This upper elementary level resource will give students a look at the Colonial Era in Monmouth! Covenhoven House Life in Colonial Monmouth The Covenhovens were an average Dutch farming family until a large sum of money helped them build a grand house in 1752. The home - and its very special story - help us to understand life in Colonial America. Building America Creating a New World The Colonies Await European countries began exploring America in the early 1500s. In 1607, King James I of England established Jamestown , the first permanent colony in America. A colony is an area under the control of another country, usually one that is far away. The people who live there are known as colonists . Claiming land in this "New World" was a way for countries to control trade and expand their territory, which gave them more money and power. It became the goal of many European countries to claim land in America, but many found it hard to hold onto it. It was not easy to survive in a wild and faraway land, and even harder to protect land from other countries who wanted it also. The colonists slowly began to sail to America to make new lives for themselves, sparking the beginning of the Colonial Era. The Colonial Era of America's history lasted from 1607 until 1775, when the colonies began their fight for independence from the British. King James I of England, Scotland and Ireland Courtesy of Library of Congress NEXT > Native Americans The Lenni Lenape Lenape Chief Lappawinsoe Courtesy of the Atwater Kent Museum of Philadelphia Images courtesy of Boston Public Library Native Americans: The Lenni Lenape Native Americans were the indigenous (in-dih-jen-us) people the colonists encountered when they arrived in America. Indigenous , like the word 'native,' means anything that comes from and has existed in a place for a very long time. The Native Americans lived in groups called tribes . They had their own languages and culture on American soil long before the European settlers came. The main Native American tribe in New Jersey were the Lenni Lenape (Leh-NEE Luh-NAH-pay). This means something like the"Original People" in the Lenape language, called Unami (Weh-NAH-mee). There are no more native speakers of the Unami language, but there are people working to learn it again so it can be spoken like it was hundreds of years ago. You can hear the way the language sounded and give it a try with this Lenape translator tool ! NEXT > The Covenhovens A Colonial Monmouth Family Family Life William and Elizabeth Covenhoven (CO-ven-HO-ven) were both born in America from Dutch ancestry, meaning their family came here from Holland. They were married in 1720 and settled in Freehold. They had a small farm and a large family...with ten children! Families were bigger at this time because it was important to have many hands to help work the farm, take care of each other, and do all the chores that life in the colonies required. Being so far from home, people tended to find comfort living in communities where they knew the culture and traditions. The Covenhovens lived in a Dutch community that spoke Dutch, wore traditional Dutch clothes, prepared Dutch foods, and built and decorated in the Dutch style. Many in the community went to the Dutch church to hear services in their own language. They were proud of their heritage and felt it It was important to maintain their culture in the New World. Covenhoven House, Freehold NJ NEXT > Meet the Locals Discover some of the people who lived in and visited the historic Covenhoven House! Click to Enter Freehold, 1778 Cockpit of the Revolution Monmouth: A Turning Point General path of British (red) and Continental (blue) paths in the days leading up to the battle New Jersey has been called the "Cockpit of the Revolution." Over 200 skirmishes , or small battles, took place in New Jersey. This is because it sat in the path between two very important places: New York, and Pennsylvania. Lower New York was a British stronghold, containing valuable harbors for ships to bring constant fresh supplies, while Philadelphia was an American stronghold and the place where our Continental Congress met. The Continental Congress was a group of men, each one representing a colony, who gathered to discuss and make important decisions for the direction of our country. Some wanted independence from Britain, some did not. In the end, the vote was in favor of independence. The British took over Philadelphia, staying there from September of 1777 to June 18, 1778. On that day, they marched their army across New Jersey to Sandy Hook. They took the Burlington Path, which would lead them right through Freehold. Because their line of men was so long, it was impossible to do this secretly...the residents of Freehold knew they would be passing through in about a week's time. General Washington knew this as well, and decided to move the Continental Army in line with them, engaging them in skirmishes all along the way. The morning of June 28, 1778, the Continentals stopped the British in their tracks at Monmouth Courthouse, now present-day Freehold Borough. It was not going to a a skirmish that day, it was going to be a battle. British General Clinton received the news and quickly left Mrs. Covenhoven's house to join his men. Washington sent General Lee out to begin the fight, but Lee made a mistake in his attack - the confusion ended up in panicked retreat for his men. Washington showed up just in time to support the Continentals and stop them from running away from the fight. He was very angry with Clinton for allowing them to retreat, and embarrassed Clinton in front of the men before turning them all around. All who witnessed it said it was very unlike Washington to lose his temper that way. General Lee thought he was a better general than Washington, and was very annoyed to be spoken to that way. But he did as he was told, and the two armies met on the battlefield. Washington Rallying the Troops at Monmouth by Emanuele Leutze, MCHA collection New Jersey was in the middle of a heat wave. The temperature soared to nearly 100 degrees by the afternoon, and water was hard to come by. As the armies fought, men began to drop from heat exhaustion. More men died from the heat than from battle wounds! It was a difficult day for both sides. By nightfall, the battle was not yet over. The armies made camp for the night, but the Continentals were surprised to discover in the morning that the British had left the field. The armies lost about the same number of men, so it was called a tie. But it truly was a win for the Continentals - they stood up to the greatest army in the world, which ran away in the middle of the night! It made the Continentals proud, and gave them the confidence to continue on and win the war. Analyzing Artwork Taking a Closer Look Art is not only cool to look at, its a great learning tool as well! It is important to really focus on details to see what the artist is trying to tell us. Give it a try with the images below! 1 2 3 Many people know the famous painting Washington Crossing the Delaware by Emanuel Leutze (LOYT-za). Leutze painted another iconic scene in 1857 called Washington Rallying the Troops at Monmouth . In this dramatic image, the viewer can see many different things happening across the canvas. Looking closely at a few details from the painting, tell what is happening in each scene using the details from the Battle of Monmouth section above. Fun Fact! General Washington preferred white horses so that his troops could easily see him on the battlefield, but the horse that carried him through much of the Revolution was a chestnut brown-colored horse named Nelson. An Unwelcome Visit Artist: Charlie Swerdlow, 2022 1. Look at the scene in An Unwelcome Visit . Does it depict a different time? How do you know? 2. Describe the setting and what appears to be happening. 2. What does the mood seem to be? 3. The two enslaved servants in the home with Mrs. Covenhoven are the young boy, Bross, and Nancy. They may have been mother and child. What might they have been thinking at this moment? 4. What do you think Mrs. Covenhoven was thinking when Clinton finally arrived at her door?

