The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Privateering of Captain Yelverton Taylor on the Jersey Shore by Michael Adelberg In small, fast ships like the Mars, Yelverton Taylor emerged as the most successful privateer captain to operate along the Monmouth shore during the Revolutionary War. - September 1778 - While the capture of the Venus in August 1778 by privateers David Stevens and Micajah Smith was the first capture of a great British ship along the Jersey shore, Philadelphia’s Yelverton Taylor was the first great privateer captain of the Jersey shore. Taylor operated out of Little Egg Harbor, at the junction of Gloucester, Burlington and Monmouth counties. Historian Donald Shomette described Little Egg Harbor and its inland village of Chestnut Neck at the start of the Revolution. The harbor was shallow, unmarked, and “perforated” with sand bars. The Mullica River which connected the harbor with the village, was thirty feet deep in stretches but twisted by sharp meanders and shifting shoals. Only local pilots could bring a ship upriver without it grounding. Chestnut Neck "could not be a considered a town," consisting of only a dozen dwellings and a tavern. Philadelphia ships used Little Egg Harbor in the winter when the Delaware River froze, and ships began using the port year-round when the British blockaded Delaware Bay and patrolled the Jersey Shore in spring 1776. The increased ship traffic provoked a British attack in June 1777 when a three-ship flotilla entered the Mullica River and took two vessels, and then took three more while departing. This attack led to the construction of a fort at the Fox Burrows of the Mullica River, but the cannon were never put into the fort. They were likely used by a privateer. By summer 1778, Little Egg Harbor was a booming port town. By summer 1778, Little Egg Harbor was the epicenter of Jersey Shore privateering. On July 6, British Admiral James Gambier wrote about these privateers. He called for more “20-gun ships coppered, sloops, cutters, and small vessels” but worried that even with more ships “the rebels can now muster threescore sail from their different ports.” He further worried “we have such a range of coast and… numberless difficulties” protecting British supply lines. In July 1778, with a powerful French fleet forcing the British into a defensive posture, privateering on the Jersey Shore truly blossomed. This is evidenced by establishment of regular admiralty courts to adjudicate the prizes. From Philadelphia, Henry Laurens, President of the Continental Congress, observed the rise of privateering at Little Egg Harbor. He wrote on July 22: “I am told no less than 12 Prizes lately taken are advertised for sale on Tuesday next at Egg Harbour.” It was from this boomtown that Yelverton Taylor emerged. His success is demonstrated by the upward progression of ships that he captained out of Little Egg Harbor. With his successes, he gained prize money necessary to put to sea in ever larger ships. By 1779, he was attacking vessels that he would have evaded in his first vessel. First Known Date / Taylor’s Vessel / Number of Guns / Crew Size June 27, 1778 Comet # of guns: 4 Crew: 25 September 30, 1778 Mars # of guns: 8 Crew : 35 July 29, 1779 Mars # of guns: 14 Crew: 60 Note: Taylor captained two different vessels named Mars . It is likely that Taylor first put to sea as a privateer captain on June 27, 1778, just days after British naval vessels completed their evacuation of Philadelphia. He would have waited for the British fleet to clear the Delaware Bay (June 30) and sail for Sandy Hook before putting himself into the sea lane along the Monmouth shore in search of smaller and unescorted vessels bound for New York. Early Captures On July 27, the New Jersey Gazette reported Taylor’s first captures, each of which was deposited at Little Egg Harbor (called Egg Harbor at the time). His first two prizes were the schooner Carolina Packet (under Capt. Walter Belts) with cargo of 16,000 bushels of salt and the sloop Lucy (Capt. Thomas Grandle) with cargo of rice and indigo. While these were small ships, they were fully loaded with goods in great demand. The vessels were sold at auction at Egg Harbor on September 11. Taylor’s next two documented prizes are recorded in the Maryland Journal , on September 8: "The privateer sloop Comet , Capt. Taylor of Egg Harbour, has brought into a safe port, a brig from Jamaica bound for New York, laden with rum, sugar, coffee and molasses--also a schooner from France, retaken with dry goods." The interest of a Baltimore newspaper in Taylor’s prizes is revealed by a Pennsylvania Evening Post report on September 19 about Taylor’s next prize. The Philadelphia newspaper reported that Taylor had arrived in the city with "the schooner, Smallwood , belonging to Maryland, taken on her passage to Curacao by a British tender, and retaken by Captain Taylor of Egg Harbor." A few days later, the New Jersey Gazette advertised an admiralty court to be held in Allentown on October 10 to hear Taylor’s claims on 1.) the schooner Fame against former Captain Francis Coffin, 2.) the schooner Good Intent against the former Captain Robsy, and 3.) the schooner Caroline [captain unknown].” The Smallwood , brought into Philadelphia, was outside the jurisdiction of New Jersey’s admiralty court. The Fame was not condemned to Taylor by the New Jersey admiralty court. An October 20 note in the papers of the Continental Congress infers that an out-of-state counter-claimant emerged. A second note about Fame from February 26, 1779, suggests that the rightful owner of Fame was still being determined six months after Taylor took it. A decision on a second vessel was also held up. In 1780, the New Jersey admiralty court retried another one of Taylor’s early captures. The delays in gaining access to his prizes may have prompted Taylor to bring other prizes into less regulated ports than Egg Harbor and Philadelphia (where port marshals impounded the vessel until a court condemned the prize to the capturing captain). There is no record of Taylor bringing another prize into either port for the next nine months. Later Captures Legal frustrations aside, Taylor remained active. By summer 1779, he was sailing in a larger ship and set his sights on bigger prizes. Joseph Reed of Philadelphia wrote of one such prize on August 18: Capt. Taylor in a privateer from this port on Thursday last took the Falmouth Packet bound to New York & was fortunate to secure the mail, not being able to bring in the vessel as the wind was contrary & he was chased by a frigate, he abandoned the prize, bringing off the mail & all the prisoners, which was landed at Egg Harbor. The New Jersey Gazette , reported that Taylor, in the schooner Mars , was "off Sandy Hook, fell in with a snow mounting 14 carriage guns, which he boarded and took.” The report continued: She proved to be a packet from Falmouth for New York. Captain Taylor took the mail and the prisoners, 45 in number, and stood for Egg Harbor; but on Saturday morning last, he fell in with a fleet of 23 sail, under convoy of a frigate, when the frigate gave chase & re-took her. Additional details were reported in the Morristown-based New Jersey Journal . The snow was the British vessel, Dashound , carrying the mail from New York to London. Nearing capture, the crew threw the mail into the sea, but it was recovered by Taylor’s men. A later article on the incident published in the Loyalist New York Gazette claimed the mail was "irrefutably sunk." This report is likely incorrect. Antiquarian sources complete the narrative. The Mars and Dashound fought a brutal hour-long battle (45 minutes in original accounts). The Dashound lost the battle when it grounded off the Monmouth shore during the fight. Once grounded, oar-powered gunboats from Toms River joined the fight. The Dashound surrendered when its masts were shot down. The gunboats ferried prisoners to Toms River and the Mars started towing the Dashound for Egg Harbor. However, Taylor had to cut the prize loose when the British frigate, Perseus , came after him. Taylor brought the British mail into Egg Harbor—a giant intelligence win for the Continental cause. Perseus towed the beaten Dashound back to Sandy Hook. A week later, Taylor was again at sea. He took a sloop named Active on September 1, but there is no record of this vessel being condemned in admiralty court so he likely did not bring it into Egg Harbor. He probably brought it to Philadelphia. At month’s end, Taylor was cruising along the Monmouth shore when he came upon his most spectacular opportunity. On September 14, the transport vessel, Triton , filled with troops, left Sandy Hook for the Carolinas as part of a convoy. Triton then separated from the convoy during a storm. The wounded vessel moved slowly off the Monmouth shore. The next day, according to a German Officer on board, “the wind was good, we therefore made our course northeast to get clear of the land and, if possible, out of the sight of the privateers cruising around there.” However, the transport was unable to get into deep water quickly. The officer recorded what happened at dawn on September 26 they spotted two privateers. It was a “sad and unhappy day.” The transport surrendered without a fight because “we were in such miserable condition that we could not escape nor make evasive procedures away from another ship. The wounded transport was larger than the two privateers, but had to surrender without a fight. Predictably, towing the bigger vessel was difficult; one of the privateers (Taylor in the Mars ) grounded and overset in the surf outside Egg Harbor. After a few days at the mouth of the harbor, the prisoners were rowed upriver to the privateer village of Chestnut Neck. They then walked under guard to Philadelphia, where they arrived ten days later. Another article discusses the capture of the Triton in greater detail. There is no record of Taylor remaining an active privateer after the capture of the Triton , though the Mars remained an active vessel under a Captain Geddes. Taylor likely had the wealth to retire. Having captured a British military mail packet and hundreds of soldiers, he knew he would be killed if ever taken by the British. Privateering was risky and he was now notorious. Before the war, Taylor worked as a pilot guiding ships between Cape May and Philadelphia—perhaps he retired to one of these places. Other privateer captains, mostly New Englanders , filled the void left by his retirement. Related Historic Site : New Jersey Maritime Museum Sources : Charles H. Lincoln, Naval Records of the American Revolution, 1775–1788 (Washington, D.C., 1906), pp. 254, 386; Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Hessian, Waldeck and British Prisoner Records, 1776-9, "List of Marine Department Prisoners: Officers Taken" and "Captures Made by Pennsylvania State Navy", coll. 875; Donald Shomette, Privateers of the Revolution: War on the New Jersey Coast (Shiffer: Atglen, PA, 2015); James Gambier to Earl of Sandwich, Sandwich Papers, 2: 295–301. Accessed via https://navydocs.org/ ; Henry Laurens, President of the Continental Congress, to Governor Richard Caswell of North Carolina, July 22, 1778, ScHi, Henry Laurens Letter Book. Accessed via https://navydocs.org/ ; Paul Burgess, A Colonial Scrapbook; the Southern New Jersey Coast, 1675-1783 (New York, Carlton Press, 1971) pp 126-7; J.A. McManemin, Captains of Privateers. (Spring Lake, N.J. : Ho-Ho-Kus Pub. Co., 1994), pp. 341-4; Maryland Journal, September 8, 1778; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 2, p 3395-6; The Library Company, Pennsylvania Evening Post; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Library of Congress, Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. 12, p 1024 and vol. 13, p 188; Valentine C. Hubbs, Hessian Journals: Unpublished Documents of the American Revolution (London: Camden House, 1980) pp. 81-3; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, I69, State Papers - PA, v 2, p 137; J.A. McManemin, Captains of Privateers. (Spring Lake, N.J. : Ho-Ho-Kus Pub. Co., 1994), pp. 341-4; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Committee of Appeals Decision, Paul Smith, et al, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1970) vol. 14, p 377-8; Information on Taylor’s work as a pilot is in: “Revolutionary War Delaware River and Bay Pilots” (https://continentalnavy.com/archives/2018/revolutionary-war-delaware-river-and-bay-pilots/). Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The "Tory Ascendancy" in Shrewsbury and Down the Shore by Michael Adelberg At the Battle of Trenton, the Continental Army routed the Hessians and turned the British Army back toward New York. Monmouth County volunteers joined the Continental Army for the attack. - December 1776 - As discussed in other articles, in late November, 1776, the Continental Army retreated across New Jersey and the British Army entered New Jersey. On November 30, General William Howe, the British Commander in Chief, invited the citizens of New Jersey to sign a loyalty oath and receive British protection from any future rebel harassment. Across New Jersey, but particularly in Monmouth County, disaffected New Jerseyans switched sides. In Monmouth County, Loyalist insurrections sprung up in Upper Freehold, Freehold-Middletown, and from Shrewsbury down the shore. The December 1776 Loyalist insurrection that occurred from Shrewsbury to Toms River was less organized than the insurrections in Freehold-Middletown and Upper Freehold . This may have been more a reflection of the region’s far flung geography than a lack of disaffected residents to power the counter-revolt. Just a few weeks before the December insurrection, Samuel Wright’s Loyalist association from the neighborhoods of Long Branch, Deal and Shark River was exposed and broken up. Wright and twelve of his men were captured. Immediately after, Colonel Charles Read of Burlington County led a short campaign that captured 70 more Loyalists. These events removed more than 80 committed Loyalists just before the start of the general insurrection. But even with these men in prison, there were many disaffected residents in the shore communities ready to support the British. The Insurrection Begins Pro-British rioting occurred immediately after Charles Read’s militia left Shrewsbury Township. On December 1, John Halloway, a Shrewsbury Township yeoman, plundered the home of Garrett Longstreet, an officeholder under the new government. According to the Supreme Court Indictment, Halloway led a gang of ten men who: With force and arms, to wit, sticks, staves, swords, guns and other offensive weapons… assembled and gathered together at the dwelling house of Garrett Longstreet, there situated, unlawfully & riotously did break open & enter a quantity of rum, sugar and cyder belonging to certain persons... in the said dwelling house, did take and carry away. This riot occurred on the eve of the insurrection—an insurrection that would begin with the return of John Morris and his battalion of Loyalists. The prior July, Morris (a former British Army officer who settled near Manasquan in the 1760s) led 68 Shrewsbury Loyalists to Sandy Hook and joined the British Army. They became the 2nd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers. When the tide of the war shifted and the British Army marched into New Jersey, Morris’s Loyalists entered Shrewsbury, probably on December 3. On that day, Robert Bowne, a Shrewsbury merchant, wrote that the British were “9 or 10 miles this side of Amboy, which has occasioned the Provincials [Morris’s men] to brave the guards along the coast." Bowne also noted that his kinsman, Thomas Bowne, from Queens, New York, was illegally traveling back and forth and transporting goods between Shrewsbury and British-held New York: Thomas has been down here several times this fall... the last he was here was about two weeks ago, when he brought down 1500 [Continental] dollars. Seeing no prospect of laying it out to advantage in these parts, we concluded [it] best for him to go to Virginia and lay out the same. From this letter, it can be inferred that disaffected Shrewsbury farmers were consorting with pro-British New York traders and that Continental dollars were not viewed as valid tender along the largely disaffected shoreline. Corroborating evidence of this is provided in prior articles about New York Loyalists hiding out in Shrewsbury and disaffected