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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Fall of John Morris and His Loyalist Battalion by Michael Adelberg - September 1779 - In late 1776, the 2nd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers was raised from the Monmouth Shore by John Morris of Manasquan, who was commissioned its Lt. Colonel. After successful recruiting in early 1777, it became the strongest of the original five Loyalist battalions raised from New Jersey. It was the only one selected to join the British Army in the Philadelphia Campaign of 1777 and the only one to participate in the Battle of Monmouth . But the march through its home county was hard on the battalion; it lost about 10 percent of its active men during the campaign (killed, captured, or deserted). Morris grew ill and spent most of 1778 away from his men; a court martial trial revealed that Morris tolerated a deserter living with his men, Jacob Wood, because he supplied him with fresh fish. In late 1778, when the British Army invaded the South, the 2nd Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers was not selected to accompany them. It stayed on Staten Island with other battalions of New Jersey Volunteers. (In addition, the New Jersey Volunteers rotated companies to serve as guards at Sandy Hook.) A September 1779 return of the battalion shows that Morris was still in command but the battalion had only 223 enlisted men—half of whom were unable to fight (31 sick; 40 prisoners; six absent on leave; six deserted; two were out “recruiting”; and 31 were serving as officer waiters, wagoner's, shoemakers, or tailors. By February 1780, the size of the battalion dropped further. It had consolidated from eight to six undersized companies. In addition to Morris, the battalion had two majors, five captains., eight lieutenants., two ensigns, one chaplain, one adjutant, one quartermaster, and one surgeon. The enlisted ranks had shrunk to thirteen Sergeants, eight corporals, five drummers, and 123 privates. The largest company had only 26 privates, half the amount of a full company. Morris was away from his men again; he was listed as “in New York.” Most interesting, a Lieutenant, a sergeant, a corporal, and ten privates were listed as "with the expedition." This is almost certainly a reference to these 13 men being pulled out of the regiment to serve under Major Patrick Ferguson in the Carolina Campaign . The Fall of Lt. Colonel John Morris Lt. Colonel Morris drifted further into disrepute. According to historian Alfred Jones, on August 13, 1780, he "was cashiered for making false returns and drawing provisions for more men than the effective strength of his battalion, but was shortly afterward reinstated.” After that, Morris was apparently coaxed into retirement with a half-pay pension due to sickness. Just a few months later, on October 1, Morris, still in New York City, petitioned for restoration of his full salary: I am much hurt that after losing everything I have upon earth in the service. I should now, by those I supported as Provincials or others I know not of, be reduced to half pay, but add to this that I am a cripple. Nothing but the support of my wife & children could induce me to be troublesome in my situation. The 2nd Battalion was consolidated into a battalion from North Jersey and lost its Monmouth County character as new recruits came in from other places. The disarray of the battalion continued. In August 1781, still on Staten Island, Colonel Joseph Lee wrote Lt. Colonel Isaac Allen, commanding New Jersey Loyalists in South Carolina, "the 2nd Batt of N. Jersey Volunteers is not drafted, owing to the barrack master having not got all the wood from Lloyd's Neck, I shall do everything I can to get some of those men." John Morris remained mired in controversy. He faced court martial in 1781 for maintaining friendly relations with rebels. William Smith, Chief Justice of the Loyalist civil government in New York, was sympathetic to Morris. The case was outside his jurisdiction, but Smith noted that the prosecution "brought two witnesses against Col Morris -- a Doctor Fetter and a Hannah W -- they had neither anything to say respecting his disloyalty but what they had heard while in the country.” Smith concluded of their testimony that “the hearsay amounted to nothing but that Morris was called or esteemed by some of the rebels as their friend.” Morris was acquitted, “The Council were unanimously of the opinion that the accusation was false." Morris stayed in New York through the end of the war. His reputation was partially restored, but he was retired from public service and, by his own statement, he was “crippled.” Twice in March 1782, he advocated for the wives of men who had served under him. On March 20, he attested to the good character of Jane Milligan, a widow of a Loyalist soldier and now a refugee in New York City. Morris wrote that "she was obliged to leave her house and she has a son in the King's service” and was worthy of support. He also wrote on behalf of a Mrs. Lewis, also a Loyalist refugee in New York. She had a son killed in service under Morris and another serving elsewhere in the British Army. After the war, Morris was one of hundreds of Loyalists who applied for compensation for their lost estates. Morris narrated his service, noting that he raised a Loyalist battalion in 1776 and administered Loyalty oaths during the Loyalist insurrection of December 1776-January 1777. Another Monmouth County Loyalist, Captain Samuel Leonard of the New Jersey Volunteers, testified on his behalf. Leonard noted that Morris’ estate was seized and Morris’ "wife and children were turned out of doors." His livestock were sold off, dropping from 20 head of cattle to 0 and 20 sheep to 3 by the middle of 17777. Morris referred to himself as "crippled" during the war. In 1776 and 1777, John Morris was, by most measures, the most consequential of Monmouth County’s Loyalist leaders. He commanded the strongest battalion of New Jersey Loyalists and his men developed strong London Trading ties along the Monmouth shore, from which his regiment was drawn. But Morris left his troops while they were in Philadelphia in the winter of 1777-1778 and, by the time he reunited with his men in July 1778, the war had changed him. He protested British military practices and indulged a deserter in exchange for a personal supply of fresh fish. His health was declining and he was permanently separated from his men. Morris survived court martial, but lived out the rest of the war in retirement with a half-pay pension. The 2nd Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers withered and lost its Monmouth County identity. A January 1782 muster roll shows further disarray. Battalions and companies continued to consolidate—some companies lacked captains and others were commanded by majors or colonels. Only a few dozen men from the original 2nd Battalion were still serving. Four of those original Monmouth County men were listed as recently captured or deserted: Sgt. Vincent White, captured, September 24, 1780, Robert Thomson, captured, September 24, 1780, Thomas Reynolds, captured, September 24, 1780, Isaac Robins, deserted, December 21, 1781. The American Revolution was a sad event for most Loyalists—certainly this was the case for John Morris and most of his men. Related Historic Site : Fraunces Tavern (New York) Sources : New Jersey Volunteers Troop Return, William Clements Library, Henry Clinton Papers, vol. 68; Morris’ location in New York is discussed in William S. Stryker, The New Jersey Volunteers in the Revolutionary War (Trenton: Naar, Day and Naar, 1887) p 30; New Jersey Volunteers Troops Return, NJ State Archives, Adjutant General's Loyalist Manuscripts, microfilm; Alfred Jones, “Letter of David Colden, Loyalist, 1783”, American Historical Review, October 1919, vol. 25, p80 n5; John Morris to ?, New York State Library, Special Collections; Joseph Lee to Isaac Allen, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 65, item 51, vol. 1, #595; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) p 472-3; Return of New Jersey Volunteers, Library of Congress, MMC - Courtland Skinner, box 9; Jane Milligan’s Memorial, David Library of the American Revolution, Great Britain Public Records Office, British Headquarters Papers, #4272 and 4278; Mrs. Lewis Memorial, BF Stevens, Report on American Manuscripts in the Royal Institution of Great Britain (London: Mackie & Co, 1906) v2, p428; Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), pp. 357-8. Gregory Palmer, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. and London, 1984) pp. 625-6. Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Application Claims, D96, AO 13/19, reel 6. Previous Next

This upper elementary level resource will give students a look at the Colonial Era in Monmouth! Covenhoven House Life in Colonial Monmouth The Covenhovens were an average Dutch farming family until a large sum of money helped them build a grand house in 1752. The home - and its very special story - help us to understand life in Colonial America. Building America Creating a New World The Colonies Await European countries began exploring America in the early 1500s. In 1607, King James I of England established Jamestown , the first permanent colony in America. A colony is an area under the control of another country, usually one that is far away. The people who live there are known as colonists . Claiming land in this "New World" was a way for countries to control trade and expand their territory, which gave them more money and power. It became the goal of many European countries to claim land in America, but many found it hard to hold onto it. It was not easy to survive in a wild and faraway land, and even harder to protect land from other countries who wanted it also. The colonists slowly began to sail to America to make new lives for themselves, sparking the beginning of the Colonial Era. The Colonial Era of America's history lasted from 1607 until 1775, when the colonies began their fight for independence from the British. King James I of England, Scotland and Ireland Courtesy of Library of Congress NEXT > Native Americans The Lenni Lenape Lenape Chief Lappawinsoe Courtesy of the Atwater Kent Museum of Philadelphia Images courtesy of Boston Public Library Native Americans: The Lenni Lenape Native Americans were the indigenous (in-dih-jen-us) people the colonists encountered when they arrived in America. Indigenous , like the word 'native,' means anything that comes from and has existed in a place for a very long time. The Native Americans lived in groups called tribes . They had their own languages and culture on American soil long before the European settlers came. The main Native American tribe in New Jersey were the Lenni Lenape (Leh-NEE Luh-NAH-pay). This means something like the"Original People" in the Lenape language, called Unami (Weh-NAH-mee). There are no more native speakers of the Unami language, but there are people working to learn it again so it can be spoken like it was hundreds of years ago. You can hear the way the language sounded and give it a try with this Lenape translator tool ! NEXT > The Covenhovens A Colonial Monmouth Family Family Life William and Elizabeth Covenhoven (CO-ven-HO-ven) were both born in America from Dutch ancestry, meaning their family came here from Holland. They were married in 1720 and settled in Freehold. They had a small farm and a large family...with ten children! Families were bigger at this time because it was important to have many hands to help work the farm, take care of each other, and do all the chores that life in the colonies required. Being so far from home, people tended to find comfort living in communities where they knew the culture and traditions. The Covenhovens lived in a Dutch community that spoke Dutch, wore traditional Dutch clothes, prepared Dutch foods, and built and decorated in the Dutch style. Many in the community went to the Dutch church to hear services in their own language. They were proud of their heritage and felt it It was important to maintain their culture in the New World. Covenhoven House, Freehold NJ NEXT > Meet the Locals Discover some of the people who lived in and visited the historic Covenhoven House! Click to Enter Freehold, 1778 Cockpit of the Revolution Monmouth: A Turning Point General path of British (red) and Continental (blue) paths in the days leading up to the battle New Jersey has been called the "Cockpit of the Revolution." Over 200 skirmishes , or small battles, took place in New Jersey. This is because it sat in the path between two very important places: New York, and Pennsylvania. Lower New York was a British stronghold, containing valuable harbors for ships to bring constant fresh supplies, while Philadelphia was an American stronghold and the place where our Continental Congress met. The Continental Congress was a group of men, each one representing a colony, who gathered to discuss and make important decisions for the direction of our country. Some wanted independence from Britain, some did not. In the end, the vote was in favor of independence. The British took over Philadelphia, staying there from September of 1777 to June 18, 1778. On that day, they marched their army across New Jersey to Sandy Hook. They took the Burlington Path, which would lead them right through Freehold. Because their line of men was so long, it was impossible to do this secretly...the residents of Freehold knew they would be passing through in about a week's time. General Washington knew this as well, and decided to move the Continental Army in line with them, engaging them in skirmishes all along the way. The morning of June 28, 1778, the Continentals stopped the British in their tracks at Monmouth Courthouse, now present-day Freehold Borough. It was not going to a a skirmish that day, it was going to be a battle. British General Clinton received the news and quickly left Mrs. Covenhoven's house to join his men. Washington sent General Lee out to begin the fight, but Lee made a mistake in his attack - the confusion ended up in panicked retreat for his men. Washington showed up just in time to support the Continentals and stop them from running away from the fight. He was very angry with Clinton for allowing them to retreat, and embarrassed Clinton in front of the men before turning them all around. All who witnessed it said it was very unlike Washington to lose his temper that way. General Lee thought he was a better general than Washington, and was very annoyed to be spoken to that way. But he did as he was told, and the two armies met on the battlefield. Washington Rallying the Troops at Monmouth by Emanuele Leutze, MCHA collection New Jersey was in the middle of a heat wave. The temperature soared to nearly 100 degrees by the afternoon, and water was hard to come by. As the armies fought, men began to drop from heat exhaustion. More men died from the heat than from battle wounds! It was a difficult day for both sides. By nightfall, the battle was not yet over. The armies made camp for the night, but the Continentals were surprised to discover in the morning that the British had left the field. The armies lost about the same number of men, so it was called a tie. But it truly was a win for the Continentals - they stood up to the greatest army in the world, which ran away in the middle of the night! It made the Continentals proud, and gave them the confidence to continue on and win the war. Analyzing Artwork Taking a Closer Look Art is not only cool to look at, its a great learning tool as well! It is important to really focus on details to see what the artist is trying to tell us. Give it a try with the images below! 1 2 3 Many people know the famous painting Washington Crossing the Delaware by Emanuel Leutze (LOYT-za). Leutze painted another iconic scene in 1857 called Washington Rallying the Troops at Monmouth . In this dramatic image, the viewer can see many different things happening across the canvas. Looking closely at a few details from the painting, tell what is happening in each scene using the details from the Battle of Monmouth section above. Fun Fact! General Washington preferred white horses so that his troops could easily see him on the battlefield, but the horse that carried him through much of the Revolution was a chestnut brown-colored horse named Nelson. An Unwelcome Visit Artist: Charlie Swerdlow, 2022 1. Look at the scene in An Unwelcome Visit . Does it depict a different time? How do you know? 2. Describe the setting and what appears to be happening. 2. What does the mood seem to be? 3. The two enslaved servants in the home with Mrs. Covenhoven are the young boy, Bross, and Nancy. They may have been mother and child. What might they have been thinking at this moment? 4. What do you think Mrs. Covenhoven was thinking when Clinton finally arrived at her door?

