Civil War "Since We Left Old Monmouth..." At the outbreak of the Civil War on April 12th 1861, Monmouth County was an agricultural hub that was home to nearly 39,000 people. The residents held a deeply-felt pride in their ancestors' part in the American Revolution under Washington himself at the Battle of Monmouth, and this translated to a need to carry that torch within themselves as well. The Monmouth Herald and Inquirer beckoned the men of Monmouth: "Men of New Jersey! The hour has again come when your loyalty to freedom and the Union of the Fathers is to be tested. Treason and Rebellion are at your very doors and you are called upon to resist and overwhelm them..." Volunteers flooded the enlistment rolls for what they hoped would be a brief conflict. They were wrong. The war raged on far longer than anyone had guessed. There was tremendous loss of life, felt even more so in the close-knit, rural towns of Monmouth. The Government was running low on funds, and the soldiers were not getting paid regularly. Southern sympathizers (referred to as "sesesh") and anti-war sentiment began stirring discontent at home, and volunteer enlistments began dwindling. The quota that each town was responsible for filling was not being met, and the draft was required to ensure we had enough men to fight. In order to avoid instituting the draft, towns began offering sign-on bonuses in addition to the People & Stories Artifacts Documents BACK

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth County's 3rd Court of Oyer and Terminer by Michael Adelberg The county courthouse in Freehold hosted its 3rd Court of Oyer and Terminer in July 1779. Despite worsening conditions, the court showed restraint when punishing dangerous criminals. - August 1779 - On July 27, 1779, Monmouth County convened its third Court of Oyer and Terminer. Courts of Oyer and Terminer were special courts that convened episodically to hear cases that were particularly serious or politically charged. Monmouth County’s 1st Court of Oyer and Terminer convened in January 1778 and heard many cases related to the Loyalist insurrections of December 1776. In keeping with sentencing precedents established by New Jersey’s Council of Safety in 1777 , the punishment meted by this court were generally mild. There were no capital convictions. The 2nd Court of Oyer Terminer convened in late May 1778 just two days after a Loyalist raided the village of Middletown Point , killed three militiamen, and carried off John Burrowes, Sr., one of the county’s leading supporters of the Revolution. On top of that, the court convened as anticipation was building that the British Army would soon leave Philadelphia and march through Monmouth County on its way to New York. This court was likely influenced by popular passions (courts of the era often attracted unruly crowds). The punishments meted out at the second court were markedly more severe and included six executions. Monmouth County’s 3rd Court of Oyer and Terminer The 3rd Court of Oyer and Terminer convened while the New Jersey Chief Justice position was vacant. New Jersey’s first Chief Justice, Robert Morris of New Brunswick, had resigned on June 10 (the same date that a punishing Loyalist raid decimated the village of Tinton Falls) and Morris went to Tinton Falls to help rally the villagers. The Chief Justice commonly joined local judges in administering Courts of Oyer and Terminer, but New Jersey had no Chief Justice as the Court convened. William Smith (not the Loyalist Chief Justice in New York of the same name, but an Associate Justice of the State’s Supreme Court), went to Freehold to convene the court with the local judges. There, Smith was joined by David Brearley, an Allentown lawyer who had been serving in the Continental Army before leaving the Army on July 2. Brearley would become New Jersey’s second Chief Justice, but the details of his appointment were still being worked out when the court convened (Brearley hoped to retain his Army commission while serving on the Court, but neither the State nor the Continental Congress would authorize this arrangement). Brearley would later report to George Washington that his first day as Chief Justice of New Jersey was August 1, four days into Monmouth County’s 3rd Court of Oyer and Terminer. As the court convened, key officials were deeply impacted by recent wartime events. Sheriff Nicholas Van Brunt’s brother, Major Hendrick Van Brunt, had been taken prisoner by Loyalists during the raid against Tinton Falls six weeks earlier; Judge John Longstreet’s home was burned by Loyalist raiders two months earlier. Judge John Anderson was embroiled in a growing dispute for upholding seizure of fabrics by Major Elisha Walton of the Freehold militia from two Middletown residents (despite evidence that Walton tampered with the six-man jury that heard the case). The seizure would ultimately be reversed by David Brearley’s New Jersey Supreme Court. The 3rd Court of Oyer and Terminer heard 129 total indictments, more than either of the prior courts. Sixteen indictments had the potential for capital convictions: three people were charged with high treason, nine were charged with murder, and four were charged with robbery. With respect to the High Treason cases, Joseph Stockton Nicholson was found guilty, but was permitted to “invoke an act of grace.” Acts of grace were granted occasionally to men of stature who confessed to the crime and showed contrition. New Chief Justice David Brearley apparently