residents refusing to muster for the Monmouth militia. Loyalists Take Control A number of militiamen, including William Brinley of Shrewsbury, “laid down their arms” on the arrival of John Morris’s armed Loyalists. This may have forced several Shrewsbury Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) to leave the township in early December. William Davis, a solid Whig from Shrewsbury Township, recalled that he “volunteered under Benjamin Dennis to go to Philadelphia to join General Washington.” But his party of Shrewsbury volunteers did not make it. On the way to Philadelphia, prior to reaching Freehold, Davis “with some others (among whom was Captain John Dillon of Dover) were captured by a scouting party of British Colonel John Morris - He was then marched direct to the City of New York. There he was detained as a prisoner for 22 months.” It is impossible to know whether Davis’s decision to leave Shrewsbury was motivated by patriotism or the need to avoid arrest back home. Other Shrewsbury Whigs did make it to the Continental Army. Thomas Patten, for example, left Shrewsbury for the Continental Army: I entered a company of volunteers who were forming for the purpose of operating with the Army of Washington against the Hessians at Trenton... I was severely wounded by a musket ball near the Assunpink Creek & being removed to Pennington, New Jersey was confined there. One of the first of Morris’s Loyalists to return to Shrewsbury was Thomas Okerson, formerly of Tinton Falls (and a lieutenant in the New Jersey Volunteers). He was sent back into Shrewsbury township to capture an unnamed militia officer (probably Colonel Daniel Hendrickson or Lt. Colonel Aucke Wikoff, both of Tinton Falls). But Okerson was ordered to show restraint when making the capture, "you are on no account to touch his life.” There is no record of Okerson making the capture. An aversion to violence characterized the Shrewsbury insurrection—this aversion would not last the war. John Wardell, the former judge whose disaffection was exposed by David Forman weeks earlier, was appointed Commissioner for administering British oaths in Shrewsbury. His name appeared as one of three commissioners (along with John Taylor and John Lawrence) on an advertisement circulated across the county calling on citizens to “qualify” for British protection. As Wardell began administering oaths, John Morris pushed south toward Toms River in Dover Township. Captain Robert Morris (not related to John Morris) remained in Shrewsbury with a newly-raised company of New Jersey Volunteers. James Corneilius would later testify that Morris was assisted by two disaffected Quakers, Walter Curtis and Peter Brewer: Sometime about the latter end of December last, saw the above Walter Curtis with the enemy & in company with Robert Morris at the town of Shrewsbury, and at the same time that he saw Peter Brewer with sd Morris and his party. John Morris reached Toms River on December 23. Another article discusses his meeting with Thomas Savadge, the Administrator of the Pennsylvania Salt Works , the largest enterprise in the township. Morris chose to spare the salt works and left them in the custody of two local Loyalists. Morris apparently relied on Joseph Salter (the first militia colonel for the area, but now disaffected) to line up residents to take British loyalty oaths. Salter induced many to sign. Daniel Griggs of Toms River later recalled Salter’s approach: About the 27th day of December last, he, sd deponent, did sign a paper of protection of Col John Morris at Toms River, of which sd paper Joseph Salter, of the township of Dover, was the first signer. The sd Mr. Salter was very often at the deponent's house in company with sd Morris & his officers, that on a certain day the sd Salter clapt his hand on the deponent's shoulder & said 'the times are very much altered, as [I] always expected it would be'. Thomas Potter, of Toms River, vividly recalled John Morris’s visit to Toms River and the prominent role played by Joseph Salter in supporting the Loyalists. In an April 1777 deposition, Potter described "being sent for by Colonel Morris & threatened to be sent to the guard house if he did not come.” Potter went to the house of John Cook, the senior militia officer at Toms River, “where he saw Joseph Salter of said county & John Williams with the said colonel John Morris.” Morris showed Potter “a paper with a number of signers & that the first name subscribed thereto was Joseph Salter.” He was told that the “purpose of the said paper was to put us on the same footing we formerly were, under the King.” Potter was compelled to sign and accept British protection when Major John Antill of Morris’s battalion “tendered him an oath of allegiance to the King.” When Potter initially declined, “Morris told him that unless he [Potter] did [take the oath], he [Morris] would strip him of everything, upon which & being also threatened to be sent to the guard house & the said oath being explained to him [Potter] by the said Salter, he at length complied.” Because Potter had accepted British protection, he was told by Salter that he did not need to surrender his gun. The End of the Insurrection But time was running out on the nascent Loyalist association that Potter had just joined. On January 2, 200 newly-mustered Loyalist militia from Upper Freehold, Freehold and Middletown townships were routed in a short battle near Freehold. The British Army, defeated at Trenton and Princeton, pulled back across New Jersey. John Morris took his troops out of Monmouth County and the most strident Loyalists either joined him or went into hiding. The first Pine Robber gangs, covert Loyalists operating in salt marshes along the shore, included Loyalists who fled as the Loyalist insurrections crumbled. Concealing Loyalists was dangerous. Richard Lippincott, a disaffected Shrewsbury resident who had received a loan to start a salt works the prior summer, was accused of aiding a Loyalist-in-hiding; for this, he was jailed in Burlington County. On release, Lippincott fled to British-held New York. By the end of war, he would be the most despised man in Monmouth County for hanging Joshua Huddy . Related Historic Site : Washington Crossing Historic Park Sources : New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, State v John Halloway, # 35895; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, State vs Samuel Longstreet, #36663 and 36665; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - William Brinley; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, James Cornelius; Robert Bowne to Thomas Bowne, Rutgers University Special Collections, AC 1246; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #3; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, William Davis of Ohio, www.fold3.com/image/#14680717 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Patten of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#27227091 ; Lorenzo Sabine, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1864), vol. 2, p 562. Jones, E. Alfred. The Loyalists of New Jersey, (Newark, N. J. Historical Society, 1927) p 165; Deposition of Daniel Griggs, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 4, April 7, 1777; United Empire Loyalists, Loyal Directory, Richard Lippincott: http://www.uelac.org/Loyalist-Info . United Empire Loyalists, Loyal Directory, Richard Lippincott: http://www.uelac.org/Loyalist-Info ; Deposition of Thomas Potter, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 4, April 7, 1777. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > David Forman's Attack on Sandy Hook by Michael Adelberg The thick-walled Sandy Hook Lighthouse was attacked at least twice. David Forman broke off his attack against the British guard at the lighthouse when a British warship joined the battle. - March 1777 - For the British, Sandy Hook was a critical asset. By possessing it, the British controlled access between the Atlantic Ocean and New York City—their headquarters in the rebelling colonies. Sandy Hook was also a base from which the British received Loyalist refugees and provisions via illegal trade from New Jersey. As the war progressed, Sandy Hook became the base from which Monmouth County’s Loyalist partisans struck back at their former neighbors. For these same reasons, Sandy Hook was an attractive target for Monmouth County’s Whigs (supporters of the Revolution). In May 1776, Continental troops captured a British party at the freshwater spring at the bottom of Sandy Hook, and in June, a Continental regiment under Colonel Benjamin Tupper attacked the Sandy Hook Lighthouse. But after the 25,000-man British Army arrived in America on June 29, 1776, Sandy Hook became unassailable to the outmanned and outgunned Monmouth militia that stood guard against it. In February 1777, the Monmouth militia opposite Sandy Hook was routed at the Battle of the Navesink ; roughly one hundred militiamen were killed or captured. David Forman’s Attack on Sandy Hook Still, Sandy Hook remained an alluring target for ambitious Americans leaders and, in early 1777, David Forman was that ambitious leader. In the prior year, Forman had commanded a regiment of Flying Camp (short term Continental soldiers) during the disastrous New York campaign, broke up a Loyalist association in late 1776, and raised approximately one hundred fresh Continental recruits for his “Additional Regiment ” in early 1777. The New Jersey government commissioned him a Brigadier General over the Monmouth militia on March 5, 1777. With the ability to attach militia to his Continental regiment and command the combined force, Forman moved quickly against Sandy Hook. Forman’s attack on Sandy Hook is not discussed in surviving British or Continental military papers, but it is documented in two Loyalist newspapers. On March 8, 1777, the New York Journal reported: “It seems an attack was made at the Light House at Sandy Hook yesterday morning by about 250 rebels, horse and foot, but they were repulsed by the garrison, consisting of no more than about 30 men." The New York Gazette and Weekly Mercury provided a little more detail: About 250 of the rebels made an attack upon the Light House at Sandy Hook. By the bravery of the men posted there, and by the cannon of the Siren posted near the spot, they were beat off with some loss. From the many attempts at the Light House, it seems their favorite object. These brief newspaper accounts are complemented by four recollections from Monmouth Countians who noted the attack in their post-war veteran’s pension applications. From these accounts, we learn that the attack was conducted after a heavy snowfall and that the militia was not beaten by the garrison at Sandy Hook (as claimed in the New York Journal ). The attack was broken off when the British warship, Syren (28 guns, 200 men), sailed around Sandy Hook, fired on the attackers, and prepared to land men behind Forman’s party. Forman retreated in order to avoid being cut off and trapped on Sandy Hook. Aaron Reid recalled that "he marched under General Forman with the Monmouth militia to Sandy Hook to take the Light House, but the British defeated them in their object and they were forced, after a little skirmishing, to retreat.” John Reid remembered that “In the early part of the year 1777, there was snow on the ground, he marched with the militia under Col. [Asher] Holmes and General Forman to take the light house on Sandy Hook, then in possession of the British and refugees. They was defeated in that object of their expedition by the British shipping which lay in the bay and they were obliged to retreat or be cut off by the British landing in their rear.” William Hays' recalled, “He went with the militia under General Forman to take the light house... the snow was half a leg deep. They attacked the Light House" but "General Forman said the vessel left her anchoring ground and went around the point of the Hook, and fearing that they might land in his rear and cut them off - he gave them orders to retreat, which they did." William Chambers remembered participating in more than one attack on Sandy Hook: "Several attempts were made to take it, but they were unsuccessful owing to the cannon not being heavy enough." Two of the militiamen reference at least one other attack on Sandy Hook by Forman. But these brief mentions do not provide details on this second action. There are remarkable commonalities between Forman’s March 1777 attack and Benjamin Tupper’s June 1776 attack on Sandy Hook. In both cases: 1.) a large American force marched up Sandy Hook and attacked a smaller British party stationed in the Sandy Hook Light House, 2.) the attacking parties lacked the heavy cannot necessary to damage the light house and seriously threaten the sheltered British, and 3.) the Americans were forced to retreat when a British warship joined the battle. It is curious that Forman repeated Tupper’s miscalculations. Perhaps Forman had little knowledge of Tupper’s attack; Forman was in New York with George Washington’s Army when Tupper attacked Sandy Hook. Tupper’s letters on his attack on Sandy Hook note a lack of cooperation with locals. So, it is possible that Forman had only vague knowledge of Tupper’s failed attack and launched his attack believing his force and position was superior to Tupper’s. While the attacks of Tupper and Forman on Sandy Hook were futile, resourceful Americans would find other ways to menace Sandy Hook later in the war (via raids and privateer ambushes of British shipping). The rebels never expelled the British, but they most certainly harassed them and forced the British into a defensive crouch later in the war. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources : David C. Munn, comp., Battles and Skirmishes of the American Revolution in New Jersey (Trenton, N.J.: Department of Environmental Protection, Bureau of Geology, 1976) pp. 91-3; Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Journals of Hugh Gaine , Volume I (New York: Dodd, Mead 81 Company, 1902), vol. 2, p 21; Disposition of Vice Admiral Richard Lord Howe's Fleet in North America, January 15, 1777, Great Britain Public Record Office, Admiralty 1/487. Accessed via https://navydocs.org/ ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - William Chambers; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John Reid of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# 14359840 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Aaron Reid; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - William Hays. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The First American Raids Against Sandy Hook by Michael Adelberg In 1778, Sandy Hook was cut off from the mainland by a channel called “the Gut.” A British guardship protected the lighthouse at its tip. Captain John Burrowes launched the first raid against it. - December 1778 - By late 1778, Sandy Hook had been occupied by the British navy for two and a half years. During that time, the British fought off at least three land-based attacks (April 1776 , June 1776 , and March 1777 ). They also fortified the Hook and supported Loyalist refugees in establishing a makeshift settlement called Refugeetown . Sandy Hook became the base of operations for Loyalist middlemen, called “London Traders ,” who powered the illegal trade between Monmouth County’s disaffected farmers and the British commissary at the lighthouse. Finally, Sandy Hook was the staging ground for raids, great and small , against the shores and villages of Monmouth County. In 1778, bold privateers such as Yelverton Taylor on the Atlantic shore and William Marriner in the Raritan Bay proved that small American vessels could sting the British and escape without harm if the action was quick. Given this, it was inevitable that local Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) would seek to strike at Sandy Hook. Captain John Burrowes of Middletown Point was the first Revolutionary to surprise attack the Hook. The Service of John Burrowes, Jr. John Burrowes, Jr., was a captain in the Continental Army. His father, John Burrowes, Sr., was the Chair of the Monmouth County Committee immediately prior to independence. Burrowes, Sr., was captured by Loyalist raiders in May 1778. Captain Burrowes led the most active and largest company in David Forman’s Additional Regiment which was created to defend Monmouth County. But Forman was stripped of command and the regiment, including Burrowes, Jr., was pulled out of Monmouth County and merged into the main Continental Army two months prior to his father’s capture. After the Battle of Monmouth (June 28, 1778), Captain Burrowes was allowed to stay home for long stretches in order to observe and report on British movements in the Raritan Bay and at Sandy Hook. But Captain Burrowes likely wanted revenge on the Sandy Hook-based Loyalists who took his father and razed his village. He was also an active patriot who understood that the weakened British naval presence at Sandy Hook, whittled down to a single guard ship and company of Loyalist soldiers, made the Hook vulnerable to attack. The First Raid Against Sandy Hook On December 18, 1778, Burrowes wrote his commanding general, Lord Stirling (William Alexander) about "a little excursion made on the night of the 15th inst.” He reported that “my cruise was not so favorable as expected,” but it was still quite favorable: In the evening at 7 o'clock, I set out from this place in three small boats which carried eighteen men, proceeded to Spermacity Cove [on the bayside of Sandy Hook], where I found the sloops I had taken view of the day before; the one that appeared the largest I boarded with six men, the other boats I sent men to board the other two [sloops]. The one I boarded was a tender belonging to the Light House, she mounted 8 swivels, 2 musketoons & 2 blunderbusses. I immediately secured the prisoners & got her away, as also the others; but unfortunately run her ashore and found I could do no more with her. I left her after taking out the prisoners and proceeded to secure the others, which I did. I took fourteen prisoners and some plunder. The Pennsylvania Packet reported on the event: "Some Jerseymen went in rowboats to Sandy Hook and took four sloops, one of which was armed. They burned three, took one; also taken, nineteen prisoners. The share of prize money per man was £400." An article in the Pennsylvania Evening Post reported the same event, but with slightly different details: Some row boats about a fort night ago went from Jersey to Sandy Hook where in the night they boarded four sloops, one of which was armed. In carrying them to a place of safety, three of them, by the unskillfulness of the pilots, ran ashore and were burnt. The other, with nineteen prisoners, got safe to New Jersey. In February 1779, a second raid against Sandy Hook succeeded in taking three additional small sloops. On February 10, the New Jersey Gazette reported "that on Monday night, three prizes taken near Sandy Hook were brought into the Raritan River, one of which had a valuable cargo on board." A second brief reported similarly: "three prizes taken near Sandy Hook were brought into Raritan River, one of which had a valuable cargo on board." It is unknown who led this second raid, but the raiders may have included William Marriner or some of his men given that the captured boats were brought into the Raritan River. The vessels taken in both actions, with the exception of the one tender discussed in Burrowes’ letter, were not military vessels. They were likely small sloops owned by Loyalist refugees who were facilitating illegal trading between Monmouth County and the British. Regardless of whether these were military vessels or not, interrupting this illegal trade was a valid military objective. The vessels were subject to seizure and could be condemned in the New Jersey Admiralty Courts as valid prizes. British Weakness at Sandy Hook The British did not beef up the defenses at Sandy Hook as result of these first two raids. In March 1779, the sloop, Hunter , arrived from Halifax and was left at Sandy Hook as the guardship. According to documents in the Papers of the Continental Congress, the Hunter suffered desertions throughout 1779 and was well under its full complement of guns. A June document states: “She has lain there as a guard ship last March when she arrived from Halifax, has only six guns mounted, having thrown four overboard in her passage." This is a remarkable contrast to the 40-gun frigates that guarded the Hook in 1776 and 1777. The weakness of the British defense prompted further insults. On April 10, the Loyalist New York Gazette reported a strange incident that occurred at Sandy Hook on April 2. A Loyalist privateer was sabotaged by a spy named “Smith.” The privateer’s captain discovered "two holes newly bored with an auger and stuffed with fresh cork and some canvas" in the hull of his vessel. The ship nearly sank outside of Sandy Hook, but listed back into sheltered waters where the captain discovered the sabotage on inspection. A party of Monmouth militia also took a Loyalist vessel near Sandy Hook that spring. Wilson Hunt of Upper Freehold recalled in his postwar veterans’ pension application: We spied a sloop of war under sail, it appeared as tho' it would land where we immediately hid ourselves in ambush but she did not land. She tacked about and sailed near the British fleet and cast anchor. We marked her position, in course of the evening, we procured a vessel and after dark sailed to the aforesaid sloop, seized her and boarded her immediately and found only the captain and mate on board. The captain surrendered to us at discretion but the mate threatened to alarm the British fleet which lay close at hand, but there was a file of men with fixed bayonets quickly around him - if he opened his mouth they would quickly run him through, upon which he made no further resistance, and we hoisted anchor and bore away for the mouth of the Shrewsbury River which we fortunately struck and ascended our way up river, the next day we were hailed by two men and asked if we did want to buy provisions, having the British colors hoisted they took us to be British, we decoyed them on board and made them prisoners. They were both Tories. We carried the above sloop up to Shrewsbury Town and anchored as near the town as we could get her, where she was declared a lawful prize. On land, the Monmouth militia and state troops also grew bolder. Cornelius Smock, the son of Lt. Col. John Smock and nephew of Captain Barnes Smock of the Middletown militia, recorded an attack against a Loyalist party on Sandy Hook in 1779: He was one of thirteen men, with Capt. Barnes Smock, commanded by his father, Lt. Col. John Smock, that went to a place called the Gut on the sea shore near Sandy Hook, and after a smart skirmish, took 26 prisoners - refugees commanded by Lt William Stevens, who was amongst the prisoners - these prisoners were afterwards exchanged for American prisoners then in prison in New York. Smock further reported that “he was with a party that marched on Sandy Hook and retook John Stillwell's cattle, and brought them off.” Another Middletown militiaman, Chrineyonce Schenck, recalled the same skirmish near Sandy Hook "when twenty-eight or thirty Tories were taken prisoner, together with Captain William Stevens.” The Loyalist publisher, Hugh Gaine, reported in his journal, "an attack upon the Light House at the Hook, but the enemy soon retired." These early attacks on Sandy Hook set the stage for even more impressive attacks later in the war. Most notably, in January 1780, Major Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee made a bold descent on Sandy Hook during a snowstorm, and throughout 1781 and 1782, the New Brunswick privateer, Adam Hyler, made several successful attacks on British assets on Sandy Hook. These are subjects of later articles. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources : John Burrowes to Lord Stirling, New York Historical Society, MSS John Burrowes; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 194-202; Edwin Salter, Old Tims in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 127-8; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 3, p 41; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 3, p 58; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 187, item 169, #35, 116, 136, 191; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Wilson Hunt of KY, www.fold3.com/image/#24273269 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Cornelius Smock; Allan McLane, Army and Navy Chronicle (New York: Benjamin Homans, 1838) p 130-1; Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Journals of Hugh Gaine, Volume I (New York: Dodd, Mead 81 Company, 1902), vol. 2, pp. 87; Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Journals of Hugh Gaine, Volume I (New York: Dodd, Mead 81 Company, 1902), vol. 2, pp. 87. Providence Gazette, August 25, 1781; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Chrineyonce Schenck. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Forman's Additional Regiment Merged into the New Jersey Line by Michael Adelberg Israel Shreve of Burlington County commanded David Forman’s Additional Regiment for part of 1778. Forman’s diminished regiment was eventually integrated into the New Jersey Line. - March 1778 - As noted in prior articles, David Forman was the most powerful man in Monmouth County throughout 1777—he commanded the Monmouth County militia (and the militia of bordering counties) as its Brigadier General and commanded an Additional Regiment of the Continental Army assigned to defend Monmouth County. However, Forman abused his power in a variety of ways. In November, the New Jersey Legislature voided the county elections in which Forman influenced the outcome and then Forman resigned his New Jersey militia commission in a related dispute with the legislature. David Forman Loses His Regiment Shortly after that, the New Jersey Legislative Council, the Upper House, learned that Forman’s troops were being used as a private labor force to construct a salt works at Barnegat. The New Jersey government complained of Forman’s conduct to George Washington. On March 25, 1778, Washington wrote Forman accordingly: The opinion of the Council of your State is so directly opposed to the continuance of the men at the salt works you are erecting that, to avoid the imputation of partiality and remove all cause for censure, both with respect to you and myself, I am induced to direct they may for the present join and act with Colo. Shreve's [Israel Shreve] regiment. Forman followed orders. On March 28, he filled out a list of officers (Major William Harrison; Captains John Burrowes, William Wikoff, Thomas Marsh Forman, John Combs; Lieutenants Gilbert Imlay, William Hall, Robert Pemberton; Ensign William Schenck) and ordered them to join the main body of New Jersey troops (commonly called the “New Jersey Line”} at Valley Forge. The orders included a note that Lt. Hall was a prisoner of the British. Forman recommended that his officers be allowed to maintain their rank (officers were sometimes squeezed out of their commissions when regiments were combined). Forman’s regiment had only four companies, three of which were greatly undersized—a full regiment had eight full-sized companies. Forman’s men marched to Valley Forge, Pennsylvania on April 10 and were likely re-uniformed out of the red coats that had caused them so much trouble at the Battle of Germantown and elsewhere. Immediately after leaving their camp at Manasquan, a Loyalist raiding party razed Forman’s Union Salt Works they had been guarding. Forman and Shreve appealed for help. So, Washington returned the men to New Jersey. An orderly book for the New Jersey Line noted "the detachment from Forman's Regt now in camp to be got in readiness immediately to join their Regiment [4th New Jersey] now in the Jerseys." The New Jersey Line consisted of four under-sized regiments at the time with the 4th Regiment actively recruiting in Monmouth County. The New Jersey government would soon consolidate the four regiments down to two to regiments and implement a draft to fill the ranks in the remaining two. Defending the New Jersey Shore The transfer of Forman’s men to the New Jersey Line left the New Jersey shore undefended, and its salt works were an attractive target for British and Loyalist raiders eager to punish rebels and disrupt the Army’s salt supply (necessary for preserving its food). On April 14, Washington wrote Governor William Livingston regarding the requests from New Jersey to better defend both the Atlantic shore and the western bank of the Delaware River from British raiding parties. I have ordered the few men of Colo. Forman's Regiment who are here, to join Colo. Shreve, which will make a small addition to his force, and it is my intention, if I can do it consistent with the safety of the Army, to send over another of the Jersey Regiments; but as this is a matter of great uncertainty, and will depend entirely upon my reinforcements; I would not wish that the people should count upon it. Washington ordered Colonel Shreve to guard shore from Shrewsbury to Egg Harbor. But also ordered him to be ready to leave the shore on short notice: "You will keep your troops under your command in a most compact order" and rejoin the main body of the Continental Army when the British Army leaves Philadelphia. Washington also took the opportunity to state his philosophy about using a regiment of Continental troops to guard an area—such as Monmouth County—that was vulnerable to British-Loyalist raids. A few hundred Continental troops quiet the minds and give satisfaction to the people of the Country; but considered in the true light, they do rather more harm than good. They draw the attention of the Enemy, and being not able to resist them, are obliged to fly and leave the Country at the mercy of the foe. But as I said before, the people do not view things in the same light, and therefore they must be indulged, tho' to their detriment. Over the next three years, Washington would repeatedly send detachments of Continental troops into Monmouth County—though he was deeply suspicious of the value of stationing troops there. Within days of Forman’s regiment leaving the shore, a punishing British-Loyalist raid destroyed several of the salt works. The Dissipation of Forman’s Former Regiment As for Forman’s regiment, by the summer of 1778, hard service and low morale took its toll and it withered further. Desertion advertisements demonstrate this. Historian John Rees wrote of the strength of Forman’s former regiment in September 1778. While Captain John Burrowes’s Company remained large (roughly 40 men), the other three companies had withered to near-nothing: Thomas Marsh Forman: 1 captain, 1 sergeant, 1 corporal, 1 musician, 4 privates present, 2 privates sick; Capt. John Combs: 1 captain, 1 sergeant, 1 corporal, 13 privates; Capt. William Wikoff: 1 captain, 1 sergeant, 2 corporals, 3 privates present, 3 privates sick, 1 sick absent, 1 on command. William Stryker, who studied New Jersey’s Revolutionary War soldiers in the late 1800s, claimed that Forman’s former regiment was down to 68 men at year’s end. The company of Captain John Burrowes was the only functioning company left of Forman’s regiment. A March 1779 return of that company documents its difficulties. The company included: Lt Gilbert Imlay, Sergeant Michael Erickson (reduced in rank in September 1778) and Corporal Jacob Allen. Several months after being taken away from Forman, the men were still identified as “Forman’s Regt” on some Army documents. The company had raised 36 privates in early 1777. Of these 36 men, half had enlisted for three years and would soon be eligible to leave the Army, and half for the “length of war.” Few of the men served without some type of interruption. By March 1779: 5 had deserted (3 returned), 1 dead, 1 captured (exchanged), 12 missed time due to sickness (many noted as “sick at Freehold”), 9 missed time due to furlough, 2 confined by the Continental Army, 5 sent “on command” to Shrewsbury in September 1778. It appears that the withered Additional Regiment was eventually combined with Monmouth County’s 1778 draftees and other later recruits and consolidated into two companies under Burrowes, who was eventually promoted to Major, and put in command of the two companies. A third company of the New Jersey Line from Monmouth County was commanded by Captain Jonathan Forman and never had a relationship with Forman’s Additional Regiment. The Monmouth men were now integrated into the New Jersey Line. Their service under General John Sullivan in a campaign against the Iroquois is the subject of another article. Related Historic Site : Valley Forge National Historical Park Sources : David Forman, Troop Return, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 48, March 28, 1778; Orderly Book, National Archives, Misc. Numbered Records, 3: 19; George Washington to William Livingston, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 11, pp. 256, 436; Berg, Fred A., Encyclopedia of Continental Army Units: Battalions, Regiments, and Independent Corps (Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1972) p 43; Forman’s Additional Regiment returns, Revolutionary War Rolls, National Archives Microfilm Publication M246, Record Group 93, reels 126-129. Transcribed by John U. Rees; Capt. John Burrowes, Muster Rolls, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 105, p2-33; William S. Stryker, Officers and Men of New Jersey in the American Revolution (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co, 1967); Israel Shreve, Return, The Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 169, 143, Israel Shreve to George Washington, February 25, 1779. Transcribed by John U. Rees. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > British and Loyalist Raid of Tinton Falls and Shoal Harbor by Michael Adelberg On April 26, 1779, a 750-men British-Loyalist raiding party landed at Red Bank and Leonardo. They came from Sandy Hook in flat-bottom boats that landed large numbers of men onto beaches. - April 1779 - On April 12, 1779, thirty Shrewsbury Township Loyalist estates were confiscated and sold at a public auction. As discussed in prior articles, this ensured permanent enmity with Loyalists behind British lines. In addition, a regiment of Maryland Continentals sat exposed in Shrewsbury Township. The confluence of rising Loyalist anger and an attractive military target set the stage for a large and punishing raid. Newspaper Accounts of the Raid The first newspaper of this raid was printed in the Loyalist New York Gazette on April 28. It reported: 650 of the Royal Army under the command of Col. Hyde [West Hyde], fell down to Sandy Hook, the next morning [April 26] at 2 o'clock, the Colonel with one division landing at Shoal Harbor, four miles east of Middletown, pushed to that place, in which a rebel detachment was supposed to be posted, but had been withdrawn the evening before. The other under Capt. Ferguson [Patrick Ferguson] landed the same morning six miles on the opposite side of Middletown, and advanced to Shrewsbury where a battalion of Continental troops were quartered, but from the difficulty of navigation could not land before day, [so] the rebel battalion escaped with the loss of between 20 & 30 prisoners. The report went on to note that provisions were taken by both raiding parties. "In the afternoon, the whole assembled” and marched back to their boats “during which the enemy effected to follow & harass their rear.” The raiders took with them “several deserters…and some obnoxious persecutors of the Loyal subjects.” Casualties were light: one dead, one wounded. On May 5, the New Jersey Gazette printed its version of the raid. It generally corroborated the Loyalist account but offered additional important details. For example, it noted that “Colonel Ford with the Continental troops retired to Colts Neck.” It also described “the constant fire upon” the raiders maintained by Colonel Asher Holmes (with 60 Monmouth militia) and a 12-man party of New Jersey Continentals under Captain John Burrowes. The report also discussed robberies and arson: “they plundered the inhabitants and burnt several houses and barns.” The New Jersey Gazette disagreed with the New York Gazette on the size of the raiding party (800 men vs. 650 men) and the British/Loyalist casualty count (three dead and fifteen wounded vs. one dead and one wounded). The New Jersey Gazette omitted mention of New Jersians going off with the raiders. Versions of the New Jersey Gazette report were re-printed in newspapers as far off as New Hampshire. The complete New Jersey Gazette report is in the appendix of this article. Interestingly, the Maryland Gazette provided a more detailed account of the raid (probably informed by one of Ford’s officers). It noted that Ferguson’s men were discovered landing at Red Bank “by a scouting party of Col. Ford's” who alarmed Tinton Falls in time for Ford to narrowly escape by getting out “about four hundred yards ahead of them [the raiders].” The Maryland account also noted that Ferguson sent a 40-man party into the village of Shrewsbury and listed the owners of the burnt houses at Tinton Falls: Sheriff Nicholas Van Brunt, Colonel Daniel Hendrickson, Captain Richard McKnight, and Magistrate John Little, but McKnight’s and Little’s houses were saved "by the activity of our people." It was also noted: That the enemy plundered all the way to Col. Breeze's [Samuel Breese] whom they robbed of all his money and most of his plate, and at Justice Holmes's [Josiah Holmes] they robbed and plundered everything. The report also mentioned that “the enemy carried off with them Justice Covenhoven [Peter Covenhoven] and son, likewise several others” and “some cattle and horses." Finally, this Maryland account said Asher Holmes resisted with “140 militia who drove them to their boats,” rather than 60, suggested by the New Jersey Gazette . British/Loyalist Accounts of the Raid West Hyde's report on the raid to General Henry Clinton provides important additional details. His party, consisting of 200 Highlanders and 120 New Jersey Volunteers , landed at Shoal Harbor (present-day Leonardo) while “Capt. Ferguson [Patrick Ferguson] with 450 of the detachment… proceeded with utmost expedition for Shrewsbury.” While acknowledging that Ford’s Continentals “made their escape,” Ferguson “came up with their rear guard of which he took between 20 & 30 prisoners & some baggage.” Hyde admitted to burning homes but said his men only “destroyed several houses used as public stores”—it is doubtful that every burned home was a public store. Hyde discussed his march on Middletown. He “landed between 2 and 3 in the morning at Shoal Harbor, 4 miles from Middletown & marched directly hither” in the incorrect belief that a Continental regiment was camped there. He “remained there until one in the afternoon when Capt. Ferguson joined the detachment.” They marched for their boats at the Navesink Highlands “after allowing the men to refresh themselves.” By this time, the parties of Captain Burrowes and Colonel Holmes had arrived: A few of the rebel militia had assembled during our stay in Middletown & followed us on our return & effected to harass our rear, but from the judicious disposition of our rear guard, under Capt. Ferguson, he kept them at so respectful a distance that only one man of the Royal Highland Regiment was killed & one of Barton's Jersey Volunteers wounded. General Clinton summarized the raid on May 5. He wrote that the “exposed position” of Ford’s men prompted the raid and that “a change in the weather” slowed the raid and allowed Ford to escape—a detail not reported elsewhere and probably not fully true. Clinton praised Colonel Hyde for leading the raid "tho' he had the King's permission to return to Europe.” He also praised Ferguson as “a very active & zealous officer." William Smith, a prominent Loyalist attorney in New York, also wrote of the raid: 750 men under Col. Hyde of the guards landed in Monmouth near Middletown, took between 20 and 30 prisoners, and burnt a mill and two or three houses… it was said that they were to take a party of 300 troops posted to prevent access to Monmouth farmers with this town. Continental and New Jersey Accounts of the Raid Two officers, Ford and Burrowes (stationed at Middletown Point with twelve men), wrote accounts of the raid. As might be expected, Ford acquitted himself of any blame. He noted that at 4:30 a.m. “a body of the enemy effected a landing at red bank, about one mile from Shrewsbury, my patrol fired on them but being small did little or no execution.” On learning of the raid, "I immediately detached Capt Beale with 30 men to observe their movements & retard them in their march towards Tinton Falls.” Ford wrote that he planned to make a stand at Tinton Falls: We guarded the bridge before them, where I intended to have made a stand, but for the superiority of their numbers, which was as near as I could judge three to one, and on apprehension of their sending a party on my left flank which was by no means secure, I judged it expedient to retreat till a body of militia could be collected. After falling back six miles to Colts Neck, Ford blamed low militia turnout for not counterattacking. He wrote: “the militia have by no means answered my hopes or wishes, not more than 150 if so many has collected.” So, he stayed at Tinton Falls even while detailing considerable destruction: They burnt two dwelling houses belonging to officers of the militia, destroyed everything they could in others, not leaving a single pane of glass in any windows belonging to the people, after committing every wanton act they could, plundered and destroying all the furniture they found. The raiders also drove “all the stock of horses, sheep and cattle they could collect before them.” Ford noted that resistance was offered by a party of his men under Captain Beale and “a few of the militia” which limited the loss of livestock “as the principal part was again retaken.” He acknowledged that Colonel Holmes “collected a party and is hanging on their flanks.” Ford “estimated at 1000 men” as the raiding party’s size. He incorrectly reported that the party was commanded by Courtland Skinner, General of the New Jersey Volunteers. He also suggested that “the party at Shrewsbury amounted to 6 or 700 [under Ferguson],” more than twice the size reported in other sources. Ford downplayed his losses which “does not amount to more than a dozen men missing” – he would later admit to losing 25 men. He picked up two British deserters. John Burrowes wrote Lord Stirling (General William Alexander) of the raid: They got in the village of Middletown at daybreak - another party of them landed at Shrewsbury, near the same time, which went to surprise Coll Ford's command of Continental troops, but he happily got off. I mustered twelve men at 8 o'clock & gave them to understand we were about them - they continued in the village till 3 o'clock, when they began their retreat. Burrowes wrote that he “kept a constant fire for two miles, when Coll Holmes of the militia, with about sixty of his men, reinforced us, then their retreat was somewhat precipitate.” It is improbable that the Burrowes-Holmes party (70-80 men) would have hastened the retreat of the 750-man combined raiding party. Burrowes claimed the raiders had “three dead and fourteen wounded carried on board.” The raiders “wounded one of our men slitely [sic] and taken eight of the inhabitants of this place." Captain William Beatty, serving under Ford at Tinton Falls, wrote briefly about the raid: In the morning before sunrise, we were very near cut off by a party of the British under Major Ferguson, but having a little notice of the enemy's approach, we retreated about 7 miles toward Monmouth Court House [Colts Neck]. I lost all my clothes except what I had on, several other officers shared the same fate. Our loss in men was 22. The enemy left Shrewsbury at 9 o'clock, and the next day we took our posts again. George Washington received Ford’s and Burrowes’ reports and summarized them in two reports to Congress. Beyond facts offered by Ford and Burrowes, Washington suggested that the raiders sought “probably to cut off Colonel Ford's detachment, [and] obtain supplies and plunder the inhabitants.” But Washington also believed that northeast Monmouth County was vulnerable to British occupation: They [the British] may, however, possibly have it in mind to establish a post in that quarter for purposes of encouraging the disaffected, drawing provisions and forage from the adjacent country, and encouraging recruits to their corps of levies. Governor William Livingston also received reports on the raid. He wrote Washington that the raiders behaved “in the most dastardly manner” and retreated “to their very boats before less than one quarter of their number." Livingston continued the narrative that the Burrowes-Holme party vanquished the much larger raiding party in a letter to Anthony Bleeker a few days later: About 70 of our militia have drove between six and 800 British troops from Middletown quite to their boats, & the latter never pretended to take a stand except by just facing about on every advantageous spot & giving one volley, and prosecuting their flight. New Jersey’s Chief Justice, Robert Morris went to Tinton Falls shortly after the raid to rally the locals. He wrote Stirling on May 5 that Ferguson’s raiders were successful because they passed Black Point “under cover of darkness and thickness of fog” without detection. He also noted that Capt. Beale’s 40 men and Asher Holmes's militia did all the fighting during the raid because Ford "was unable to find any ground advantageous” for taking a stand. For his apparent timidity, Morris wrote that "Col Ford is censured by some of the inhabitants for his conduct." No doubt, Morris was understating sentiments about Ford. Morris also wrote of the incomplete damage to the village: On the one hand, "the enemy left the commissary's stores at the Falls inconsiderably injured,” on the other “they burnt every dwelling house within a few yards on each side of them, and committed the most wanton acts of destruction I ever beheld." Benjamin White, a storekeeper at Tinton Falls, wrote of the raiders’ conduct that day: So enraged that they lost their prey, they set fire to the houses and burned and plundered many on their return. I hid most of our dry goods but they broke open the store, robbed us of what they could, filled their canteens with spirits and let the rest run to waste. They had my mare out and were going with her, and while I was tussling with the soldiers, others were plundering my house. The guns left by our troops were broken on a fence, they seemed like wild or mad men. Eliza Chadwick Roberts, daughter of militia captain Thomas Chadwick also described the village: The houses that they had the preceding day left in the peaceable possession of their wives and children now displayed a column of fire... My father saw his habitation tumbling in a mass of flaming ruins... He beheld at a small distance the house of Colonel Hendrickson on fire. All through 1778, George Washington resisted requests to station a regiment of soldiers in northeast Monmouth County. He worried that the regiment might “do rather more harm than good” by serving as an attractive target to larger raiding parties without having the strength to resist them. That is exactly what happened on April 26, even if the raid was likely sparked by the Loyalist estate auctions two weeks earlier. After this raid, Ford’s men stayed in Monmouth County for another month before withdrawing on May 31. When they left, they were not replaced. This left Tinton Falls vulnerable to a smaller but even more punishing raid on June 9. Related Historic Site : Old Mill Inn Appendix New Jersey Gazette, May 5, 1779 : "On the 26th ult the enemy in two divisions landed in the county of Monmouth, one party at Shoal Harbor, which marched to Middletown and got into the village at daybreak; the other went in flat-bottomed boats into the Shrewsbury River, landed at Red Bank, and then proceeded to Tenton [Tinton] Falls. Colonel Ford with the Continental troops retired to Colts Neck. Near the middle of the day the party, which had landed at Shrewsbury, crossed the river and went to Middletown, where both divisions formed a junction. They sent their boats round the bay shore to near Harbert’s plantation, where they had thirteen sloops waiting to take them off. At eight o’clock, Captain Burrows, who had mustered twelve men, gave them to understand that they were surrounded by the militia; they continued in the village until three o’clock, when they began their retreat. Capt. Burrows was then joined by three more men, and kept a constant fire upon them for two miles, when Colonel Holmes of the militia with about 60 of his men, reinforced Capt. Burrows, and then the enemy’s retreat was precipitate; they were drove on board at sun-set and immediately set sail for New York. Their numbers were about 800, commanded by Col. Hyde. We had but two men but slightly wounded. The enemy left three dead behind them, their wounded they carried off as their rear made a stand at every hill, house, and barn in their route. One of our