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Militia Respond to the Attack on Chestnut Neck by Michael Adelberg Militia from three New Jersey counties defended Egg Harbor in October 1778, including the Upper Freehold militia which marched 60 miles and protected the salt works at Barnegat from attack. - October 1778 - As discussed in prior articles, on October 5, 1778, a British flotilla with more than 1,000 men sailed into Little Egg Harbor (called Egg Harbor at the time). They sent a large raiding party up the Mullica River and razed the town of Chestnut Neck—New Jersey’s privateer boomtown . By October 8, the Chestnut Neck raiding party had returned to Egg Harbor and smaller parties were sent across the harbor, burning salt works and other buildings. Before dawn on October 15, a raiding party surprised Kasimir Pulaski’s Continentals and killed at least 50 men in a pre-dawn action that would become known as the Osborn Island Massacre . George Washington had sent two Continental Army units—Kasimir Pulaski’s Legion (220 cavalry and infantry) and Thomas Proctor’s Artillery Regiment (200 infantry with a handful of cannon)—to defend Egg Harbor. Militia from the counties bordering Egg Harbor—Gloucester, Burlington, and Monmouth—also mustered and rushed to the area. Collectively, these forces were formidable, but they arrived at different times, from different directions, and coordination between the units was problematic. The disparate American forces were less than the sum of their parts and the British routed the defenders at Chestnut Neck and Osborn Island. Blame needed to be assigned. The letters of Pulaski, the source materials used most often by historians, portray the New Jersey militia as unreliable, even cowardly. Below are just two of Pulaski’s harsh statements about the New Jersey militia: “Order the militia to be obedient, or take them away entirely, for they are so ill-inclined that they will only spoil our affairs.” “I expect no assistance from the militia, for they have abandoned me.” Historians writing of the mini-campaign at Egg Harbor have generally taken Pulaski’s accounts as fact. But Pulaski wrote these letters under great duress—just after the Osborn Island Massacre and while skirmishing with Loyalist irregulars who harassed his Legion throughout a difficult march north. Under the circumstances, Pulaski was likely to look badly on militia who were not shoulder-to-shoulder with his suffering men. Using other sources—particularly the accounts of the militiamen who defended Egg Harbor and nearby areas—it becomes apparent that the militia (at least the militia from Gloucester and Monmouth counties) was much more active in combatting the British-Loyalist raiding parties than Pulaski suggests. The activities of militia during the Egg Harbor campaign are discussed below. New Jersey Militia during the Egg Harbor Campaign By all accounts, the Gloucester County militia, specifically the 3rd Regiment under Colonel Richard Somers, did not heroically defend Chestnut Neck. They manned the earthen fort defending the town, but the fort was never completed and cannon were never put into the fort’s gun ports. When the British galleys came upriver and fired on the fort, the militia gave up the fort, and offered no credible resistance as the British burned the town and the eleven ships docked there. However, the raiding party, according to Captain Patrick Ferguson’s report, numbered 300 men with artillery. It is unlikely that the militia present at Chestnut Neck that day was even half that size, and they lacked cannon. The Gloucester militia had to give up the town. One of the Gloucester County militiamen, Samuel Denike, recalled his service during the attack on Chestnut Neck and the following week. Denike recalled that, after losing Chestnut Neck, his militia company was "attached to and under the command of Col. Proctor, with the artillery.” They returned to Chestnut Neck after Ferguson’s raiders withdrew and went downriver to Egg Harbor. Denike’s company apparently skirmished with a raiding party a few days after Chestnut Neck was attacked. Denike recalled facing a raiding party near his father’s house on Egg Harbor: “The British had come into Egg Harbor and burnt the village in which all of my father's property was discharged, here we had a smart action and prevented their proceeding further into the country." Most interesting is Denike’s account of coming to the aid of Pulaski’s Legion on October 15, when it was massacred by a British-Loyalist raiding party under Captain Ferguson: We then marched to Tuckerton, here was met by the British and Refugees with whom we had a severe battle, we lost twelve men killed in our company, and Col. Sweetman was either killed or died a prisoner, as he never returned. In this action, Pulaski's Horse [cavalry] was engaged and severely cut up, as was the militia. I saved myself with twenty-five of my company by throwing myself into a swamp. The rest that were not killed were taken prisoner. The willingness of the Gloucester militia to travel ten miles north and sustain considerable losses was not mentioned by Pulaski in his reports of the Osborn Island Massacre. It is probable that the Gloucester militia arrived too late to assist Pulaski, and they probably battled Ferguson’s raiders as the raiders were withdrawing to their boats. Ferguson makes a passing reference to meeting resistance on his retreat, though he clearly was unimpressed by it. He concluded that his men were able to board their boats “at our leisure.” Norman Goos, who studied the 3rd Regiment of the Gloucester County Militia during the American Revolution, noted that the militia regiment incurred considerable losses in Tuckerton and elsewhere during the war. He wrote, “at a minimum, 8 were killed, 11 were wounded and 10 became prisoners-of-war” during the Revolution. Goos documents that at least one was wounded and two captured in skirmishing after the razing of Chestnut Neck. Monmouth County militia also mustered and marched to the Egg Harbor area. Major Richard Howell, stationed in Shrewsbury, noted that on October 8, “Col. Samuel Forman march'd with a reinforcement of 300 to join Genl. Pulaski." This was the Upper Freehold militia commanded by Colonel Forman. They marched across the county to Toms River and then south to Egg Harbor—60 miles in total. It appears that Forman arrived too late