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Militia Respond to the Attack on Chestnut Neck by Michael Adelberg Militia from three New Jersey counties defended Egg Harbor in October 1778, including the Upper Freehold militia which marched 60 miles and protected the salt works at Barnegat from attack. - October 1778 - As discussed in prior articles, on October 5, 1778, a British flotilla with more than 1,000 men sailed into Little Egg Harbor (called Egg Harbor at the time). They sent a large raiding party up the Mullica River and razed the town of Chestnut Neck—New Jersey’s privateer boomtown . By October 8, the Chestnut Neck raiding party had returned to Egg Harbor and smaller parties were sent across the harbor, burning salt works and other buildings. Before dawn on October 15, a raiding party surprised Kasimir Pulaski’s Continentals and killed at least 50 men in a pre-dawn action that would become known as the Osborn Island Massacre . George Washington had sent two Continental Army units—Kasimir Pulaski’s Legion (220 cavalry and infantry) and Thomas Proctor’s Artillery Regiment (200 infantry with a handful of cannon)—to defend Egg Harbor. Militia from the counties bordering Egg Harbor—Gloucester, Burlington, and Monmouth—also mustered and rushed to the area. Collectively, these forces were formidable, but they arrived at different times, from different directions, and coordination between the units was problematic. The disparate American forces were less than the sum of their parts and the British routed the defenders at Chestnut Neck and Osborn Island. Blame needed to be assigned. The letters of Pulaski, the source materials used most often by historians, portray the New Jersey militia as unreliable, even cowardly. Below are just two of Pulaski’s harsh statements about the New Jersey militia: “Order the militia to be obedient, or take them away entirely, for they are so ill-inclined that they will only spoil our affairs.” “I expect no assistance from the militia, for they have abandoned me.” Historians writing of the mini-campaign at Egg Harbor have generally taken Pulaski’s accounts as fact. But Pulaski wrote these letters under great duress—just after the Osborn Island Massacre and while skirmishing with Loyalist irregulars who harassed his Legion throughout a difficult march north. Under the circumstances, Pulaski was likely to look badly on militia who were not shoulder-to-shoulder with his suffering men. Using other sources—particularly the accounts of the militiamen who defended Egg Harbor and nearby areas—it becomes apparent that the militia (at least the militia from Gloucester and Monmouth counties) was much more active in combatting the British-Loyalist raiding parties than Pulaski suggests. The activities of militia during the Egg Harbor campaign are discussed below. New Jersey Militia during the Egg Harbor Campaign By all accounts, the Gloucester County militia, specifically the 3rd Regiment under Colonel Richard Somers, did not heroically defend Chestnut Neck. They manned the earthen fort defending the town, but the fort was never completed and cannon were never put into the fort’s gun ports. When the British galleys came upriver and fired on the fort, the militia gave up the fort, and offered no credible resistance as the British burned the town and the eleven ships docked there. However, the raiding party, according to Captain Patrick Ferguson’s report, numbered 300 men with artillery. It is unlikely that the militia present at Chestnut Neck that day was even half that size, and they lacked cannon. The Gloucester militia had to give up the town. One of the Gloucester County militiamen, Samuel Denike, recalled his service during the attack on Chestnut Neck and the following week. Denike recalled that, after losing Chestnut Neck, his militia company was "attached to and under the command of Col. Proctor, with the artillery.” They returned to Chestnut Neck after Ferguson’s raiders withdrew and went downriver to Egg Harbor. Denike’s company apparently skirmished with a raiding party a few days after Chestnut Neck was attacked. Denike recalled facing a raiding party near his father’s house on Egg Harbor: “The British had come into Egg Harbor and burnt the village in which all of my father's property was discharged, here we had a smart action and prevented their proceeding further into the country." Most interesting is Denike’s account of coming to the aid of Pulaski’s Legion on October 15, when it was massacred by a British-Loyalist raiding party under Captain Ferguson: We then marched to Tuckerton, here was met by the British and Refugees with whom we had a severe battle, we lost twelve men killed in our company, and Col. Sweetman was either killed or died a prisoner, as he never returned. In this action, Pulaski's Horse [cavalry] was engaged and severely cut up, as was the militia. I saved myself with twenty-five of my company by throwing myself into a swamp. The rest that were not killed were taken prisoner. The willingness of the Gloucester militia to travel ten miles north and sustain considerable losses was not mentioned by Pulaski in his reports of the Osborn Island Massacre. It is probable that the Gloucester militia arrived too late to assist Pulaski, and they probably battled Ferguson’s raiders as the raiders were withdrawing to their boats. Ferguson makes a passing reference to meeting resistance on his retreat, though he clearly was unimpressed by it. He concluded that his men were able to board their boats “at our leisure.” Norman Goos, who studied the 3rd Regiment of the Gloucester County Militia during the American Revolution, noted that the militia regiment incurred considerable losses in Tuckerton and elsewhere during the war. He wrote, “at a minimum, 8 were killed, 11 were wounded and 10 became prisoners-of-war” during the Revolution. Goos documents that at least one was wounded and two captured in skirmishing after the razing of Chestnut Neck. Monmouth County militia also mustered and marched to the Egg Harbor area. Major Richard Howell, stationed in Shrewsbury, noted that on October 8, “Col. Samuel Forman march'd with a reinforcement of 300 to join Genl. Pulaski." This was the Upper Freehold militia commanded by Colonel Forman. They marched across