inhabitants says 15 wounded were carried on board. In their progress, or rather flight, they plundered the inhabitants and burnt several houses and barns. Had they landed in the day, or till our militia could be collected to half their numbers (which we reckon sufficient to drub them) they would doubtless have repented their invasion. But ever choosing, like their brother thieves, the hours of darkness, they generally land in the night and before the militia can be collected, flee to their vessels with precipitation, snatching up in their flight what plunder they can, and then blazon away in their lying Gazettes; turning one of their sheep stealing nocturnal robberies into one of the Duke of Marlborough’s victories at Flanders." Sources : Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Frank Moore, The Diary of the American Revolution, 1775-1781 (New York: Washington Square Press, 1967) pp. 356-7; Howard Peckham, The Toll of Independence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974) p 59; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) pp. 97-8; John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 14, pp. 443, 456, 462, 465; Judith M. Olsen, Lippincott, Five Generations of the Descendants of Richard and Abigail Lippincott (Woodbury, N.J.: Gloucester County Historical Society, 1982) pp. 159-61; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 168, item 152, vol. 7, #275-7; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 169, item 152, vol. 7, #283-4; Henry Clinton to Lord Germain, William Clements Library, Henry Clinton Papers, vol. 57; George Washington to Congress, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 57, April 26, 1779; David C. Munn, comp., Battles and Skirmishes of the American Revolution in New Jersey (Trenton, N.J.: Department of Environmental Protection, Bureau of Geology, 1976) pp. 91-3; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 57, April 26, 1779; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 87; William Beatty, "Journal of Captain Wiliam Beatty of the Maryland Line, 1776-1781", Historical Magazine, 2nd Series, 1867, pp 117; Henry Clinton, The American Rebellion; Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative of His Campaigns, 1775-1782, with an Appendix of Original Documents (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1971) p 123; Maryland Gazette, Library of Congress, May 7, 1779; William Livingston to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 20, 8 April–31 May 1779, ed. Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010, pp. 281–282; William Livingston to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 20, 8 April–31 May 1779, ed. Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010, pp. 281–282; William Livingston to Anthony Bleeker, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, p 78; Henry Laurens to John Laurens, Paul Smith, et al, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1970) vol. 12, p 428; Autobiography of Eliza Chadwick Roberts, coll. 215, Monmouth County Historical Association; Morris, Robert, “Letters of Chief Justice Morris, 1777–1779,” Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 38 (1920), pp. 172-4. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Mission to Disable the Sandy Hook Lighthouse by Michael Adelberg Maj. William Malcolm of New York was dispatched to Monmouth County to disable the Sandy Hook Lighthouse. He was accompanied by Col. George Taylor of Middletown. - March 1776 - In early 1776, American leaders learned that the British were preparing to invade New York. The lighthouse at Sandy Hook, including its keeper, Adam Dobbs, and its pilot, William Dobbs (brothers), played important roles in guiding British ships into New York Harbor. They had already stopped at least one British ship from reaching New York. While the Sandy Hook lighthouse was a great source of pride for Americans, sober leaders understood that it now had to be disabled. On March 4, the New York Provincial Congress dispatched Major William Malcolm to New Jersey to disable the lighthouse. His orders read: You will endeavor to take the glass out of the lantern, and save it if possible; but if you find it impracticable, you will break the glass. You will endeavor to pump the oil out of the cisterns into the casks and bring it off; if you should be obstructed in your task by the enemy, you will pump it on the ground. In short, you will use your best discretion to render the Light House entirely useless. Malcolm’s complete order is in the appendix of this article. He landed at Middletown on March 7 and met with Middletown’s Committee of Observation. He was soon joined by Colonel George Taylor, the township’s senior militia officer. Malcolm and Taylor reached the light house on March 8 and acted. The New York Provincial Congress recorded: Mr. Hobert informed the Congress that Major [William] Malcom, who was sent to dismantle the light-house, was returned and had executed that matter effectually, with the assistance of Col. George Taylor and some of his men; that Major Malcom found it impossible to take out and save the glass, as well as for want of tools as by reason of the time necessary for that purpose, and was therefore obliged to break it; that Major Malcom had delivered the lamps and oil, two tacklet falls and blocks, removed from the light-house to Col. George Taylor and taken receipt for the same, which was read and file. Colonel Taylor was left with the taken items, and he provided Major Malcolm with a receipt: Received from William Malcom eight copper lamps, two tackle falls and blocks and three casks, and a part of a cask of oil, being articles brought from the light-house on Sandy; Hook;, and which I will deliver to him, or to the order of the Provincial Congress of the Colony of New- York, when called for. – George Taylor, Colonel On March 12, the New York Provincial Congress reported to George Washington about the Malcolm-Taylor mission: Major Malcolm, who was sent to dismantle the Light-House, he was returned and had executed the matter effectively, with the assistance of Col. George Taylor and some of his men; that Maj. Malcolm found it impossible to take out and save the glass, for want of tools and by reason of the time necessary for that purpose, and was therefore obliged to break it; that Major Malcolm had delivered the lamps and oil, two tackle falls and blocks, removed from the Light House, to Col. George Taylor and taken receipt of the same. A week later, the New York Provincial Congress asked Taylor to deliver the oil to Malcolm, which was presumably done. But Taylor remained in possession of the hardware taken from the lighthouse. Curiously, no surviving document about this action mentions Sandy Hook’s resident pilot, William Dobbs, his brother and lighthouse keeper, Adam Dobbs, their servant, or the boats at Sandy Hook maintained to row out to ocean-going vessels in need of his guidance. At first blush, the Malcolm-Taylor expedition achieved its objective without any difficulties. But, based on future events, the expedition can only be regarded as a failure. While they had the chance to truly cripple the lighthouse, Malcolm and Taylor only removed a handful of replaceable parts and supplies, and they apparently did nothing to the pilot house, outbuildings, or boats that were all necessary to stationing men on Sandy Hook. Perhaps the timidness was because the Americans envisioned using Sandy Hook for their own purposes soon again or perhaps they were reluctant to destroy American property. Either way, the Malcolm-Taylor mission was not sufficiently destructive. Only one month later, the British Navy landed on Sandy Hook and occupied it for the rest of the war—the British would hold Sandy Hook into 1784, longer than any other piece of the rebelling Thirteen Colonies. The light house remained unusable at least through the end of April. The British constructed a beacon 1,000 yards from the lighthouse and burned fires nightly until the light house was repaired. A naval officer at Sandy Hook wrote on April 29 that "the lantern was totally destroyed by the Rebels on the 10th of March, which rendered the Light House useless to navigation." The lighthouse was in reasonable repair by the time the British invasion fleet arrived at the end of June. An attempt to drive the British from Sandy Hook failed . George Taylor, who would turn Loyalist toward the end of 1776, returned the taken hardware to Sandy Hook later that year. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Appendix: William Malcolm’s Orders to Disable the Sandy Hook Lighthouse To Major Malcolm: SIR-The Provincial Congress of this Colony having appointed us a committee to concert measures for carrying into execution their resolve of the 5th inst. for the dis- mantling the light-house at Sandy-Hook; we, reposing especial trust and confidence in your abilities and zeal in the common cause, have made choice of you for the execution of that important enterprise. We enclose you a certified copy of the resolve for the purpose, and desire you will conform, as nearly as may be, to the strict letter thereof. You will please call upon the committee of Middletown, or such other place in New Jersey as you shall judge proper, for the assistance you think necessary. Upon your arrival at Sandy Hook, you will endeavour to take the glass out of the lantern and save it if possible; but if you find it impracticable you will break all the glass. You will also endeavour to pump the oil out of the cisterns into casks and bring it off; but you should be obstructed by the enemy, or not be able to procure casks, you will pump it on the ground. In short, you will use your best discretion to render the light-house entirely useless. –Pierre Van Cortlandt, Abraham Lott, John Sloss Hobart Sources : Anonymous, "Sandy Hook Light-House," American Historical Record, vol. 3, 1874, p 510-1; William James Morgan, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1969) vol. 4, pp. 194-5; William James Morgan, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1969) vol. 4, pp. 307-8; Convention, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the state of New-York : 1775-1777, 2 vols., (Albany : Thurlow Weed, printer to the State, 1842) v. 1, item 348, 354, and 367; Lopez, John. “Sandy Hook Lighthouse.” The Keeper's Log, Winter, 1986, p 5; Peter Force, American Archives, v6: 1416. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Preparations Made for the Return of the French Fleet by Michael Adelberg Captain William Dobbs was the resident pilot at Sandy Hook before the war. Gen. Washington ordered his return to Sandy Hook in July 1778, October 1779, and June 1780 to help the French fleet. - May 1780 - In July 1778, a large French fleet anchored just south of Sandy Hook. The French outgunned the British fleet inside Sandy Hook, but their largest ships—when loaded for battle—sat too deep in the water to cross the channel into lower New York Harbor. Continental and state authorities attempted to supply the French, but provisions arrived slowly. After a two-week stand-off, the French sailed for Rhode Island. In October 1779, the French fleet was again expected to anchor off Sandy Hook and new preparations were made to provision the French, but the French steered for Savannah, Georgia instead. In April 1780, there were new rumors about the French fleet’s arrival at Sandy Hook. The French officer, Francois Louis de Fleury, wrote John Adams on May 1, 1780, that his fleet was headed for New York, but might not attack. The fleet "will in the mean time cruise before Sandy Hook to starve the British in their inexpungible lines." British Moves to Defend Sandy Hook As they had in July 1778 and October 1779, the British moved to defend the entrance of New York Harbor and block the channel above Sandy Hook . On April 27, the prominent Loyalist, William Smith, wrote about preparations for the French arrival: "The project of sinking 20 hulks in the channel at the Hook, which is about 800 yards wide. The expense of the hulks about £1000, not to be sunk until the moment of the enemy's approach." A few weeks later, Governor General James Robertson wrote of preparations to defend New York against the French Fleet: "twenty five vessels lye loaded with stones at the Hook, ready to occupy their places on the bar at the approach of the enemy's fleet." Also in May, General James Pattison wrote Lord George Germain about the expected French fleet and the defense of New York: Everything is preparing a vigorous defence on both the land and sea sides. Batteries are made and guns placed on them where ever they can most effectually damage the enemy's ships, but these can only annoy, a fleet with a favorable wind & tide can't be prevented by any number of cannon from coming up to our wharfs, to prevent this, twenty five small vessels are ready loaded with stones, they lye at the hook [Sandy Hook], and on notice will be taken out to the bar and sunk there according to a plan formed with exactness, a few anchors are sufficient to render the inner channel impracticable even for frigates. The bar will not be spoiled nor the vessels be sunk till the enemy's approach makes it absolutely necessary. Pattison noted that fortifying Sandy Hook was not a priority: No part of Sandy Hook is within three miles of the bar, guns placed there could not annoy a fleet in passing so well as they could on places nearer at hand and which we can better support, there is no time to make a work that could stand a siege—a fascine work that can contain one hundred men is all that is constructed, and this is round the light house. British moves in New York Harbor and at Sandy Hook were known within Continental lines. On May 25, the Connecticut Journal , reported: "They [New York Loyalists] are under so much fear of a visit from our allies [the French navy] that they have laden large ships with stones, ready to sink in the channel way at Sandy Hook, on the shortest notice of a fleet appearing." On June 17, two privateer sailors, prisoners in New York, escaped and landed on the Monmouth shore. They were examined by David Forman and provided a detailed report on the small British squadron in New York Harbor: Naval forces at New York and cruising about Sandy Hook -- Iris, frigate, a mere wreck now docked; two frigates, the names they had forgot; Galatea -- twenty gun ship; Delight -- sloop, 18 guns; Sloop - 14 guns; 30 sail of old vessels, brigs, schooners and sloops lay at Sandy Hook loaded with stone for the purpose of stopping the channel on the appearance of a French fleet. Lt. James Home, an officer on one of those frigates, the Europe , wrote about the British squadron on June 28. He wrote that his vessel and others were expected to sail but were detained at Sandy Hook because of the expected French fleet. Horne "was disappointed.” He noted, “We had heard of a French fleet sailed for this coast, which I believe was the cause of our not leaving." He concluded: "There is now nothing new going on here, for we are waiting for the French fleet, which I dare say will not come here." Continental and Local Authorities Prepare for French Fleet George Washington was well aware of the French fleet’s potential to attack on the weakened British fleet at New York. On May 16, he wrote the Marquis de Lafayette: I observed that the French Squadron would find no difficulty in entering the Port of New York, with the present naval force of the enemy there. The only possible obstacle to this is the obstructions the enemy are preparing; but I am inclined to hope these will be ineffectual and will be easily removed. They last fall made an attempt of the kind on the expectation of Count D'Estaing, but it failed from the depth of the water and rapidity of the current. Pilots for the harbor can be ready at Black Point from which they can go on Board the fleet at its first appearance. A week later, Washington wrote General William Maxwell, commanding the New Jersey Line, about the need to verify rumors that the French fleet had anchored on the Monmouth shoreline: “We have had repeated accounts that a considerable Fleet has been seen off the Coast of Monmouth, but as none of them have been sufficiently accurate to determine whether it is really so.” Washington was sending a French officer to the shore and ordered Maxwell to send a New Jersey officer with local knowledge: You will therefore be pleased to make a choice of an intelligent Officer of your