to help Pulaski at Osborn Island. One of the late-arriving militiamen, Walter Kerr, recalled that he volunteered “and marched down to Manahawkin in the southern end of the county of Monmouth in consequence of the slaughter of a body of militia at Egg Harbor by the British troops and Tories." It is interesting that Kerr recalled the deaths of Gloucester militia (referenced above) but not Pulaski’s men. Pulaski was initially impressed by the Upper Freehold militia, calling them “good Whigs” in one of his letters. Local militia from the shore townships of Dover and Stafford under the command of Lt. Colonel Elisha Lawrence (cousin of the Loyalist Lt. Colonel of the same name ) arrived before Forman. One of those shore militiamen, Aaron Bennett, recalled his service: He was out under Col Lawrence with the militia when three British vessels entered Egg Harbor inlet and landed their Tories at Chestnut Neck in Egg Harbor town... and remained for two or three days burning their buildings, etc. They were finally driven off by the militia under Col. Lawrence. Bennett was clearly exaggerating when he suggested that Monmouth militia drove Ferguson’s raiding party away from Chestnut Neck, but his account suggests that the militia engaged the enemy—likely marching close, taking shots, and pulling back when counter-attacked. Bennett was not in any battles during his time at Egg Harbor. He "was sent with an armed boat into the bay to watch the movements of the enemy in an armed boat and therefore had no part in the skirmishes.” But his mention of “the skirmishes” demonstrates that other Monmouth militia were skirmishing with raiding parties. A third Monmouth militiaman, John G. Holmes, recalled that "the enemy came over to destroy our salt works - was taken with James Reed & [William] Gaskin & David Gaskin & others not recollected to Barnegat.” Here the militia deployed to protect a large salt works that David Forman, a colonel in the Continental Army, was building in order to supply the army with salt. Holmes noted that his militia company successfully protected those salt works: The enemy destroyed the salt works at Egg Harbor & other places... we lay at Barnegat for four weeks, the enemy landed in small parties & burnt some houses but could not effect a landing to burn the salt works. The Monmouth and Gloucester militias did not provide Pulaski with the help he wanted, and they did not prevent the larger British-Loyalist parties from doing great damage during the Egg Harbor mini-campaign. But the militia did limit the ability of smaller raiding parties to act with impunity. The Gloucester County militia marched ten miles, going outside their own besieged county, and then suffered considerable losses battling Ferguson’s raiders. The Monmouth militia marched 60 miles and then engaged in days of skirmishing that limited the activity of smaller raiding parties. It successfully protected the salt works at Barnegat. The Gloucester and Monmouth militias, within the realm of realistic expectations, conducted themselves reasonably well during the Egg Harbor campaign. It is unclear if the Burlington County militia was comparably active. Related Historic Site : Stafford Township Historical Society Sources : Franklin Kemp, A Nest of Rebel Pirates (Egg Harbor, NJ: Batsto Citizens Committee, 1966) pp 124-5; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Aaron Bennett, www.fold3.com/image/#12676787 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Aaron Bennett of New Jersey; Norman Goos, A Very Large British Military Investment for Very Little Practical Profit, (Port Republic, NJ: Col. Richard Somers Chapter, New Jersey Society - Sons of the American Revolution); John C. Dann, The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980) pp 121-2, 126-7; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Walter Kerr of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#24017268; Private Correspondence: Jack Fulmer, Veteran's Pension Application of Samuel Denike of New Jersey; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John G.Holmes. Previous Next

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These pieces from our collection will give you a more in-depth sense of the time in which the inhabitants of Marlpit Hall lived. Click the images to be directed to our world-class eMuseum, where you can read the curatorial remarks about each object. Grisaille Painted Kast, ca. 1720 Hanging Cupboard, 1722 Dressing Table, ca. 1730 - 1760 Alderman's Staff, ca. 1834 Tall Case Clock, ca. 1802 - 1810 Marlpit Hall - Taylor Homestead Henry Thomas Gulick, 1952 Sampler Hannah Dorset Taylor, 1811 Edward Taylor, ca. 1830 Photos from the Archives Mary Holmes Taylor III, c. 1865 Last direct descendant of Edward Taylor at Marlpit Hall Marlpit Hall, c. 1900 Former quarters of the enslaved at Marlpit Hall, 2020

Welcome | Volunteer Shifts | Museum Docent Training | Allen House Training | Covenhoven Training Holmes Hendrickson Training | Marlpit Hall Training | Taylor - Butler Training | Program Training Allen House Training Materials Opening / Closing Tour Emergency Quick Info History

Hear history in their own voices - Monmouth County as told by the people who have lived here and made a difference MCHA Oral History Project History... in Their Own Voice This collection has been created and curated by MCHA staff to document the stories of Monmouth County, both past and present. Check back often as new categories are added! To play, press and hold the enter key. To stop, release the enter key. Select a Collection to Meet Our Narrators: Digital Diversity MCHA presents fascinating stories from some of our underrepresented communities. The collections will expand as we continue to capture Monmouth County not only as it was, but as it is today - and as it should be remembered in the future. LGBTQ African American / Black History/ Memories of Old Freehold Freehold has been historic from the start. From the Revolution to its reflection of small town America, this place has always been special. It will forever be His Hometown, and that's just fine with us. Hear the stories of those who call Freehold home as well. Memories of Old Freehold Do you have a story to contribute or know someone we should interview? Contact us: Dana Howell: dhowell@monmouthhistory.org Joe Zemla: jzemla@monmouthhistory.org We'd love to hear what you have to say!