supported leniency for Nicholson. Two months later, the New Jersey Legislative Council, the Legislature’s Upper House, recorded receiving two petitions and “a letter from the Chief Justice in favor of Joseph Stockton Nicholson, lately convicted of High Treason in the County of Monmouth, recommending him as a proper object to be pardoned." The Council asked Governor William Livingston to pardon Nicholson on the condition that he sign a loyalty oath and agree never to return to Monmouth or Middlesex counties. The other men charged with High Treason were Thomas Thomson and Chrineyonce Van Mater. Thomson was a prosperous Upper Freehold farmer who had been arrested in 1777 for disaffection and compelled to take a loyalty oath in May 1779. His treasonable offense is unknown, but he was found not guilty. Chrineyonce Van Mater was active in the Freehold-Middletown Loyalist insurrection of December 1776. He guided the British party that captured Richard Stockton and John Covenhoven, two of New Jersey's leading statesmen. He went behind British lines and participated in violent incursions into Monmouth County. Van Mater was captured and briefly jailed in 1778, but freed by the British Army when it occupied Freehold the day before the Battle of Monmouth. While it is likely that there was considerable evidence to support a High Treason conviction, Van Mater was found not guilty. He would remain active in the local war after his acquittal. The men charged with murder included Samuel Wright, who formerly led a Loyalist association that was broken up in late 1776. Wright and a few others tried murder—William Van Note, Jacob Van Note, Elijah Groom—can be tied to Pine Robber activity. Other men charged with murder were Aaron Brewer Jr, Joseph Bennett, Thomas Bennett, and Dennis Hurlehoy. The disposition of these cases is not known, but if there were multiple death sentences, they would have been reported in the New Jersey Gazette as it was with other Courts of Oyer and Terminer. The men tried for robbery were Elijah Groom (a former New Jersey Volunteer and member of Jacob Fagan’s Pine Robber gang ), William Hankins (who was found not guilty), James Buckalew and Isaac Smith. Beyond Hankins, the outcomes of their cases are not known. Hankins subsequently collaborated with Colonel Samuel Forman in capturing Pine Robbers. Forman wrote to Governor Livingston about him in April 1780: There is one William Hankins, who was convicted of High Treason in this country & escaped from goal - has several times discovered himself & offers to betray a number of those wood rangers that has struck terror to the country, on condition of being pardoned. Six Monmouth Countians were charged with assault. One, Philip Milligan, was found guilty of "assault of with intent to ravage" and sentenced to one hour at the public pillory. William McMurray was also charged with assault. It is unclear what the Court of Oyer and Terminer decided, but the case was re-heard by the Supreme Court soon after. McMurray was charged with acting "with force and arms… in and upon Benjamin Parker… did make an assault” during which he “did beat and ill-treat & other wrongs." Other assault charges were against local leaders. David Rhea, the county’s agent for the Continental Army Quartermaster , had two counts of assault against him and was found guilty on at least one count because he was fined £20. His counterpart from the Army’s Commissary Department, John Lloyd, was also found guilty of assault and fined £6. Finally, Elias Longstreet, who had raised the first Continental Army company from Monmouth County in January 1776, was also charged with assault—the outcome of his case is not known. The remaining felony charges were against John Alward, who was indicted for deceit, and Peter Stillwagon, William Woodcock, and Richard Jackson were indicted for larceny. The outcome of their cases is not known. There were 105 misdemeanor indictments against 102 individuals (Samuel Dennis, Elizabeth Fisher, and Oliver Talman were indicted twice). Joseph Wardell, a disaffected Shrewsbury squire, received a massive L500 fine. Joseph Davis and Walter Curtis were fined £150 each. Two other men were fined £100, Peter Wardell and William Williams. Sarah White was also fined £100—the largest fine put on a woman. Eleven other women were indicted: Elizabeth Fisher (2 counts, fined L40), Sarah Dennis (fined £20), Elizabeth Parker, Elizabeth Wardell, Deborah Leonard, Ann Garvey, Elizabeth DeBow, Valerie Mount, Margaret Mount, Deborah Talman, and Lydia Corlies. With the exception of the fine against Joseph Wardell, the fines meted out by the 3rd Court of Oyer and Terminer were in keeping with those of the 2nd Court of Oyer and Terminer. As noted in prior articles, unnamed misdemeanor charges generally related trading illegally with the British or going behind enemy lines to visit with Loyalist kin. The court also moved against two constables who did not attend the court. Nathan Davis (Shrewsbury) and John Southard (Stafford) were fined £50 for not attending—a larger amount than the majority of criminal fines. Similarly, twenty jurors were fined £30 for not attending jury duty. The large fines show a newfound willingness of judges to move against citizens who neglected their duty but were otherwise supporting the Revolutionary government. Perspective The circumstances surrounding the 3rd Court of Oyer and Terminer were as grim as those surrounding the 2nd Court of Oyer and Terminer fourteen months earlier. Despite