Brigade, well acquainted in the County of Monmouth, to meet and accompany Colo. Jimat, and that they may be secure against the disaffected , you will be pleased to order a party of eight or ten Dragoons from Bedkins Corps, if he can mount so many, and if not, to take some of the Militia Horse to make up the number. Washington enclosed an order to the selected officer: You are to accompany Colo. Jimat to the County of Monmouth and to such parts of the coast as he may find occasion to visit. You are, I imagine, well apprized of the disaffection of many of the inhabitants in that Quarter and of the necessity which there will be of guarding against any attempts of theirs to take you off. It may perhaps add to your security if you can prevail upon some of the well affected Gentlemen of the Country to accompany you whenever you ride towards the shore. While Washington was not convinced that the French fleet was on the Monmouth shore, others were. On May 24, the New Jersey Journal reported that the French fleet was on the Monmouth shore and several "officers have been ashore." The next day, Robert Morris, the former Chief Justice of New Jersey, wrote of the arrival of the French fleet. He wrote Colonel Asher Holmes: “I congratulate you on the arrival of a fleet that I hear is off Toms River… this we heard yesterday, & I believe is true.” Morris was mostly incorrect. The French fleet had not arrived off Toms River—though a single French frigate had. On June 6, the 36-gun Hermione cruised the Jersey shore and mauled the British frigate, Iris , outside of Sandy Hook, killing seven and wounding nine more British sailors. On June 11, Washington made preparations for the arrival of the French fleet. He wrote Captain William Dobbs, the resident pilot at Sandy Hook before the Revolution: The French fleet have been in route and hourly expected. You will be pleased to repair to this place with all practical dispatch and bringing with you such pilots as may be acquainted with the navigation into the Harbour of New York. If these are not at hand or in perfect readiness, you will not delay on their account but direct them to follow up. A month later, Washington was still seeking pilots. He wrote Captain Patrick Dennis on July 11: Upon receipt, you will repair to the station of rendezvous for the pilots in Monmouth, to which place Major Lee [Henry Lee] is ordered with his horse. Perhaps you may fall in with him. It is essential that no time be lost, as it comes from New-York, from tolerable authority, that the French fleet is near the coast. You will take with you the pilots which are near you. David Forman Provides Intelligence In 1777, David Forman was a Brigadier General of the New Jersey Militia and the Colonel of the Regiment of Continentals defending Monmouth County. However, a string of scandals pressured him to resign his militia commission and Washington stripped him of his regiment. Afterward, Forman largely receded from public life, but the French fleet’s expected arrival was Forman’s opportunity to again raise his profile. As noted above, Forman interrogated two privateer sailors who escaped from New York, gathered intelligence from them on the strength of the British squadron, and sent it forward to Washington. Forman sent another report on June 30 after interrogating a British deserter. Forman discussed British plans to sink hulls off Sandy Hook: "They should sink their store vessels in the place they now lay, which will, I apprehend, for a time render the passage of large ships up to the Narrows impracticable." Forman wrote Washington again on July 9. He was receiving reports from Captain Joseph Stillwell, watching British movements from the Highlands. Forman worried that the British might block the French from entering New York Harbor "by interrupting the channel way at the point of the Hook [by sinking hulls] & at the same time taking possession of the Hook with a body of troops and heavy cannon, they would make the passage almost impossible.” Forman wanted to attack Sandy Hook. If the Army could "take possession of the Hook, every difficulty would be removed in a very short time - by landing a few pieces of heavy cannon, the troops could cover the French ships while they drew the sunk vessels out of the channel or until they could wrap their ships through them.” Forman believed that Sandy Hook was weak, guarded by only “a Lieut and twenty of the new raised troops at the Light House - in the cedars are about 60 or 70 refugees, white and black.” He wrote about the battery built for the French in 1778, “The enemy erected a battery at the point of the Hook... the works are now entirely out of repair, the cannon has long since been removed.” Forman also complained about the lack of men to menace Sandy Hook and the lack of horses to carry intelligence: "There is so few militia horse ordered out and so much use for them that in many instance I cannot be furnished with one in twenty horses, and never until I send 15 or 20 miles for them." The next day, a frustrated Forman wrote Washington again. On the expected French fleet, he wrote: “It would give me great pleasure to give our allies assistance - [but] in the present situation of officers in the county I fear little will be in my power.” Forman was referring to the “mansteaing” raids that took a dozen militia officers out of Monmouth County that spring and drove other militia officers into inactivity. He also spoke of seizing provisions from the largely disaffected Monmouth shoreline: I imagine that a very pointed order from your Excellency to impress provisions and teams will be abundantly necessary - when Count D'Estaing lay off Shrewsbury, he was exceedingly imposed on in point of price & could draw but little supply - the disaffection in Shrewsbury is since that time greatly increased... yet I am convinced that several hundred sheep and some cattle might be taken from some people who at several times withheld supplies from the American army & are strongly suspected of sending supplies to the enemy. That same day Washington wrote Forman. He acknowledged Forman’s report and request for men. In consequence, "Major Henry Lee moved down yesterday to Monmouth with his corps of horse to protect the pilots and keep open the communication between me and the French Admiral and the General [Forman] upon their arrival. This will render the hiring of the persons you mention unnecessary." The French Fleet Does Not Arrive Just as Washington was sending in Lee, the need to do so was fading. On July 12, Nathaniel Scudder, Monmouth County’s top political leader, wrote his son about British moves at: “Something troubles them much - it is supposed they have sunk their vessels to obstruct the channel - we presume it probable that the French fleet is near.” But just five days later, Scudder doubted the French arrival: We have been for some days past, amused with accounts of the appearance of the French fleet near Sandy Hook - indeed the day before yesterday the account seemed to be so well authenticated that for a few hours we believed it - but they prove to be a British squadron. That same day, Washington wrote Forman: "We have an account of the arrival of the French Fleet at Rhode Island, which may render the collection of any considerable quantity of stock unnecessary." On July 21, the Loyalist, Wiliam Smith, wrote that the hulks brought to Sandy Hook (to be sunk on the arrival of the French fleet) were returned to New York. The British had apparently learned that the French fleet was not bound for New York. On July 31, Washington wrote Forman that he “desired Capt. Dobbs to assemble at Capt. Dennis's at Basken Ridge as soon as possible.” Washington gave Forman the ability to summon the pilots back to Black Point if the French came: “You will please to give order to the Pilots to repair down, where they [the French] may be at hand.” July 1780 would be the last time that Monmouth County leaders scrambled to accommodate a French fleet that would disappoint them. But the false alarm was still consequential because it returned David Forman to an active role in local affairs. This, combined with the crisis posed by Loyalist manstealing raids, enabled Forman establish the Association for Retaliation , a vigilante group that Forman and allies likely promoted while traversing the county on behalf of the French fleet. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources: William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) p 257; Francois Louis DeFluery to John Adams, Massachusetts Historical Society, Online Collections, John Adams Papers; Robert Morris to Asher Holmes, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; James Robertson, The Twilight of British Rule in Revolutionary America: The New York Letter Book of General James Robertson, 1780-1783 (New York: New York State Historical Association, 1983) p 113; The attack on the HMS Iris is discussed in The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events, 1780, p148; George Washington to William Dobbs, July 11, 1780, https://www.sethkaller.com/slideshow.php?id=1983&t=t-1983-001-21195_p1_w.jpg ; George Washington to Marquis de Lafayette, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw180426)) ; James Pattison to George Germain, Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York (Albany: John R. Broadhead, 1857), vol. 8, p791-2; Connecticut Journal, May 25, 1780; George Washington to William Maxwell, 23 May 1780,” Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-01839, ver. 2013-09-28; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 4, pp. 386, 395; American Journal (Providence), June 7, 178; Monmouth County Historical Association, Diaries Collection, box 2, John Stillwell's Diary (photocopy); James Home, letter, June 28, 1780; NYHS, Gilder-Lehrman Collection; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 67, June 30, 1780; David Forman to George Washington, Monmouth County Historical Association, Diaries Collection, box 2, John Stillwell's Diary (photocopy); George Washington to Patrick Dennis, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw190184)) ; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 68, July 12, 1780.; Nathaniel Scudder to John Scudder, New Jersey Historical Society, Letters: Nathaniel Scudder; George Washington to David Forman, in John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 19, p 183; George Washington to David Forman, Monmouth County Historical Association, Collections Alphabetical, Letters 1770-1780; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 68, July 12, 1780; Nathaniel Scudder to Henry Laurens, Pennsylvania History Society, Dreer Collection, Nathaniel Scudder, August 17, 1780; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw220484)) . 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth County's Ill-Fated Loyalist Militia and the Fall of George Taylor by Michael Adelberg From his home-in-exile on Staten Island, Gen. Courtland Skinner directed the actions of George Taylor, including his futile attempts to raise a Loyalist militia in Monmouth County. - January 1777 - As discussed in a prior article, the newly-mustered Loyalist militia of Monmouth County was defeated outside of Freehold by Pennsylvania Flying Camp under Lt. Colonel Francis Gurney, January 2, 1777. Throughout January 1777, the Pennsylvanians scattered groups of armed Loyalists at Middletown and Shrewsbury. But this did not end British attempts to marshal Loyalists and disaffected in Monmouth County into a militia. George Taylor Attempts to Build a Loyalist Militia On January 10, as Gurney was moving against Loyalists in Middletown, Courtland Skinner, the General of New Jersey Volunteers , assigned George Taylor to lead Monmouth County’s Loyalist militia: I have ordered Coll. Morris [John Morris] and Coll. Lawrence [Elisha Lawrence] to advance towards this place [Amboy] directly and bring the Volunteers here; You are therefore to muster the militia and take such part as will prevent small parties from entering the County and distressing the people. George Taylor was the former senior Colonel of the Monmouth County militia. In November 1776, his cousin, William Taylor, led a Loyalist association that was discovered and rounded up . His uncle, John Taylor, served as a Commissioner for administering British loyalty oaths . When George Taylor was pressured to sign a Continental loyalty oath, he refused and went behind British lines. With the order above, Skinner pulled his troops out of Monmouth County and sent Taylor into Monmouth County. However, there is no evidence that Taylor re-entered Monmouth County as a consequence of Skinner’s order. It is probable that Taylor had few, if any, men. And Gurney’s troops were proving themselves superior to any armed Loyalist resistance inside the county. Taylor also lacked a formal officer’s commission and may have been reluctant to re-enter Monmouth County without one. Skinner addressed this concern on February 26: It will give me great pleasure to enable you to enter the County of Monmouth once more, [but] all I can do at present is to give you the authority, which I cheerfully do by a commission which I enclose. It will be very proper, upon entering the County, to summon the inhabitants without distinction to renew their oaths and fidelity, and form them into such companies for the purpose of expelling the enemy and afterwards keeping the County. Still, Taylor hesitated. He may have been deterred by the capture of Robert Morris of Shrewsbury. Morris was a Loyalist who helped recruit for the New Jersey Volunteers during the Loyalist insurrection of December 1776. Morris left Shrewsbury with the New Jersey Volunteers in January and returned in February. On February 19, Morris’s band of Loyalist recruits, while waiting for a ship to carry them off, was attacked and captured by a Stafford and Dover township militia force led by Captain Reuben Randolph. Morris was jailed in the overcrowded Philadelphia prison. In April 1777, small armed parties of Monmouth Loyalist refugees began returning to the county. On April 2, the Middletown militia skirmished with Loyalists. One militiaman, Elijah Clayton, was captured. On April 14, Colonel David Forman reported to Governor William Livingston that his men had skirmished with and chased off a different Loyalist recruiting party. Forman called for depriving the Loyalists of recruits by drafting the disaffected into the Continental Army. These early Loyalist recruiting activities soon gave way to violent raids . George Taylor was involved in some of these activities, and led at least two early incursions, though it is impossible to know the connection between these actions and Taylor’s Loyalist militia. As for the Loyalist militia, there is no reason to believe that many men mustered for it. Taylor spent much of 1777 at Sandy Hook seeking to recruit and organize the Loyalist refugees and London traders who arrived there. But Taylor continued to have no effective fighting force under his command. In October 1777, while at Sandy Hook, he observed boats gathering at Point Comfort (Keansburg). Lacking his own force, he wrote Courtland Skinner to request a force to attack the boats. Skinner declined: I have for some time had intelligence that a number of [rebel] boats were at the Point [Comfort], and of their designs, but I believe they will hardly amount to anything. I wish I could send you the reinforcement you wish for; I am sure if it could be effected it would be worth attempting, but at present I cannot. In April 1778, Taylor was again at Sandy Hook. Courtland Skinner directed him to circulate pamphlets among the people of Monmouth County and deliver sealed letters to specific disaffected men living inside the county. You will endeavor to have them circulated as much as you can. Those sealed [letters] you may direct to such as you think will be best... let those in opposition have a good share, by this means we will be more at liberty. Spreading the literature did not lead to new Loyalist insurrections or a surge of Loyalist recruits. George Taylor’s Later Military Career By the middle years of the war, the Loyalist militia of Monmouth County ceased to exist. The British understood this and, in June 1779, commissioned Taylor to raise a company of Loyalist partisans that would, effectively, compete for recruits with the New Jersey Volunteers. Taylor’s order read: I do hereby authorize and empower you to raise for his Majesty's service a