This material from our collections will help give you a more in-depth sense of the time in which the Covenhovens lived. Interactive images will direct you to our world-class eMuseum, where you can read the curatorial remarks about each object. General Clinton's Headquarters 1751 Deed to Covenhoven House Monmouth Courthouse Old Tennent Presbyterian Church Old Tennent Interior Diagram Old Tennent Parsonage Old Tennent Pew Diagram, Covenhovens #60 1738/1747 baptismal records for the enslaved servants of the Covenhovens Washington Rallying the Troops at Monmouth The Heroine of Monmouth General La Fayette Monmouth Flag Monckton's Sword Mrs. Covenhoven's key John Graves Simcoe Map Sir Henry Clinton 1778 Estimate of British Losses at the Battle of Monmouth

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > John Morris and Jacob Wood by Michael Adelberg The court martial of Private Jacob Wood revealed that Lt. Col. John Morris tolerated Wood’s desertion because Wood was able to bring him fresh fish. Not long after, Morris retired from service. - August 1778 - Irregular behavior by militia officers in Monmouth County and elsewhere is well documented. Similarly, the Continental Army, particularly in the early years of the war, was also hamstrung by the irregularity of officers who engaged in self-serving and unprofessional conduct. The short tenure of David Forman’s Additional Regiment provides abundant examples of improper arrangements and controversial practices in Monmouth’s County principal army unit. While the terrible behavior of the British Army at Freehold prior to the Battle of Monmouth proves that British units also suffered breakdowns, it is nonetheless presumed that British officers were usually rule-bound in their conduct. While this may have merit as a generalization, there were certainly cases of British officers engaging in irregular conduct. The quasi-pardon of the deserter, Private Jacob Wood, by Lt. Colonel John Morris, is an excellent example. As noted in prior articles, John Morris was a junior officer in the British Army during the Seven Years War. After that war, Morris stayed in America and settled on a plot of land near Manasquan. When the Revolutionary War began, Morris assembled 58 Loyalists and marched them to Sandy Hook where they joined the British Army. Under Morris, these men and subsequent recruits became the 2nd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers , a provincial corps of the British Army. The 2nd Battalion was the best-performing of the five original battalions of the Volunteers and the only one selected to join the British Army in the Philadelphia Campaign of 1777 and Monmouth Campaign of 1778. The campaigns were hard for Morris. He lost several men to death and desertion, and recruiting efforts in 1778 produced disappointing results—only eight new men. At the end of the Monmouth Campaign, Morris wrote letters to British generals calling for reforms that might curb plundering by British troops. While British regulars left New Jersey via Sandy Hook in July 1778, Morris and his men stayed on the Hook, coming off to gather intelligence and horses left by the army. They had to kill many of the horses, so that they would not become useful to the Americans—a task that could only have been dispiriting. Morris and his men spent the month of July on Sandy Hook lacking water and provisions, and frantically making preparations for a climactic battle with a heavily armed French fleet that anchored four miles away. Morris sent intelligence reports to British high command and worried about the safety of the garrison at Sandy Hook which might be attacked by the French fleet from the sea and an American army from the land. He wrote, “Great threats are made, I find, against us on every part.” (The battle never happened because the French admiral, based on advice from American pilots , determined that his largest ships sat too deep in the water to enter the channel north of Sandy Hook.) The Court Martial of Jacob Wood It was at Sandy Hook that Jacob Wood, who had deserted from Morris’ battalion five months earlier, was arrested for desertion. According to court martial papers and testimony, Wood “deserted from thence February last, with two other men of the same detachment." His former captain, Cornelius McClease (also from Monmouth County), said Wood deserted because "he received a letter from his wife, who lived in New Jersey, acquainting him that she was in distress." Morris refused Wood’s request for leave. Although not stated by Wood, his desertion coincides with the arrest of John Wood—who was jailed at Freehold and was sentenced to death at the 2nd Court of Oyer and Terminer in June 1778. John Wood was among the first Monmouth County Loyalists to be hanged. With his wife in distress and kinsman facing dire punishment, Jacob Wood deserted and went to his home on the Jersey shore, where he stayed several weeks. Wood then “carried his wife and family to Sandy Hook about the first of May last." There, Wood became a fisherman, living among other Loyalist refugees who fished off Sandy Hook. At his court martial, Wood testified about being discovered at Sandy Hook by his old battalion and resuming contact with its officers: Lt. Parker [Josiah Parker] of the same regiment came down and he immediately went upon the sloop, where he [Wood] was desired that he would acquaint the Colonel that he was there, and begged that he would obtain leave to stay; that Lieut. Parker went up to New York and upon his return told him the Colonel said he might stay there till he went for him; that Colonel Morris himself was backwards and forwards to and from the Hook, and he (the witness) used to constantly supply him [Morris] with fish; that he also got a pass from him [Morris] to go into Jersey, where he stayed a week, and whilst he was there, the French erected a work on a hill, and were watering their fleet near Shrewsbury; that one of his neighbors desired him to go and give General Clinton [Henry Clinton] intelligence of it, and he accordingly set out for New York, and Colonel Morris went with him to General Clinton’s and afterwards returned to the Hook, in the same sloop with him, and supply’d him with fish as usual. Wood then testified that, “having affronted the Colonel by going fishing without his leave,” Morris “ordered Captain McClease to take him up.” Two Monmouth County officers, Lt. Parker and the battalion’s surgeon, Dr. James Boggs, testified at Wood’s court martial. Parker testified that he saw Wood several times at Sandy Hook and warned him “that he believed that the Colonel would hang him, and the prisoner answered that he meant to re-join the Regiment” but, for the time being, was willing to “run the risk of it.” Parker also admitted that he “bought clams from him” at Sandy Hook, demonstrating that Parker was tolerant of Wood’s fisherman status. Boggs testified that he spoke “very warmly against him [Wood] for deserting” but also admitted that “Colonel Morris bought some fish of him [Wood]” and that no arrest was made after various exchanges between Wood and his former officers. While desertion was a grave offense in the British Army punishable by dozens of lashes or even death, testimony was given at the court martial that Wood and Morris worked out an arrangement in lieu of arrest. Wood would "constantly to supply him [Morris] with fish, [and] that he [Wood] also got a pass from him [Morris] to go into Jersey." The arrangement worked for a while, but Wood was arrested by Captain McClease on August 3 after "having