this, the 3rd Court of Oyer and Terminer stepped back from the capital convictions of the 2nd Court, and the 3rd Court, for the first time, took meaningful actions against supporters of the Revolution who had broken the law or shirked the responsibilities of their office. It cannot be proven that David Brearley, as the new Chief Justice and a Monmouth Countians, caused this correction, but it is probable. What is clear is that the 3rd Court of Oyer and Terminer moved toward a more impartial adherence to the law and away from the passions of the crowd. Related Historic Site : Monmouth County Historical Association Sources : New Jersey State Archives, Judicial Records, Court of Oyer & Terminer, box 2, folder - July 1779; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #37083; Samuel Forman to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 11, April 7, 1780; David Bernstein, Minutes of the Governor's Privy Council, 1777-1789 (Trenton: New Jersey State Library, Archives and History Bureau, 1974) p 126; Adelberg, Michael, Biographical File (on file at the Monmouth County Historical Association). Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Militia Join Continental Army to Shadow British Retreat by Michael Adelberg The Monmouth Militia marched west to Princeton and then north into the rugged Sourland Hills to join the Continental Army in shadowing the British Army on its withdrawal from New Jersey. - June 1777 - Following defeats at Trenton (December 25, 1776) and Princeton (January 3, 1777), the British Army retreated across New Jersey into a small perimeter of encampments around Perth Amboy and New Brunswick. General William Howe, the British commander-in-chief in America, had always considered the stretch of British winter camps across New Jersey to be “too extensive.” He later claimed that he had moved across the state in order to provide cover to Loyalist insurrectionists in Monmouth County. When he retreated, the insurrections quickly collapsed . But even the small perimeter in New Jersey was too much to defend when the British decided to use their naval advantage to attack Philadelphia by sailing around New Jersey and take it from the south. By June 1777, Continental Army leaders knew the British were preparing to move, but did not know their destination. General John Sullivan, commanding troops closest to the British camps, worried about an overland march across New Jersey, writing George Washington: “Surmise probably they may turn off for Philadelphia.” Alarms went out across New Jersey for the county militias to muster and support the Continental Army in this moment of uncertainty and potential danger. The first time the British invaded New Jersey in November 1776, New Jersey’s county militias, pre-occupied by local unrest, were generally unresponsive to Continental calls for assistance. But in June 1777, the counties across northern New Jersey answered the call. This prompted Washington to write Sullivan on June 15: “I am happy to hear that the Militia join you in such numbers, and are in so good spirits.” Washington continued: In this situation, you will have it in your power to harass the rear and left flank of the Enemy, while we oppose them upon their Front and Right. If, notwithstanding this, they are determined to push forward, always cross them and keep upon their right Flank, by which means you will join this Army at pleasure. Washington knew his army—lacking arms and filled by untrained recruits—was too weak to attack the British. He concluded on June 17 that “an attack upon them [the British] wou’d not be warranted by a sufficient prospect of success; and might be attended with the most ruinous consequences.” Instead, Washington planned to keep the main body of the army a safe distance from the British and use the New Jersey militia to annoy the British: “I intend by light Bodies of militia, seconded and encouraged by a few Continental Troops, to harass and diminish their number by continual Skirmishes.” Washington gave orders to Sullivan to attach one thousand Continentals to the one thousand New Jersey militia assembled. Noting the fickleness of militia, Washington further instructed Sullivan: “As an encouragement to the Militia, let them know that whatever Baggage or Spoils of any kind they can take from the Enemy shall be appropriated to their Benefit.” Those same orders noted the recent arrival of “the Monmouth Militia” which would “go with the detachment.” On June 21, Sullivan’s command assembled in the Sourland Hills of Somerset County and marched east toward the enemy. Militiamen Report on the March to Shadow the British Retreat There is a disappointing lack of documentation on the Monmouth militia who joined Sullivan. No officer letters or muster rolls exist from this campaign. Newspaper and later accounts discuss “the militia” but make no particular mention of the Monmouth County participants. Fortunately, a dozen Monmouth militiamen reported on the campaign in their post-war veteran’s pension applications. These pension narratives reveal that the Monmouth militia was late arriving because it had to circle around the British. After mustering at Freehold, they had to march 25 miles west before turning and marching 22 miles north to the rendezvous point at Pluckemin. The circuitous march is mentioned in a few of the pension narratives but most explicitly laid out by John Hulsart of Freehold: “he marched from Freehold to Princeton through Amwell Township to Sourland Mountain to Pluckemin.” It