the county to Toms River and then south to Egg Harbor—60 miles in total. It appears that Forman arrived too late to help Pulaski at Osborn Island. One of the late-arriving militiamen, Walter Kerr, recalled that he volunteered “and marched down to Manahawkin in the southern end of the county of Monmouth in consequence of the slaughter of a body of militia at Egg Harbor by the British troops and Tories." It is interesting that Kerr recalled the deaths of Gloucester militia (referenced above) but not Pulaski’s men. Pulaski was initially impressed by the Upper Freehold militia, calling them “good Whigs” in one of his letters. Local militia from the shore townships of Dover and Stafford under the command of Lt. Colonel Elisha Lawrence (cousin of the Loyalist Lt. Colonel of the same name ) arrived before Forman. One of those shore militiamen, Aaron Bennett, recalled his service: He was out under Col Lawrence with the militia when three British vessels entered Egg Harbor inlet and landed their Tories at Chestnut Neck in Egg Harbor town... and remained for two or three days burning their buildings, etc. They were finally driven off by the militia under Col. Lawrence. Bennett was clearly exaggerating when he suggested that Monmouth militia drove Ferguson’s raiding party away from Chestnut Neck, but his account suggests that the militia engaged the enemy—likely marching close, taking shots, and pulling back when counter-attacked. Bennett was not in any battles during his time at Egg Harbor. He "was sent with an armed boat into the bay to watch the movements of the enemy in an armed boat and therefore had no part in the skirmishes.” But his mention of “the skirmishes” demonstrates that other Monmouth militia were skirmishing with raiding parties. A third Monmouth militiaman, John G. Holmes, recalled that "the enemy came over to destroy our salt works - was taken with James Reed & [William] Gaskin & David Gaskin & others not recollected to Barnegat.” Here the militia deployed to protect a large salt works that David Forman, a colonel in the Continental Army, was building in order to supply the army with salt. Holmes noted that his militia company successfully protected those salt works: The enemy destroyed the salt works at Egg Harbor & other places... we lay at Barnegat for four weeks, the enemy landed in small parties & burnt some houses but could not effect a landing to burn the salt works. The Monmouth and Gloucester militias did not provide Pulaski with the help he wanted, and they did not prevent the larger British-Loyalist parties from doing great damage during the Egg Harbor mini-campaign. But the militia did limit the ability of smaller raiding parties to act with impunity. The Gloucester County militia marched ten miles, going outside their own besieged county, and then suffered considerable losses battling Ferguson’s raiders. The Monmouth militia marched 60 miles and then engaged in days of skirmishing that limited the activity of smaller raiding parties. It successfully protected the salt works at Barnegat. The Gloucester and Monmouth militias, within the realm of realistic expectations, conducted themselves reasonably well during the Egg Harbor campaign. It is unclear if the Burlington County militia was comparably active. Related Historic Site : Stafford Township Historical Society Sources : Franklin Kemp, A Nest of Rebel Pirates (Egg Harbor, NJ: Batsto Citizens Committee, 1966) pp 124-5; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Aaron Bennett, www.fold3.com/image/#12676787 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Aaron Bennett of New Jersey; Norman Goos, A Very Large British Military Investment for Very Little Practical Profit, (Port Republic, NJ: Col. Richard Somers Chapter, New Jersey Society - Sons of the American Revolution); John C. Dann, The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980) pp 121-2, 126-7; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Walter Kerr of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#24017268; Private Correspondence: Jack Fulmer, Veteran's Pension Application of Samuel Denike of New Jersey; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John G.Holmes. Previous Next

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These pieces from our collection will give you a more in-depth sense of the time in which the inhabitants of Marlpit Hall lived. Click the images to be directed to our world-class eMuseum, where you can read the curatorial remarks about each object. Grisaille Painted Kast, ca. 1720 Hanging Cupboard, 1722 Dressing Table, ca. 1730 - 1760 Alderman's Staff, ca. 1834 Tall Case Clock, ca. 1802 - 1810 Marlpit Hall - Taylor Homestead Henry Thomas Gulick, 1952 Sampler Hannah Dorset Taylor, 1811 Edward Taylor, ca. 1830 Photos from the Archives Mary Holmes Taylor III, c. 1865 Last direct descendant of Edward Taylor at Marlpit Hall Marlpit Hall, c. 1900 Former quarters of the enslaved at Marlpit Hall, 2020

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Hear history in their own voices - Monmouth County as told by the people who have lived here and made a difference MCHA Oral History Project History... in Their Own Voice This collection has been created and curated by MCHA staff to document the stories of Monmouth County, both past and present. Check back often as new categories are added! To play, press and hold the enter key. To stop, release the enter key. Select a Collection to Meet Our Narrators: Digital Diversity MCHA presents fascinating stories from some of our underrepresented communities. The collections will expand as we continue to capture Monmouth County not only as it was, but as it is today - and as it should be remembered in the future. LGBTQ African American / Black History/ Memories of Old Freehold Freehold has been historic from the start. From the Revolution to its reflection of small town America, this place has always been special. It will forever be His Hometown, and that's just fine with us. Hear the stories of those who call Freehold home as well. Memories of Old Freehold Do you have a story to contribute or know someone we should interview? Contact us: Dana Howell: dhowell@monmouthhistory.org Joe Zemla: jzemla@monmouthhistory.org We'd love to hear what you have to say!