affronted the Colonel." McClease testified to “finding the prisoner on board a fishing boat at Sandy Hook on the 3rd instant, and knowing him to be a deserter from the regiment of which he (the witness) belonged to, he apprehended him.” Morris did not testify at the court martial, claiming "indisposition" and being unable to attend the court. The court found Wood guilty of desertion, but noted that his arrangement with Morris "implied a pardon." The court declined to impose a punishment. The unusual verdict read: The Court having considered the evidence for and against the prisoner, Jacob Wood, together with what he had to offer in his defence, is of the opinion that he was Guilty of the crime laid to his charge, in breach of the 1st article of War of the 6th section; but having given himself up and been afterwards employed on different occasions by Lieut. Colonel Morris, instead of being immediately apprehended and brought to trial, the Court is of further opinion that this implied a pardon, and gave the prisoner reason to regard it as such; that they therefore cannot under these circumstances proceed to sentence or adjudge the prisoner any punishment. John Morris’ health was declining. He would be listed as “lame” and “invalid” in later documents. In 1779, he ceased commanding his battalion and retired to New York on a military pension. Wood apparently stayed at Sandy Hook. He is noted as captured on a Loyalist list compiled in 1779. His fate is unknown after that. The Wood Family of Shrewsbury Township The Wood family of Shrewsbury Township well illustrates the disaffection that was rampant along the Monmouth shore. Beyond Jacob and John Wood, there were several other Loyalists in the family. Joseph Wood joined the Associated Loyalists, a British-tolerated Loyalist military group that raided New York and New Jersey. In 1780, he was captured at Long Branch and died mysteriously while under the care of guards. Benjamin Wood was also an Associated Loyalist; he settled in Canada after that war. Obadiah Wood and Stephen Wood served in the New Jersey Volunteers. Stephen is listed as dead on a 1777 troop return but is then listed as serving again on a later return. George Wood also served in the New Jersey Volunteers and is listed as dead on a 1777 return; but a man named George Wood is listed as serving in the Shrewsbury Township militia later in the war. Three men in the Wood family never served in Loyalist units—Aaron, Matthew, and Nathaniel Wood. Aaron Wood enlisted in the Continental Army in early 1777 but deserted within a year. His whereabouts after that are unknown. Matthew Wood served with a Virginia Continental Army unit while it was stationed in Monmouth County and also served in the militia. But he was twice indicted for misdemeanors (likely illegal trading with the enemy). He appears in the 1784 tax rolls as a “single man,” demonstrating he was poor at war’s end. Nathaniel Wood is listed on a 1780 Shrewsbury militia roll—as a “delinquent” (he skipped his service). Families like the Woods continually caused headaches for Monmouth County’s fragile government throughout the war—they evaded militia service and tax collection, traded with the enemy, and drifted between feigned allegiance to the new government and active opposition to it. It was families like the Woods that populated the Pine Robber gangs of the lower shore and the vigilante Associated Loyalists. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources : Court Martial of Jacob Wood, Great Britain, Public Record Office, War Office, Class 71, Volume 86, pages 405-9; Adelberg, Michael, Biographical File, on file at the Monmouth County Historical Association. Previous Next

This educational resource is the digital companion to the award-winning exhibit Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall. It teaches the history of slavery in New Jersey to middle school/high school students using fact-based research and primary source documentation. Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall Middle School / High School Education Resource Download Worksheet Request Teacher Resource Book a Class Trip Welcome to Colonial Monmouth! Marlpit Hall in Middletown, NJ stands today as a window into the 18th century. This c. 1762 home and its residents witnessed many of the most exciting, inspirational, and painful chapters in our history, from the fight for independence to the heartbreak of slavery. Join us as we explore what life was like from a unique perspective; through the lens of the enslaved Marlpit Hall. Unbroken Chains: Meet the Taylors of Marlpit Hall Above, the oldest known image of Marlpit Hall, taken in 1886 from the roof of what is now known as the Taylor-Butler house. The house known today as Marlpit Hall was constructed around 1762. Edward Taylor purchased the home in 1771, beginning an unbroken chain of Taylor ownership until 1931. There was also an unbroken chain of slave ownership through at least 1832, where men, women and children worked the fields, grist mill, and inside the house to maintain the Taylor lifestyle. Next > Seeds of Slavery As early as the 1620s, Dutch slave traders were transporting small numbers of enslaved Africans into the New Netherlands, the territory later known as New York and northern New Jersey. But it was not until New Jersey came under British rule in 1664 that the institution of slavery grew into a cornerstone of colonial society. Early English provincial law encouraged settlers to maintain enslaved labor. In one of New Jersey's founding documents, The Concession and Agreement of the Lords Proprietors of the Province of Nova Caesarea, white settlers were granted an additional seventy-five acres of land for every enslaved person they brought with them. Slavery spread quickly in East Jersey. Around 1675, Colonel Lewis Morris expanded his iron works at Tinton Falls in Shrewsbury with the labor of 60 enslaved Africans. His nephew, also Lewis Morris, would become the colonial royal governor of New Jersey. The enslaved labor working at Tinton Manor provided the template for Monmouth County's budding slave society. Sketch of Tinton Manor, c. 1680 By 1720, most enslaved Africans were brought to New Jersey from West Africa through the port at Perth Amboy. Those who came through the West Indies were seasoned for the slave market in a process that exposed them to new foods, disease, language, and agricultural training. Seasoning was a particularly cruel and enduring practice that claimed the lives of countless enslaved Africans. Next > They Were There Click an image to learn about the individual Tom Elizabeth Clarisse York Will Hannah Ephraim T he Taylor family of Marlpit Hall, like many of prominence and wealth in early Monmouth County, relied on slave labor. From around 1780 to 1830, Marlpit Hall was the primary residence of at least ten enslaved African Americans: York, Tom, MaryAnn, Elizabeth, William, Hannah, Matilda, Clarisse, Ephraim, and George. Four were likely born at Marlpit Hall. What is a kitchen family? White families and their enslaved often ate, slept, and worked within very close proximity to one another. Some households referred to enslaved African Americans as their "kitchen family;" a misleading term, given the way these individuals were treated. A n 1818 inventory of Marlpit Hall's upper level kitchen chambers reveals modest provisions for the enslaved: straw beds and bedding, cots, a rocking cradle, and a trundle bed. Wool and linen wheels, as well as a quilting frame, suggest that some women also used this space for spinning