company of able bodied men, to consist of one Captain, one Lieutenant, one Ensign, three Sergeants, three Corporals, one Drummer, and fifty three privates, who will engage for two years, or the continuance of the rebellion in North America, in the defence of Sandy Hook and places adjacent, to receive the same pay, bounty and every other emolument, and to be under the same discipline as his Majesty's other Provincial Corps. With respect to your pay & appointment by Commission as Captain, these depend upon your success recruiting. The first will be issued to you as General Orders direct, and the latter you will be entitled to when you raise thirty two able-bodied men. Taylor’s company never reached 32 men; by his own account he raised only twenty. Despite continued setbacks, Taylor remained active at Sandy Hook. A note from Major John Andre that October gave him permission to board British vessels back and forth to Sandy Hook without needing to state his purpose. In 1780, Taylor and Andrew Skinner prepared a map for the British titled "the Refugee Posts: July 21, 1780", showing 21 Loyalist bases throughout New York and New Jersey. In fall 1780, Taylor and a handful of other prominent Monmouth County Loyalists were captured after landing in Monmouth County with a large quantity of counterfeit Continental money. Taylor described his service this way: Your memorialist, in December 1776, received a commission from Brigadier General Skinner, by authority of Governor Franklin, to command the militia of the County of Monmouth, and did actually prevent that part of the country from espousing the cause of rebellion until the arrival of the King's troops in 1777, when your memorialist joined them with a number of other active Loyalists, at the head of whom he frequently made excursions into rebel country, and captured a great number of officers and soldiers, who were exchanged for British of the same rank. That your memorialist in June 1779 did actually raise twenty effective men, and would have soon embodied many more had he not been taken prisoner and kept a long time in captivity. Taylor petitioned the British for a captain’s pension after the war. It was not granted. However, the Loyalist general, Oliver DeLancey, summed up his service: "Mr. George Taylor rendered very essential services to the Army in America, but I do not think they were of a nature to entitle him to Provincial half-pay." Taylor’s wartime trajectory—from leading the county militia, to leading an ill-fated Loyalist militia, to raising a single company, to performing ad hoc partisan activities—well illustrates the fall of a pre-war leader who chose the losing side. Even within the Loyalist ranks, Taylor’s restraint was increasingly anachronistic as the local war grew brutal. By the middle years of the war, bolder and crueler Loyalist raiders based at Sandy Hook were taking actions that likely made Taylor look mild-mannered and ineffectual. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources : Cortland Skinner to George Taylor, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 186; Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 186; Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), pp. 357-8. Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Application Claims, D96, AO 13/110, reel 10; David Forman to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #4097; Hendrick Smock, Note, National Archives, Collection 881, R 593; David Forman to William Livingston, Mark Lender, “The Enlisted Line: The Continental Soldiers of New Jersey”(Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1975) p 94; Courtland Skinner to George Taylor, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 186; Courtland Skinner to George Taylor, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 187; General H. Rooke to George Taylor, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 187; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) p 308 note. Harlow McMillen, “Green and Red, and a Little Blue: The Story of Staten Island in the American Revolution, Part 5,” Staten Island History, 1st ser., vol. 32 (1976), p 49; George Taylor’s petition, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 184-5 Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Baptists Reset Their Congregations by Michael Adelberg The Upper Freehold Baptists met at the Old Yellow Meeting House. Despite a succession of ministers, they were unwavering in their support of the Revolution throughout the war. - March 1777 - On the eve of the American Revolution, Monmouth County had a large Baptist congregation in Middletown (248 congregants) and a smaller one at Imlaystown in Upper Freehold (78 congregants). The two meetings were served by a single minister, Abel Morgan. He lived and preached in Middletown, but preached at Imlaystown one Sunday a month. The prior minister for the Upper Freehold meeting, David Jones, was an outspoken supporter of independence. While visiting Chester, Pennsylvania, in 1775, Jones preached, “Defensive War in a Just Cause, Sinless.” His sermon was published and widely distributed. After this, Jones was unable to safely return to Upper Freehold—which would soon be the scene of a Loyalist insurrection . Jones served as a chaplain in the Continental Army during the war and never returned to Monmouth County. When Upper Freehold was rocked by a second and more severe Loyalist insurrection in December 1776, the Baptist meeting suspended operations. After a period of irregular entries, on March 1, 1777, the congregation’s Deacon, Thomas Farr, recorded, “No meetings—these are troublesome times indeed.” The war years were hard on the congregation—it admitted twelve new members in 1776 and eleven new members at war’s end in 1783, but it only admitted a total of fifteen new members in the six years in between. Baptist Meeting Purges Loyalists While the Upper Freehold congregation was pro-independence from the start, the Middletown congregation only supported the Revolution after a “purging time” in 1777. On May 10, the meeting moved against its active Loyalist members. The church book recorded three votes: 1. In the first place was to consider whether we believe it justifiable, in sight of Holy God, to joyn [sic] the free States of America, to the utmost of our power, in defense of our rights and privileges, against our cruel enemies, who is now fighting against us with fire and sword, to deprive us of them. – Agreed. 2. Whether the standing of our Church does not call for a purging time, when we are so divided in judgment and in practice, and further, whether or not those members have standing in our church, that do side with the enemy, ought to be laid under censure. – Agreed. 3. Whether or not David Burdge and Elias Baly [Elias Bailey], who have left this State and gone over to the enemy ought to be debarred from communion in our church, yea or nay. – yea. The meeting took other acts as well. John Taylor and James Grover were summoned to answer for their roles in administering British loyalty oaths. Edward Taylor and Mary Bailey were warned to “forebare talking so much against the present state, and in behalf of the enemy.” James Mott, Richard Crawford, John Walling, and Samuel Bray were appointed to counsel and monitor the disaffected congregants. Sixteen other congregants signed on to support them. The Middletown Baptists met again on May 24 to consider removing John Taylor and James Grover: The church laid before said Taylor and said Grover the charge, which was that they had sworn so many of their brethren and neighbors to swear true obedience to King George; the church then asked them whether they justified themselves in acting that part - they answered they did justify themselves, but was sorry they had done it because things had not turned out as they expected - upon hearing the whole affair, the church agreed to a man, except Edward Taylor, and then told said Taylor and said Grover they was disbarred from communion with the church. The congregation’s minister, Abel Morgan, was initially cautious toward disaffected members. As late as December 1777 he warned of "dispersion among the churches” and “discord and contention among neighbors" without directly criticizing Loyalists. But Morgan’s voice grew stronger after the British Army passed through Middletown following the Battle of Monmouth. They occupied and vandalized the Baptist meeting house and forced Morgan to preach in the woods. A year later, Morgan preached: “Our continent is filled with tears and blood, ravages and desolations abound, perpetrated by the English troops and, if possible, by the more wicked combinations of traitors among ourselves." Other Disturbances in the Congregations The Baptists of Upper Freehold never needed to purge the meeting of Loyalists, but the congregation did discipline several members. On June 16, 1777, it suspended “Candice, a Black woman… disguised with liquor” from the congregation. In December 1778, the meeting again moved against three members for poor attendance and acting with “no sense of guilt.” Another round of suspension in 1781 was meted out for non-attendance and drinking. The congregation never needed to punish any of its members for Loyalism. However, the Upper Freehold Baptists needed to find a new minister. In June 1777, they invited John Pittman, “a very promising young man," to be the congregation’s minister. It appears that Pittman relocated from Philadelphia to Imlaystown in September (as the British Army was threatening invasion of that city). Pittman co-served the Baptist meetings at Imlaystown and Cranbury. In March 1780, Pittman received luxury goods from Boston. This caused an argument with Joseph Cox, from one of the meeting’s leading families. The bad feelings escalated when Pittman insulted Joseph’s brother, Thomas Cox: Thomas Cox entered the following complaint or charge against him, that Mr. Pittman had represented him [Thomas Cox] as his worst enemy, and Mr. Pittman not giving him satisfaction was forbid preaching in the meeting house & warned to go out of the dwelling house. Pittman returned to Philadelphia in 1781. The next minister, John Blackwell, was not found until late 1782. As for Abel Morgan, he grew ill in 1784. The Middletown congregation recognized him as an “infirm” and hired a servant to tend to him. Morgan died in 1785. Related Historic Site : Old Yellow Meeting House Sources : Upper Freehold Baptist Records, Rutgers University Special Collections, reel 1; David Jones, Journal of Two Visits to Some Indian Nations on the West Side of the Ohio River, 1772-3 (Burlington, NJ: Isaac Collins, 1774) p V-VIII, 11; Defensive war in a just cause sinless. A sermon , preached on the day of the continental fast, at Tredyffryn, in Chester County, https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/evans/N11160.0001.001/1:2?rgn=div1;view=fulltext ; Jones, David, 1736-1820.Baptist Meeting Minutes, John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) v2, p 273; John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) v2, p 273; Upper Freehold Baptist Records, Rutgers University Special Collections, reel 1; R.T. Middletditch, "Abel Morgan of Middletown", The Baptist Quarterly, 1874, vol. 8, p331-2; American Baptist Magazine and Missionary Intelligencer (Boston: James Lording, 1829) vol. 3, p443-444; Upper Freehold Baptist Records, Rutgers University Special Collections, reel 1; R.T. Middletditch, "Abel Morgan of Middletown", The Baptist Quarterly, 1874, vol. 8, p332; Norman H. Maring, Baptists in New Jersey: A Study in Transition (Valley Forge, Penn.; Judson Press, 1964) pp. 57-8, 69, 74; Upper Freehold Baptist Records, Rutgers University Special Collections, reel 1; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County, (Peck: Philadelphia, 1885) p 635; Upper Freehold Baptist Records, Rutgers University Special Collections, reel 1; Monmouth County Historical Association, Church Book, Upper Freehold Baptists (typescript); R.T. Middletditch, "Abel Morgan of Middletown", The Baptist Quarterly, 1874, vol. 8, p334. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Disaffection of Edward Taylor by Michael Adelberg With the exception of six months of confinement in Princeton, Edward Taylor lived at his home, Marlpit Hall, throughout the Revolution. Taylor was often punished for opposing the Revolution. - April 1777 - In 1774 and 1775, Edward Taylor was a leader in resisting British policies in Monmouth County. He was a committeeman who was so important to the county’s drive to raise food for the suffering people of Boston that when a thank you note came back from Boston it was addressed to him. In early 1776, Taylor concurrently served in the New Jersey Assembly (aligned with the British government) and the Provincial Congress (aligned with the Continental Congress). Taylor was one of several pre-Revolutionary leaders who historian William Benton labeled “Whig-Loyalists” – men who, like the Whigs of England, who believed the British government needed reform, but remained loyal to the British government and crown. Taylor was a key member of committees that took actions against Loyalists . When his neighbors moved toward supporting a New Jersey Constitution separate from British authority, Edward Taylor broke from them. On June 26, the week before the New Provincial Congress voted to adopt a new constitution, Colonel Abraham Ten Eyck was ordered to apprehend Edward Taylor, his brother, John Taylor, and 24 other New Jerseyans of suspect loyalty. Ten Eyck was further ordered to “keep them under strong guard, and bring before this Congress" and further "deliver them to the keeper of the common gaol at Trenton." At this time, Edward’s nephew, William Taylor, was getting signatures for a petition opposing independence, and Edward’s son, George Taylor, was commanding the militia opposite the British base at Sandy Hook. Edward Taylor laid low for the next several months. There is no evidence that he supported the new Revolutionary government, but also no evidence that he participated in the Loyalist insurrections (though he apparently did not sign a British loyalty oath). When George Taylor switched sides and became the Colonel of Monmouth County’s Loyalist militia and started raiding the county, it became impossible for Edward to lay low. In April, 1777, David Forman, the highest-ranking officer in Monmouth County (concurrently a colonel in the Continental Army and a Brigadier General of the New Jersey Militia) took an interest in Edward Taylor. He visited Taylor in early April and offered him a Loyalty oath to the New Jersey government. Forman gave a deposition on April 14 detailing Taylor’s response: Heard said Edward Taylor say that he had, at two different times, taken the oath of allegiance to the King of Great Britain and he still thinks himself bound by them, and absolutely refused to take on the oaths to the State of New Jersey. That same day, Zephaniah Morris gave a deposition against Edward Taylor regarding a £50 debt: Said deponent, being at work at Edward Taylor 's house in the month of December last, he [Morris] pulled out a sum of Continental money (more than sufficient to have paid the debt to sd Edward Taylor) and this deponent asked said Taylor if he would take the money due to him, to which said Taylor replied he would take the money in the month of March. When Morris returned in March to again pay off the debt in Continental money, "said Taylor replied that he would only take money that would pass in [British occupied] New York." The next day, William Bostwick gave a deposition against Taylor. Bostwick heard Taylor complain in the fall of 1776 "that the mortgage is daily increasing on his estate because two persons from morning to night [are employed] to print Continental money, and he should have only a penny to give his sons.” Henry Segollets also gave a deposition with respect to a debt owed to Taylor: On or about the beginning of December last, this deponent did proffer to Edward Taylor for the full sum owed above, executed by the said Henry Segollets Jr., in Continental currency, and that the said Edward Taylor did refuse to take said money, and that this deponent did a few days after, in the presence of two witnesses, again proffer to said Edward Taylor the money due to said Taylor on the aforesaid note, who still refused to take the money due. Taylor was brought before the New Jersey Council of Safety on April 19 and the evidence against him was