from them we again received assurances that provisions should be made for us... We love the service, and we love our Country; but when a Country gets so lost to virtue and justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes the duty to retire from service. Forman was not whining without merit. A return of his company on July 30, 1779, shows that his company was shockingly short on supplies. Of his 44 non-commissioned men, they are were short on the following essentials: 9 hats, 8 coats, 19 vests, 43 breeches, 44 stockings, 11 shoes (one or more), 24 shirts, 43 frocks, 10 blunderbusses, 3 firelocks, 3 bayonets, 3 cartridge boxes, 3 belts, 6 scabbards, 9 flints, 33 cartridge boxes (less a full complement of 24), 30 turn keys, 31 priming wires, 34 canteens, and 8 knapsacks. Washington wrote General Maxwell about Forman’s protests, He was unsympathetic : Our troops have been uniformly better fed than any others—they are at this time very well clad and probably will continue to be so—While this is the case they [the complaining officers] will have no just cause of complaint. It is important that any misconception on this point should be rectified. However, Washington also used the opportunity to lobby both Governor Livingston and the Continental Congress for more provisions for the Army. It is unknown exactly when conditions improved for the Army. But New Jersey troops soon went west into Pennsylvania to fight in the Iroquois Campaign . Provisions likely flowed into camp prior to that assignment. There is no record of Forman complaining in the later years of the war. Jonathan Forman’s Military Service, 1780-1783 If there was a taint on Forman’s reputation for complaining, it was temporary. On November 20, 1781, he was promoted to major in the 1st Regiment of the New Jersey Line. He was stationed at King’s Bridge in Westchester County, New York where he married Mary Ledyard on March 5, 1782. In August, Forman was at Newburgh where he became commander of a combined New York-New Jersey battalion. General Edward Hand wrote him: “You are appointed to the command of a battalion of infantry to be composed of New Jersey and York flank companies.” His four-company command stretched as far as Peekskill. Forman was entrusted to determine who could and could not pass enemy lines. He was at Dobbs Ferry on September 11, 1782, when he forwarded George Washington letters intercepted from a Loyalist and passports from men seeking to go to New York: I do myself the honor to enclose for your Excellency the receipt for a letter sent the 8th inst. address’d for Sir Guy Carleton, together with eleven private letters receiv’d last evening… Also a passport from Brigadier Genrl. [Moses] Hazen for Mr. Garosens passing to New York who I have ordered to remain att Mr. Lawrence’s near this post untill I am informed of your Excellency’s pleasure. On December 11, Forman wrote George Washington again: Mr J. Odle who I permitted yesterday to go between the lines has just returned and informs that Sir Guy Carleton with about 5,000 of the Enemy at New York were preparing to embark; that the transports for their reception were haul’d to the wharfs on Saturday last but waited for a fair wind. The 17th Dragoons was said to compose a part tho’ he could not learn the particular Corps, or given destination for the troops; for this purpose I shall permit him again in two or three days, when he says he will be able to obtain a better account, of the whole. Forman might have indicated a desire to finally leave service at this point. A December 26 order notes discharge from the Continental Army. However, Forman did not leave the Army and he was, in fact, promoted to Lt. Colonel and given a short-lived regimental command on February 11, 1783. In April, when Washington’s Army downsized, Forman was furloughed home. He remained commissioned in the Army until November 13. Three other Monmouth Countians—David Forman, David Brearley, and David Rhea—were also colonels in the Continental Army. The former lost his command in early 1778 and the latter two left the army in 1778 and 1779 respectively. Jonathan Forman was younger than David Forman, Brearley and Rhea and started the war at a more junior rank than these men. Despite Forman’s discontent in 1779, he endured the many battlefield defeats, late pay, scant supplies, and many other privations to serve all the way through the war. He was a true patriot. Jonathan Forman was a founding member of the Society of Cincinnati in 1783 and remained active in the New Jersey militia after the war. He was colonel and led a regiment of federalized New Jersey militia into Pennsylvania to suppress the so-called “Whiskey Rebels” in 1794. Forman was living in New York State by 1800, and became a Brigadier General in that state’s militia on April 14, 1800. Related Historic Site : Valley Forge National Historical Park Sources : Richard Harrison, Princetonians: 1769-1775: A Biographical Dictionary (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014) vol. 1, pp. 377-8; Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army during The War of the Revolution April 1775 to December 1783 (Washington DC: The Rare Book Shop Publishing Company, Inc., 1914) pp. 110, 179, 216; Some muster rolls from Jonathan Forman’s company are mistakenly included in Muster Rolls of New York Provincial Troops, 1755-1764, Collections of the New-York Historical Society for the Year 1891 (New York: New York Historical Society, 1892), pp. 324-33; Captain Jonathan Forman’s Muster Rolls, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 48, p44, 47, 48 & Coll. 11, p6; John Rees, 'They Answered Him with Three Cheers': New Jersey Brigade Losses in the Monmouth Campaign, www.revwar75.com/library/rees/Njlosses.htm ; Munn, David, Battles and Skirmishes of the American Revolution in New Jersey, (Trenton: Bureau of Geology and Topography, New Jersey Geological Survey, 1976) p 132; Jonathan Forman, Anonymous Revolutionary War Diary, Fellows Papers, box 2, Special Collections, Rush-Rhees Library, University of Rochester; transcribed by John Rees; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 16, 1 July–14 September 1778, ed. David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006, pp. 94–95; Lord Stirling to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 300–301; Orders to from William Maxwell to Capt. Jonathan Forman, Library of Congress, Peter Force Collection, 7E, reel 1, William Alexander, #70; William S. Stryker, Officers and Men of New Jersey in the American Revolution (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co, 1967); Jonathan Forman to George Washington, Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 13, 2018, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-10176 ; New York Historical Society, Fairchild Collection, item: Jonathan Forman; Selections from the Correspondence of the Executive of New Jersey, From 1776 to 1786 (Newark, NJ: Newark Daily Advertiser, 1848) p 146; Dennis Ryan, A Salute To Courage The American Revolution as Seen through Wartime Writings (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979) p 151; New Jersey Historical Society, Jonathan Forman, Account Book; National Archives, Numbered Record Books, Records of Military Operations and Service, Orderly Books 60, Apr 27, 1782-Aug 9, 1782, p145; Forman’s discharge is mentioned in John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 24, p 474; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 20, 8 April–31 May 1779, ed. Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010, pp. 439–441; Berg, Fred A., Encyclopedia of Continental Army Units: Battalions, Regiments, and Independent Corps (Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1972) p 82. Daniel Morgan essay David Brearley leaves Army Previous Next