and weaving. The "Kitchen Family" Next > Community of "Africa" near present day Matawan Free Black Society Read More I would like to tell you many things...I don't tell all, but I keep it in my heart. Katy Schenck, 1851 Born into slavery in Freehold The enslaved protested their condition daily in different ways. Rather than leaving their African heritage behind, they celebrated it - secretly - through religion, food, and music. Some pretended to be sick or did a poor job of their tasks, such as burning meals, breaking tools, or working slowly. Some staged insurrections or destroyed property. Escaping was also a brave act of resistance. Resistance!! Next > So ... How Do We Know What We Know? The stories of the enslaved at Marlpit Hall were told using primary source documents and material culture. Learn how to analyze and use these tools! Enter the Primary Source Workshop Enter the Primary Source Workshop Many Thanks to Our Advisory Panel : Hank Bitten, Executive Director of the New Jersey Council for the Social Studies Dr. Wendy Morales, Assistant Superintendent of the Monmouth Ocean Educational Services Committee Noelle Lorraine Williams, Director of the African American History Program, New Jersey Historical Commission Upper Elementary Level Resource: Please visit the companion resource for grades 3-5 here , or find it at monmouthhistory.org/colonial-slavery. Professional Development, Clas s Trips or Questions: To arrange a professional development session or a class trip to our award-winning exhibit, Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall , please contact Dana at dhowell @monmouthhistory.org

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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Discovery of Samuel Wright's Loyalist Association by Michael Adelberg Virginia’s Gen. Adam Stephen commanded a Continental Army detachment that captured Samuel Wright, leader of a 60-man Loyalist association hoping to join the British Army. - August 1776 - In July 1776, Elisha Lawrence, John Morris, and John Longstreet led associations of Loyalists from Monmouth County to join the British Army at Sandy Hook. Behind them, additional Loyalist associations continued to form. Some assembled and reached the British Army, and some did not. There’s evidence that the disaffected residents at Deal and Shark River were in active communication with British and Loyalists at Sandy Hook in late July 1776. Balthazar DeHart, who gave lengthy testimony about New York Loyalists coming into Shrewsbury Townships, also testified that: There were some vessels of ſorce lying off Shark River, which he supposed were landing some men there to get provision, as he observed flat-bottomed boats with them. And further, this examinant saith that he saw some armed vessels off Deal shore last Saturday, and observed some boats which seemed to be going to said vessels, and that he verily believes that the inhabitants along that shore have communication with the enemy. This is the first mention of the men who would soon form a Loyalist association under Samuel Wright of Squankum. Wright was a known Loyalist. Earlier that year, the Shrewsbury Committee concluded that Wright was a “person unfriendly to the liberties of these Colonies.” It advertised him as an enemy and instructed the militia to “make a strict search and inquiry for arms in his hands... and safely secure them." In March, Wright was summoned to appear before the Monmouth County Committee . He refused the summons and portrayed himself as a pacifist Quaker : I have not done anything worthy of death or bonds, and therefore I do refuse to dy; I think it unreasonable, Gentlemen, to bind a man and not signify the crimes you lay to his charge. Finally, brethren, fling down your arms and fight not against King George, as I have mine, and let us live in love and peace one with the other. Take not up arms against me, but if you do, I do not intend to take mine up against you... Wishing peace and long life, health and salvation to the King and Congress, you and all; I shall remain your friend and servant in all things according to a clear conscience. Samuel Wright’s Loyalist Association By July, the Jersey shore was rife with disaffection. Samuel Breese, Shrewsbury’s militia colonel, resigned his commission due to the “general backwardness of the people… so few ready to turn out, hiding themselves and deserting their homes when called upon to defend the shore." Later that month, the New Jersey Convention directed John Cook of Toms River to “apprehend any persons whom he has reason to suspect of enlisting for the British Army, and take them before the County Committee of Monmouth." But there are no records documenting Cook making arrests. In September, emboldened by British victories over Washington’s army in New York, several dozen disaffected residents from Deal to Manasquan began meeting and plotting to join the British. William Sands of Deal recalled one such meeting at Shark River on September 25. He was “forced to swear secrecy with regards to the proceedings” by Henry Weatherby. Weatherby said that he and others: Were entering into an association and forming a secret encampment in the woods for the purpose of aiding and assisting the British Army and altho’ said associators were not at the time furnished with arms, yet they soon expected them from the British Army. Weatherby also said that when they joined the British Army, Samuel Wright would be their Captain and Weatherby their Lieutenant. At a second meeting in Long Branch, Sands recalled Weatherby forming plans “to seize Colonel [Daniel] Hendrickson, the Reverend [Charles] McKnight, Captain [Stephen] Fleming and sundry others, who were to be conveyed to Staten Island, where they were to receive forty dollars each for each prisoner taken.” Weatherby said that “if discovered… they would rush the said guards, and if possible cut them off, and then push over to Staten Island and join the King’s troops there.” Sands reported that there were at least 60 men in Wright’s association and he named names. His list included several prominent men: two members of the Shrewsbury Township Committee (Gavin Drummond and David Knott), a future New Jersey Volunteers officer (Thomas Leonard), and two men who would become infamous Loyalist partisans (Philip White and Richard Lippincott). Sands also claimed the group was being secretly aided by “Col George Taylor of Middletown.” Samuel Knott also gave two lengthy depositions. He recalled Weatherby asking “if he would consent to join him and a certain party with which he was engaged.” Knott said he “chose to take time to consider it." At the second meeting, Knott recalled Wright and Weatherby explaining that they were establishing a company of men that “were to join Colonel John Morris in the British service as soon as Morris should land, and assist him in subduing the country to the king of Great Britain." Further, Wright said, “they intended to surprise & disarm the guards, and go in boats to the Hook... sd Wright was at the same time armed with gun & pistol, and said he would see the time where he dare walk the road when the damned rebels dare not show their faces." Knott also named names and estimated Wright’s association at 60 men. The last days of Wright’s insurgency are revealed in depositions taken in November 1776. On November 19, Shrewsbury’s Magistrate, John Longstreet, took a number of depositions from men in Wright’s party who were now in the custody of Colonel Daniel Hendrickson. The depositions describe Wright enlisting