heard. Two friends posted £300 bonds for his good conduct and he was released; Taylor also posted bonds for the release of others brought before the New Jersey Council of Safety. He was the lone vote against “purging” Loyalists from the Middletown Baptist meeting . All of these actions demonstrate that Edward Taylor was disaffected from the new government, but not necessarily hostile. However, Taylor would edge closer to participating in hostilities. On May 25, Thomas Seabrook, a major in the militia, learned that Edward Taylor was removing the fence rails from part of his land near the shore. Seabrook presumed that this was being done to allow raiding parties led by his son, George Taylor to penetrate Middletown and escape via Taylor’s land. Thomas Seabrook's son, Stephen Seabrook, confronted Edward Taylor. He reported: I went in company with James Kelsey & we came upon the fence Edward Taylor had cut with the axe [still] in his hand. Upon our coming to him, a conversation began, me & sd Taylor, about the fence and land. I told him it was poor business. Taylor acknowledged he had cut 20 or 30 panel & he would be damned to put it up again. George Taylor's Loyalist party attacked Seabrook's home two weeks later hoping to capture Thomas Seabrook; during the raid, the Loyalists bayoneted Stephen by mistake. For this and perhaps other actions, David Forman moved against Edward Taylor on July 2: Several complaints having been made to me respecting your conduct, particularly acting as a spy amongst us… giving aid to a party of Tories and British, commanded by your son, the late militia Coll. in this county, now a refugee, by which means the party escaped the pursuit of a party of militia sent to attack them. I do therefore enjoin you for the future to confine yourself to your farm at Middletown, and do not attempt re-attempt to travel the road more than crossing it to go to your land on the north side of said town. It is unclear if Forman, who held only military commissions, had authority to impose house-arrest on Edward Taylor, especially when the New Jersey Council of Safety was actively trying and punishing New Jerseyans for similar offenses. Perhaps Forman, who had battled George Taylor’s raiding parties at least twice, was seeking revenge on the Taylor family. Aggrieved, Edward Taylor protested his treatment to the New Jersey Legislative Council (the Upper House of Legislature) later that July: I was sent for to appear before the commanding officer, Mr. Forman, and made a prisoner, which charges made against are entirely unjust. I am as innocent as an unborn child.... Tho' innocent I strictly obey the orders of confinement which is a considerable damage to me in my business, having a grist mill two or three miles from where I live, and nobody but the servants of my own house to attend her, who I cannot trust without being there, which occasions my mills to stand idle the chief part of the time. There is no evidence that the New Jersey Legislative Council acted on Taylor’s petition. Meanwhile, Taylor suffered harassment from neighbors. In 1778, he testified that in November, 1777: Daniel Bray, John Bray and George Johnson came to my house… to take the horse, which Daniel Bray broke the lock and not finding the horse in the stable, went to the field and took the horse from the Negro, where he was at work. When Taylor protested the confiscation of his horse, "said George Johnson abused me very much.” That same month, the New Jersey Council considered Taylor’s disaffection and compelled him to post a £1,000 bond and accept confinement in Princeton until the Monmouth County courts could convene and consider his offenses (the county courts had stopped meeting in 1776): Edward Taylor shall continue within one mile of the City of Princeton & not to go beyond the said limits without leave of the Council of Safety, therein (excepting that sd Edward Taylor shall have leave to appear at the next Court of Oyer & Terminer to be held in the County of Monmouth) and shall during sd time, neither do nor say anything to the prejudice of American liberty, nor give any intelligence to the elements of America. Taylor’s confinement was as much an act of political retribution as a punishment for his own actions. The order placing him under confinement in Princeton noted Taylor “shall be set at liberty when Thomas Canfield, a prisoner in New York, shall be discharged by the enemy.” With the exception of a brief return to Monmouth County in January 1778 to appear in court, Taylor remained in Princeton for five months. On May 27, Council of Safety, let him return home to seek a prisoner exchange: Agreed, that Edward Taylor be discharged from bond… and have leave to return home for 3 weeks upon entering into another bond, to return within that time to this place & remain there until further order of this Council of Safety, unless he shall in the mean time procure the releasement of John Willett, now a prisoner in New York. Taylor was successful in procuring Willett’s release on June 13. He was allowed to remain at his home in Middletown upon “pledging his faith and honor not to do or say anything contrary to the interest of the state or United States." The remaining war years were hard on him. He was indicted for trespass, two misdemeanors, and perjury in the county courts and his estate shrunk from 1200 acres of land, two slaves, and 42 head of livestock to 420 acres of land, no slaves, and 20 head of livestock at war’s end. He also signed a petition claiming that he was subject to abuses from the vigilante pro-Revolution group, the Retaliators . With his health in decline, Edward Taylor finalized his will. He disinherited his son, George. Any assets given to George would have been confiscated by the New Jersey government. Edward Taylor died shortly before the end of the war. Related Historical Site : Marlpit Hall Sources : Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009) p 478; Deposition of David Forman, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #39; Deposition of William Bostwick, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #19; William H. Richardson's "Washington and the New Jersey Campaign of 1776," Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 50, no. 2 (1952) p 144. Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 2, pp. 1093, 1192; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, Henry Segollets; John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany, 4 vols, Genealogical Publishing Co, 1970, v4, p237; Deposition, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #21; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 29; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 37; Jones, E. Alfred. The Loyalists of New Jersey, Daniel Hendrickson of Middletown, (Newark, N. J. Historical Society, 1927); Deposition, Edward Taylor, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #39; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p202-3; Monmouth County Historical Association, The Grover Taylor House, (Freehold: MCHA) p 22-4; Order/Bond, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 6, November 6, 1777; Monmouth County Archives, Loose Common Pleas, box: CP 1776-1777, folder: 1777; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) pp. 164, 168; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 242; Monmouth County Historical Association, The Grover Taylor House, (Freehold: MCHA) p 22-4; Michael Adelberg, Biographical File , Edward Taylor, on file at the Monmouth County Historical Association. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Loyalists Join British Army at Sandy Hook by Michael Adelberg The Monmouth County Loyalists who joined the British Army in July 1776 would serve in the New Jersey Volunteers, led by Courtland Skinner, the former Attorney General of New Jersey. - July 1776 - The British invasion fleet, carrying 25,000 soldiers, arrived at Sandy Hook on June 29. As discussed in a prior article, some British soldiers landed on Sandy Hook that day. But even before the British Army landed on the peninsula, Monmouth County Loyalists were coming to Sandy Hook to join them. The arrival of the Monmouth Loyalists was gratifying to British leadership. On June 29, on his arrival at Sandy Hook, the British Army’s commander-in-chief, William Howe, thought the arrival of Loyalists from Monmouth County was important enough to include in his first report back to England. He reported that on June 27 "many Gentlemen, fast friends of the Government” had met with New York’s Royal Governor William Tryon and provided “the fullest information on the State of the rebels." Howe further noted that "sixty men came over, two days ago, from the neighborhood of Shrewsbury, with a few arms, who are all desirous to serve, and I understand there are 500 more in that quarter ready to follow their example." Monmouth Loyalists Join the British Army The men to whom Howe was referring had crossed over from Shrewsbury, but were actually from Upper Freehold township. This first party of Loyalists to join the British was led by Elisha Lawrence, the former sheriff of Monmouth County and son of John Lawrence, a leader of the Loyalist insurrection that was underway in Upper Freehold. Lawrence noted that he “joined his Excellency Gen. Howe on his arrival at Sandy Hook, with a party of 60 men, and came aboard the Greyhound .” On June 30, Lawrence wrote a letter home to William Montgomery, a militia major from Upper Freehold, predicting his imminent return: I hope you will wait with patience for my return, which I expect won't exceed three weeks at the farthest, and [I] shall return with a power sufficient to show my head in public & do my business - how dreadful is my situation, drove from my house, separated from my family & for my protection obliged to fly on board the man of war. Lawrence predicted that 45,000 British troops would soon land (the actual number was 25,000) and pledged to conduct his affairs honorably on his return: "Don't fear any losses from me, I am determined to do every man justice... You need not fear any action against you." On July 1, Elisha Lawrence was named the Lt. Colonel of the 1st Battalion of the embryonic New Jersey Volunteers, which would become the largest Provincial Corps of the British Army. Just a few days later, he was joined at Sandy Hook by another party of Monmouth Loyalists led by John Morris of Manasquan (in Shrewsbury Township). Morris had served as a Lieutenant in the British Army during the Seven Years War before settling near Manasquan. He recalled joining the British Army at Sandy Hook this way: I exposed myself to every kind of ill treatment in order to support his Majesty and the British Government, and joined the Royal Army on the 6th of July 1776, with a number of men, I brought from New Jersey, as a volunteer without pay, either for myself or for them. British officer, Stephen Kemble, said Morris brought 58 men with him. Morris would be named the Lt. Colonel of the 2nd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers. At least two other parties of Monmouth Loyalists joined the British Army in July. A small party of Shrewsbury Township Loyalists, led by John Taylor of Colts Neck, "joined the British Army the day they landed at Staten Island (July 7)." He was commissioned as a company commander under Morris. And John Longstreet of Freehold, who commanded the so-called “Tory Company ” of the Monmouth militia, joined the British on July 15. He noted that most of his militia company "were afterward of the British forces." He became a Captain in Lawrence’s battalion. Other Loyalist associations would continue to form in Monmouth County, though at least one, led by Samuel Wright of Long Branch, would be discovered and foiled before going off to the British. Finally, a Tinton Falls Loyalist, Thomas Okerson, brought supplies to the British Navy at Sandy Hook and then returned to Monmouth County. He was captured by the militia on July 6 and “was committed to the common Jail of Burlington County.” Okerson would become a Lieutenant in the New Jersey Volunteers. Perceptions of Monmouth Loyalists Joining the British Army Continental leaders in Monmouth County watched the Loyalist defections with concern. David Brearley, the first Colonel of the Upper Freehold militia, reported about this to Samuel Tucker, the President of the New Jersey Convention. Tucker summarized Brearley’s report on July 6: He [Brearley] supposes that not more than 100 have been over [to Sandy Hook]… 30 more are flying on board the enemy's fleet; our militia is in pursuit & numbers of lesser offenders are coming back to their duty, upon encouragement we have to give, as all appear to have been deluded. The leaders, if they can be apprehended, will be punished. News of the Monmouth Loyalists joining the British Army reached George Washington, who wrote New Jersey’s new Governor, William Livingston, on July 8, that "Capt. Morris and Elisha Lawrence of Monmouth County came down to the Hook a few days ago with 60 men & are now on Staten Island." A number of British officers wrote about the arrival of the Monmouth Loyalists as a harbinger of the thousands more Loyalist recruits who would soon flock to them. William Howe’s report on July 6 is a good example: I have satisfaction to inform your Lordship that there is great reason to expect a numerous body of inhabitants from New York, Jersey & Connecticut, who in this time of universal oppression, only wait to give proof of their loyalty and zeal to the Government; sixty men came over a few days ago with some arms from the neighborhood of Shrewsbury, all desirous to serve, and I understand there are five hundred more in that quarter ready to follow their example. The Royal Navy’s Captain Marion Bowater on the Centurion wrote from Sandy Hook on July 7: They desert to us hourly, and what is still better, they bring their arms with them, as Gen'l Howe let them know that ten dollars reward for rifle guns. All the principal people are with us; five Gentlemen & sixty private men & a stand of colors came over in a vessel from the Jerseys yesterday. [John Morris and his Shrewsbury Loyalists.] The New Jersey Volunteers would eventually become the largest Provincial Corps of the British Army. Both Lawrence and Morris would return with their troops to Monmouth County to lead a countywide insurrection before the end of the year. However, the New Jersey Volunteers would have an unhappy history; both Lawrence and Morris lost their regiments by the middle of the war. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources : John Almon, The Rembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events for the Year 1776 (John Almon: London, 1776), 228-9; Monmouth County Historical Association, Haskell Collection, box 15, folder 8; John Morris Loyalist Claim, Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Application Claims, D96, AO 13/19, reel 6; Elisha Lawrence Loyalist Claim, Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/110, reel 10; Loyalist Claim of John Taylor, Rutgers University Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, D96, AO 13/112, reel 10; American Archives, 4th Series, excerpted on Http://www.stanklos.net ; Peter Force, American Archives, v1:41; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 82, item 68, #179-81; Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v93, reel 2, #404; Stephen A. Kemble, “The Kemble Papers,” in Collections of the New York Historical Society (New York: Printed for the Society, 1883), vol. 1, p 79; New York Constitutional Gazette, July 6, 1776; Orderly Book, Col. Samuel Miles’ Regt., MG 224, New Jersey Historical Society; Marion Balderston, The Lost war : Letters from British Officers during the American Revolution (New York : Horizon Press, 1975) p 88; William Howe, Narrative of Lieut. General Sir William Howe (London: H. Baldwin, 1780) p50; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, pp. 80-1; John Longstreet, Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), p 12. Jones, E. Alfred. The Loyalists of New Jersey, (Newark, N. J. Historical Society, 1927) p 132. Gregory Palmer, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. and London, 1984) p 501. Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Application Claims, D96, AO 13/18, reel 6; Smith, Paul H., “New Jersey Loyalists and the British Provincial Corps in the War for Independence,” New Jersey History, vol. 87 (1969), p 72. Previous Next