This material from our collections will help give you a more in-depth sense of the time in which the Covenhovens lived. Interactive images will direct you to our world-class eMuseum, where you can read the curatorial remarks about each object. General Clinton's Headquarters 1751 Deed to Covenhoven House Monmouth Courthouse Old Tennent Presbyterian Church Old Tennent Interior Diagram Old Tennent Parsonage Old Tennent Pew Diagram, Covenhovens #60 1738/1747 baptismal records for the enslaved servants of the Covenhovens Washington Rallying the Troops at Monmouth The Heroine of Monmouth General La Fayette Monmouth Flag Monckton's Sword Mrs. Covenhoven's key John Graves Simcoe Map Sir Henry Clinton 1778 Estimate of British Losses at the Battle of Monmouth

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > John Morris and Jacob Wood by Michael Adelberg The court martial of Private Jacob Wood revealed that Lt. Col. John Morris tolerated Wood’s desertion because Wood was able to bring him fresh fish. Not long after, Morris retired from service. - August 1778 - Irregular behavior by militia officers in Monmouth County and elsewhere is well documented. Similarly, the Continental Army, particularly in the early years of the war, was also hamstrung by the irregularity of officers who engaged in self-serving and unprofessional conduct. The short tenure of David Forman’s Additional Regiment provides abundant examples of improper arrangements and controversial practices in Monmouth’s County principal army unit. While the terrible behavior of the British Army at Freehold prior to the Battle of Monmouth proves that British units also suffered breakdowns, it is nonetheless presumed that British officers were usually rule-bound in their conduct. While this may have merit as a generalization, there were certainly cases of British officers engaging in irregular conduct. The quasi-pardon of the deserter, Private Jacob Wood, by Lt. Colonel John Morris, is an excellent example. As noted in prior articles, John Morris was a junior officer in the British Army during the Seven Years War. After that war, Morris stayed in America and settled on a plot of land near Manasquan. When the Revolutionary War began, Morris assembled 58 Loyalists and marched them to Sandy Hook where they joined the British Army. Under Morris, these men and subsequent recruits became the 2nd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers , a provincial corps of the British Army. The 2nd Battalion was the best-performing of the five original battalions of the Volunteers and the only one selected to join the British Army in the Philadelphia Campaign of 1777 and Monmouth Campaign of 1778. The campaigns were hard for Morris. He lost several men to death and desertion, and recruiting efforts in 1778 produced disappointing results—only eight new men. At the end of the Monmouth Campaign, Morris wrote letters to British generals calling for reforms that might curb plundering by British troops. While British regulars left New Jersey via Sandy Hook in July 1778, Morris and his men stayed on the Hook, coming off to gather intelligence and horses left by the army. They had to kill many of the horses, so that they would not become useful to the Americans—a task that could only have been dispiriting. Morris and his men spent the month of July on Sandy Hook lacking water and provisions, and frantically making preparations for a climactic battle with a heavily armed French fleet that anchored four miles away. Morris sent intelligence reports to British high command and worried about the safety of the garrison at Sandy Hook which might be attacked by the French fleet from the sea and an American army from the land. He wrote, “Great threats are made, I find, against us on every part.” (The battle never happened because the French admiral, based on advice from American pilots , determined that his largest ships sat too deep in the water to enter the channel north of Sandy Hook.) The Court Martial of Jacob Wood It was at Sandy Hook that Jacob Wood, who had deserted from Morris’ battalion five months earlier, was arrested for desertion. According to court martial papers and testimony, Wood “deserted from thence February last, with two other men of the same detachment." His former captain, Cornelius McClease (also from Monmouth County), said Wood deserted because "he received a letter from his wife, who lived in New Jersey, acquainting him that she was in distress." Morris refused Wood’s request for leave. Although not stated by Wood, his desertion coincides with the arrest of John Wood—who was jailed at Freehold and was sentenced to death at the 2nd Court of Oyer and Terminer in June 1778. John Wood was among the first Monmouth County Loyalists to be hanged. With his wife in distress and kinsman facing dire punishment, Jacob Wood deserted and went to his home on the Jersey shore, where he stayed several weeks. Wood then “carried his wife and family to Sandy Hook about the first of May last." There, Wood became a fisherman, living among other Loyalist refugees who fished off Sandy Hook. At his court martial, Wood testified about being discovered at Sandy Hook by his old battalion and resuming contact with its officers: Lt. Parker [Josiah Parker] of the same regiment came down and he immediately went upon the sloop, where he [Wood] was desired that he would acquaint the Colonel that he was there, and begged that he would obtain leave to stay; that Lieut. Parker went up to New York and upon his return told him the Colonel said he might stay there till he went for him; that Colonel Morris