men into the New Jersey Volunteers. Theophilus Bennett, for example, recalled signing "the muster roll... to join John Morris and the regulars when they should land" and accompanying Wright when he was seeking additional signatures. Samuel Knott corroborated Bennett’s account, but said he did not sign the muster roll despite being asked “sundry times.” He described a secret encampment in the woods where Wright had the muster roll laid out on a haystack for me to sign. William Smith deposed that: Weatherby asked this deponent whether he would sign for good Government, afterwards they went into the woods where they met Samuel Wright, when sd Wright offered sd deponent a piece of paper with a number of names wrote thereon, and asked him whether he would put his name on sd paper, the sd Wright told the deponent that if he told of their proceedings, death would be his portion. Two of those deposed, Samuel Knott and Jeremiah Bennett, discussed bounties being offered for enlisting. Knott recalled that "Wright's enlistment roll did contain the following… that each subscriber to be allowed eight shillings for subsistence and ten pence per day for wages, and at the end of the rebellion were to have fifty acres of land." Jeremiah Bennett, recalled that "Wright promised... he should have in reward near 200 acres." In early November, Wright’s men assembled in the woods near the shore, while Wright and twelve other men went off in a boat for Staten Island – apparently to return with a ship that would take them to the British. However, Wright’s boat cast ashore at Point Comfort (Keansburg) where it was noticed by Virginia Continentals stationed along the Raritan Bay shore. The Loyalists were taken on November 14. The Capture of Samuel Wright On November 22, General Adam Stephen, commanding the Virginians, wrote Governor William Livingston about “the parcel of Tories” he captured. They were “forming a secret encampment in the woods for the purpose of aiding and assisting the British Army." Stephen suggested having the Tories join the Continental Navy or offering them "some other form of punishment that will be useful to the State. Insignificant as they are, should they be permitted to return, the soldiery would put them to death." Wright and twelve other prisoners were temporarily put under the care of the Monmouth militia’s Major Thomas Seabrook. But the prisoners could not stay in Monmouth County. Charles Petit of the Governor’s Privy Council, explained that the “regular passage of intelligence which has hitherto subsisted between our secret and avowed enemies” in Monmouth County would make it impossible to secure Wright there. He suggested confining Wright and his men in Sussex County in northwest New Jersey. On December 7, Governor Livingston sent five of Wright’s men to John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress with a letter about half of Wright’s party: The prisoners sent to wit: William Valentine, Andrew Wilson, Benjamin Wilson, John Jones & Henry Weatherby were sent hither last week by Genl. Adam Stephen at Amboy -- the first four named are charged with assisting the enemy in endeavoring to get off a vessel which ran on shore some time ago at Point Comfort in Amboy Bay, and giving them intelligence respecting the military stores in this State; Weatherby is charged with having engaged in the King's service as a Lieutenant and enlisting or endeavoring to enlist men in Monmouth County in said service. It is thought unsafe to keep them in this State at present. I am therefore to request that Congress will give orders for their being kept in safety. Some of Wright’s men would ultimately end up jailed in Frederick, Maryland along with a number of Monmouth Loyalists captured by David Forman in late November. It is unclear why Wright was not shipped to Philadelphia with his compatriots, but he would resurface as a dangerous Loyalist partisan later in the war. In October 1778, Wright was one of seven Monmouth Loyalists to have a bounty placed on his head ($100). This was after a string of brutal robberies and a murder in Shrewsbury Township. The other men in the bounty notice included a number of so-called Pine Robbers , including the notorious Jacob Fagan. Related Historic Site : Township of Ocean Historical Museum Sources: Proceedings of the Committees of Freehold and Shrewsbury, Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, First Series, 1846, pp. 195; DeHart’s statement is in Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 1, p 602-3; Dennis P. Ryan, "Six Towns: Continuity and Change in Revolutionary New Jersey, 1770-1792" (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1974) p 193; Monmouth County Historical Association, Curator's Files: "Local Facts about the Revolutionary War Made Public"[Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p138-9; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Council of Safety of New Jersey (Trenton: Naar, Day, and Naar, 1879) p 497; Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 6, p 1641; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p138; Peter Force, American Archives, (Force and Clarke: Washington, DC, 1837) 4th series, vol. 6, p 1654; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, James Cornelius; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, pp. 312-5; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives and History, Council of Safety, Deposition of William Sands; New Jersey State Archives, Collective Series, Revolutionary War documents, #32 Samuel Knott deposition; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, Henry Weatherby; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, Examination of Sundry Persons; Massachusetts Historical Society, William Livingston Papers, Minutes, Lord Stirling (Charles Pettit); New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, Henry Weatherby; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, Examination of Sundry Persons; Massachusetts Historical Society, William Livingston Papers, Minutes, Lord Stirling; Dennis P. Ryan, "Six Towns: Continuity and Change in Revolutionary New Jersey, 1770-1792" (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1974) p 178; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, Examination of Sundry Persons; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 186, 182, 315 note. William Dwyer, The Day is Ours! An Inside View of the Battles of Trenton and Princeton (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1998), p38. Harry Ward, Major General Adam Stephen and the Cause of American Liberty (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1989) pp. 146-7; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #34; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 82, item 68, #107. Library of Congress, Peter Force Collection, series 7C, box 31, folder 2, 68:155; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #33977; Princeton University, Firestone Library, CO387, Barricklo Coll., box 1, folder Miscellaneous; David Bernstein, Minutes of the Governor's Privy Council, 1777-1789 (Trenton: New Jersey State Library, Archives and History Bureau, 1974) p 91-2. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > William Marriner and John Schenck Raid Brooklyn, New York by Michael Adelberg In June 1778, twenty men in two boats left Middletown Point and rowed through the night. They landed in Brooklyn where they took two Loyalists and four slaves, and liberated two prisoners. - June 1778 - Throughout the Revolutionary War, New York City was the hub for the British Army in America. To maintain the army, continuous re-supplying was necessary and most supplies entered New York Harbor via Sandy Hook. This created an opportunity for American sailors to prey on supply ships and boats in the narrow sea lanes that led into New York Harbor. State governments issued “Letters of Marque” that licensed ship captains to act as privateers with the ability to seize British and New York-bound vessels. But, along the Monmouth County shore, most of the maritime actions against the British were not conducted by licensed privateers. As the war progressed, local boatmen went from opportunists preying on disabled ships to deliberate attackers of British assets. The first of these boatmen to launch a New Jersey Government-authorized attack behind British lines was Wiliam Marriner. Historian Richard Koke described Marriner as a shoemaker from New Brunswick, though some antiquarian sources suggest he lived as a boatman at Middletown Point. Marriner is also identified as a New Yorker in a 1778 letter. All might have been true: men in the maritime trades often changed vocation and location based on the season or opportunity. The Marriner-Schenck Raid of Brooklyn On May 21, 1778, the New Jersey Council of Safety authorized Marriner to lead a raid against Flatbush, Brooklyn, to capture prominent Loyalists: Agreed, that William Marriner have permission to call upon… a number of volunteers & to proceed to Flatbush to bring off Mr. [Theophilus] Bache, Mr. [David] Matthews, Major [James] Moncrieffe and as many others as he shall think proper. However, Marriner needed a party of volunteers to take this dangerous mission with him. The punishing raid against Middletown Point, in which Loyalists targeted and burned the vessels of boatmen, gave Marriner the volunteers he needed. Marriner teamed up with a Lieutenant of a local militia company, John Schenck; they, with twenty men, rowed through the night to Brooklyn in two barges. The Marriner-Schenck raid of Brooklyn was anticipated by Colonel Matthias Ogden of the New Jersey Line. On April 9, he wrote George Washington: I have received such certain intelligence of the situation of our Officers that are prisoners on Long Island [Brooklyn], that I think a landing might be effected there in the night, & that between twenty & thirty of our Officers might be brought off with very little risque—I would propose embarking with about thirty men in three row boats, at, or near Middletown Point, tis eighteen miles from thence to New Utrecht bay where I would land, from the place of landing to New Utrecht town is one quarter of a mile, I would there seize the small militia guard kept for the purpose of giving the alarm. Ogden was never authorized to raid Brooklyn, but his plan likely circulated and promoted the idea of attacking Brooklyn from Middletown Point. On June 11, the New Jersey Gazette reported briefly on the Marriner-Schenck raid against Brooklyn "from Middletown Point to Long Island in order to take a few prisoners from Flatbush.” They “returned with Major Moncrieffe and Mr. Theophilus Bache” and “four slaves and brought them to Princeton." The report noted that the raiders also went to the house of Mayor David Matthews, but he was in Manhattan, so he could not be taken. The New York Gazette , a Loyalist newspaper, corroborated this report and added the detail that the raiding party apparently plundered the house of William Nichol, Esq. As the first raid of its type against Brooklyn, the Marriner-Scheck raid drew excited commentary. An anonymous New York Loyalist wrote: It is perhaps the most extraordinary circumstance which ever took place: a party of men to land on a clear evening, pass five miles on a public road, by great numbers of houses, enter a town, take off two of the principal inhabitants and return and embark unmolested -- it is not a pleasant telling story. Alexander Graydon, a captured Continental Army officer detained in Brooklyn, was freed by Marriner’s party. He wrote: “One Marriner… made a descent with a small party on the Island, with the view of getting Matthews in his clutches." Marriner did not take David Matthews, but did capture Major Moncrieffe and Theophilus Bache. He also liberated Graydon and another officer, Colonel Forrest, "by means of his magical power.” Graydon said Marriner’s party "consisted of twenty militiamen, in two flat-bottomed boats.” Graydon further discussed Marriner’s raid and his risky escape: At his landing on Long Island, he left his two boats under guard of five men, while he visited the interior; but these five men, hearing a fire, which was kept upon us by the Flatbush guard, concluded that Marriner was defeated and taken; so, without further ceremony, they took one of the boats and made their escape. The other boat, as we reached shore, was going adrift; we were much crowded into her, but it fortunately was very calm, otherwise we could not have weathered it. Graydon claimed that Marriner previously had been captured and jailed in New York. He "had long been confined and cruelly used [by Matthews]… and knew him personally." Nathaniel Scudder, a member of the Continental Congress but in Freehold at the time of the raid, reported on the raid to Elias Boudinot (the Commissary of Prisoners for the Continental government): He [Marriner], with a party of Monmouth militia, last Saturday night passed over to Long Island, and surprised the town of Flatbush - brought off Major Moncrieffe and Theophilus Bache – a Continental Captain who was prisoner there, & 4 Negroes, without any loss on his side, having performed the whole movement in about ten hours. The Major and Mr. Bache are at Mr. Livingston's [Gov. William Livingston] in Princeton & really look silly enough. The Brooklyn Loyalists, Bache and Moncrieffe, did not stay in Princeton for long. They were exchanged in July. The success of the Marriner-Schenck raid led to similar actions later in the year. In September, a Monmouth militia captain, Samuel Carhart, led a small raid against Brooklyn in which he sacked the houses of two Loyalists, Jacob Carpenter and Wiliam Cook. In October, Marriner, now carrying a Letter of Marque from the State of New Jersey, led another raid against Brooklyn. He would again capture two prominent Loyalists. This raid and Marriner’s exploits as a privateer are the subject of another article. Related Historic Site : The Lott House (Brooklyn, New York) Sources : Anonymous Account in Richard J. Koke, "War, Profits, and Privateers Along the Jersey Coast," New York Historical Society Quarterly, vol. 41, 1957, p 295; Nathaniel Scudder to Elias Boudinot, Boudinot, J. J. (ed.). The Life, Public Service, Addresses, and Letters of Elias Boudinot, (New York: Da Capo Press, 1971) vol. 1, p 174; Matthias Ogden to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 14, 1 March 1778 – 30 April 1778, ed. David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2004, pp. 440–441; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 239; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930[ Kenneth Scott, Rivington's New York Newspaper: Excerpts from a Loyalist Press, 1773-1783 (New York: New York Historical Society, 1973) p 127; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 2, p 320; Alexander Graydon, Memoirs of His Own Time: With Reminiscences of the Men and Events of the Revolution (Nabu Press, 2010) p316; Kenneth Scott, Rivington's New York Newspaper: Excerpts from a Loyalist Press, 1773-1783 (New York: New York Historical Society, 1973) p 152. Previous Next