himself was backwards and forwards to and from the Hook, and he (the witness) used to constantly supply him [Morris] with fish; that he also got a pass from him [Morris] to go into Jersey, where he stayed a week, and whilst he was there, the French erected a work on a hill, and were watering their fleet near Shrewsbury; that one of his neighbors desired him to go and give General Clinton [Henry Clinton] intelligence of it, and he accordingly set out for New York, and Colonel Morris went with him to General Clinton’s and afterwards returned to the Hook, in the same sloop with him, and supply’d him with fish as usual. Wood then testified that, “having affronted the Colonel by going fishing without his leave,” Morris “ordered Captain McClease to take him up.” Two Monmouth County officers, Lt. Parker and the battalion’s surgeon, Dr. James Boggs, testified at Wood’s court martial. Parker testified that he saw Wood several times at Sandy Hook and warned him “that he believed that the Colonel would hang him, and the prisoner answered that he meant to re-join the Regiment” but, for the time being, was willing to “run the risk of it.” Parker also admitted that he “bought clams from him” at Sandy Hook, demonstrating that Parker was tolerant of Wood’s fisherman status. Boggs testified that he spoke “very warmly against him [Wood] for deserting” but also admitted that “Colonel Morris bought some fish of him [Wood]” and that no arrest was made after various exchanges between Wood and his former officers. While desertion was a grave offense in the British Army punishable by dozens of lashes or even death, testimony was given at the court martial that Wood and Morris worked out an arrangement in lieu of arrest. Wood would "constantly to supply him [Morris] with fish, [and] that he [Wood] also got a pass from him [Morris] to go into Jersey." The arrangement worked for a while, but Wood was arrested by Captain McClease on August 3 after "having affronted the Colonel." McClease testified to “finding the prisoner on board a fishing boat at Sandy Hook on the 3rd instant, and knowing him to be a deserter from the regiment of which he (the witness) belonged to, he apprehended him.” Morris did not testify at the court martial, claiming "indisposition" and being unable to attend the court. The court found Wood guilty of desertion, but noted that his arrangement with Morris "implied a pardon." The court declined to impose a punishment. The unusual verdict read: The Court having considered the evidence for and against the prisoner, Jacob Wood, together with what he had to offer in his defence, is of the opinion that he was Guilty of the crime laid to his charge, in breach of the 1st article of War of the 6th section; but having given himself up and been afterwards employed on different occasions by Lieut. Colonel Morris, instead of being immediately apprehended and brought to trial, the Court is of further opinion that this implied a pardon, and gave the prisoner reason to regard it as such; that they therefore cannot under these circumstances proceed to sentence or adjudge the prisoner any punishment. John Morris’ health was declining. He would be listed as “lame” and “invalid” in later documents. In 1779, he ceased commanding his battalion and retired to New York on a military pension. Wood apparently stayed at Sandy Hook. He is noted as captured on a Loyalist list compiled in 1779. His fate is unknown after that. The Wood Family of Shrewsbury Township The Wood family of Shrewsbury Township well illustrates the disaffection that was rampant along the Monmouth shore. Beyond Jacob and John Wood, there were several other Loyalists in the family. Joseph Wood joined the Associated Loyalists, a British-tolerated Loyalist military group that raided New York and New Jersey. In 1780, he was captured at Long Branch and died mysteriously while under the care of guards. Benjamin Wood was also an Associated Loyalist; he settled in Canada after that war. Obadiah Wood and Stephen Wood served in the New Jersey Volunteers. Stephen is listed as dead on a 1777 troop return but is then listed as serving again on a later return. George Wood also served in the New Jersey Volunteers and is listed as dead on a 1777 return; but a man named George Wood is listed as serving in the Shrewsbury Township militia later in the war. Three men in the Wood family never served in Loyalist units—Aaron, Matthew, and Nathaniel Wood. Aaron Wood enlisted in the Continental Army in early 1777 but deserted within a year. His whereabouts after that are unknown. Matthew Wood served with a Virginia Continental Army unit while it was stationed in Monmouth County and also served in the militia. But he was twice indicted for misdemeanors (likely illegal trading with the enemy). He appears in the 1784 tax rolls as a “single man,” demonstrating he was poor at war’s end. Nathaniel Wood is listed on a 1780 Shrewsbury militia roll—as a “delinquent” (he skipped his service). Families like the Woods continually caused headaches for Monmouth County’s fragile government throughout the war—they evaded militia service and tax collection, traded with the enemy, and drifted between feigned allegiance to the new government and active opposition to it. It was families like the Woods that populated the Pine Robber gangs of the lower shore and the vigilante Associated Loyalists. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources : Court Martial of Jacob Wood, Great Britain, Public Record Office, War Office, Class 71, Volume 86, pages 405-9; Adelberg, Michael, Biographical File, on file at the Monmouth County Historical Association. Previous Next

This educational resource is the digital companion to the award-winning exhibit Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall. It teaches the history of slavery in New Jersey to middle school/high school students using fact-based research and primary source documentation. Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall Middle School / High School Education Resource Download Worksheet Request Teacher Resource Book a Class Trip Welcome to Colonial Monmouth! Marlpit Hall in Middletown, NJ stands today as a window into the 18th century. This c. 1762 home and its residents witnessed many of the most exciting, inspirational, and painful chapters in our history, from the fight for independence to the heartbreak of slavery. Join us as we explore what life was like from a unique perspective; through the lens of the enslaved Marlpit Hall. Unbroken Chains: Meet the Taylors of Marlpit Hall Above, the oldest known image of Marlpit Hall, taken in 1886 from the roof of what is now known as the Taylor-Butler house. The house known today as Marlpit Hall was constructed around 1762. Edward Taylor purchased the home in 1771, beginning an unbroken chain of Taylor ownership until 1931. There was also an unbroken chain of slave ownership through at least 1832, where men, women and children worked the fields, grist mill, and inside the house to maintain the Taylor lifestyle. Next > Seeds of Slavery As early as the 1620s, Dutch slave traders were transporting small numbers of enslaved Africans into the New Netherlands, the territory later known as New York and northern New Jersey. But it was not until New Jersey came under British rule in 1664 that the institution of slavery grew into a cornerstone of colonial society. Early English provincial law encouraged settlers to maintain enslaved labor. In one of New Jersey's founding documents, The Concession and Agreement of the Lords Proprietors of the Province of Nova Caesarea, white settlers were granted an additional seventy-five acres of land for every enslaved person they brought with them. Slavery spread quickly in East Jersey. Around 1675, Colonel Lewis Morris expanded his iron works at Tinton Falls in Shrewsbury with the labor of 60 enslaved Africans. His nephew, also Lewis Morris, would become the colonial royal governor of New Jersey. The enslaved labor working at Tinton Manor provided the template for Monmouth County's budding slave society. Sketch of Tinton Manor, c. 1680 By 1720, most enslaved Africans were brought to New Jersey from West Africa through the port at Perth Amboy. Those who came through the West Indies were seasoned for the slave market in a process that exposed them to new foods, disease, language, and agricultural training. Seasoning was a particularly cruel and enduring practice that claimed the lives of countless enslaved Africans. Next > They Were There Click an image to learn about the individual Tom Elizabeth Clarisse York Will Hannah Ephraim T he Taylor family of Marlpit Hall, like many of prominence and wealth in early Monmouth County, relied on slave labor. From around 1780 to 1830, Marlpit Hall was the primary residence of at least ten enslaved African Americans: York, Tom, MaryAnn, Elizabeth, William, Hannah, Matilda, Clarisse, Ephraim, and George. Four were likely born at Marlpit Hall. What is a kitchen family? White families and their enslaved often ate, slept, and worked within very close proximity to one another. Some households referred to enslaved African Americans as their "kitchen family;" a misleading term, given the way these individuals were treated. A n 1818 inventory of Marlpit Hall's upper level kitchen chambers reveals modest provisions for the enslaved: straw beds and bedding, cots, a rocking cradle, and a trundle bed. Wool and linen wheels, as well as a quilting frame, suggest that some women also used this space for spinning and weaving. The "Kitchen Family" Next > Community of "Africa" near present day Matawan Free Black Society Read More I would like to tell you many things...I don't tell all, but I keep it in my heart. Katy Schenck, 1851 Born into slavery in Freehold The enslaved protested their condition daily in different ways. Rather than leaving their African heritage behind, they celebrated it - secretly - through religion, food, and music. Some pretended to be sick or did a poor job of their tasks, such as burning meals, breaking tools, or working slowly. Some staged insurrections or destroyed property. Escaping was also a brave act of resistance. Resistance!! Next > So ... How Do We Know What We Know? The stories of the enslaved at Marlpit Hall were told using primary source documents and material culture. Learn how to analyze and use these tools! Enter the Primary Source Workshop Enter the Primary Source Workshop Many Thanks to Our Advisory Panel : Hank Bitten, Executive Director of the New Jersey Council for the Social Studies Dr. Wendy Morales, Assistant Superintendent of the Monmouth Ocean Educational Services Committee Noelle Lorraine Williams, Director of the African American History Program, New Jersey Historical Commission Upper Elementary Level Resource: Please visit the companion resource for grades 3-5 here , or find it at monmouthhistory.org/colonial-slavery. Professional Development, Clas s Trips or Questions: To arrange a professional development session or a class trip to our award-winning exhibit, Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall , please contact Dana at dhowell @monmouthhistory.org

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