does not appear that the Monmouth militia saw any considerable combat during the campaign. Only one pensioner mentions “skirmishing” during the operation and only one pensioner suggests close contact with the enemy (“pursuit” of a British party). One pensioner notes the Monmouth militia was split up during the march. “They divided and part under the command of Major Garrett Longstreet marched on the south side of the Raritan River to New Brunswick, which was just deserted by the British Army” while the rest of the militia stayed with the main body of men under Sullivan. There are no mentions of picking up British deserters, difficult encounters with locals, sickness or privations during the march—all of which are mentioned in pensioner narratives of other campaigns. From this, it can be inferred that Sullivan did not press the militia too hard and that the militia were welcomed as liberators as they went into formerly-British occupied territory. There is no count of how many Monmouth Countians marched from Freehold. However, militia participants were drawn from all of Monmouth County’s townships—Dover, Freehold, Middletown, Shrewsbury, Upper Freehold—except for secluded and sparsely-populated Stafford Township. Two militiamen recall volunteering for the campaign; one said he was “drafted.” It is likely that Monmouth’s three militia regiments were asked to turn out a quota of men—calling for volunteers but drafting men to reach their quota when necessary. Documentation does not indicate that David Forman’s Additional Regiment marched with the Monmouth militia, but it is possible that some did. Pensioners recalled being commanded by Brigadier General David Forman, Colonel Samuel Forman (of Upper Freehold), and Nathaniel Scudder of Freehold during the march. Scudder’s mention is curious. Scudder had last commanded Monmouth militia at the disastrous Battle of the Navesink . By June 1777, he was serving on the New Jersey Council of Safety and representing Monmouth County in the Legislative Council (the upper house of the New Jersey Legislature). By law, Scudder was not permitted to hold a militia commission and civil government position that took him out of the county. Scudder likely accompanied the militia without any formal authority. He may have continued to carry himself as a militia colonel and because he was friends with David Forman, there was no rebuke. The length of time the men claim to have been out for the campaign ranges from two weeks to two months. It is possible that the two months refers to the entirety of activity from first call-up in Monmouth County to the safe return home, while two weeks refers to the time spent directly under Sullivan. It is also possible that the two months is an embellished figure written by an older man with an incentive to aggrandize his service for posterity and to increase his chances of being awarded a pension. Weak documentation makes it hard to be more precise. There is more precise documentation on the route taken by the Monmouth militia while under Sullivan. Joseph Van Note recalled marching from Pluckemin and then shadowing the British through “Steele's Gap, New Brunswick, & Woodbridge” (28 miles). Several militiamen recalled being dismissed at Woodbridge, but two pensioners recalled being discharged at New Brunswick—this likely reflects the Monmouth men being split after leaving Sourland Mountain. By the time the Monmouth militia reached Woodbridge, the militiamen had come nearly full circle. The march from Woodbridge back to the muster point at Freehold was only 23 miles; this was a short walk home in comparison to the 75 miles already covered by the men. On top of this, some of the men faced long marches to and from the muster point at Freehold. William Williams of Dover Township, for example, marched an additional 36 miles from Toms River to Freehold at the start of the call-up and that many miles again at the end. While David Forman’s shortcomings were many, he successfully mustered and marched the Monmouth militia without incident at a time when the county still lacked a functioning civil government and large parts of the militia were dysfunctional . This was likely his most impressive moment as a military leader. Forman would again turn out the Monmouth militia in September 1777 and march them all the way to Germantown , Pennsylvania, but personal scandal and the problems caused by the uniforms of his men during that campaign would complicate his record. Related Historic Sites : Historical Society of Princeton Sources : George Washington to Major General John Sullivan, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 45–46; George Washington to Major General Benedict Arnold, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 58–61; George Washington to Major General John Sullivan, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 64–65; George Washington from Major General John Sullivan, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 78–79; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw080245)) ; John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 8, p 279; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Joseph Vanderveer. Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of William McBride of NJ, National Archives, p3-4, 20-2; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, James Hendrickson of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#23341082 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - William Williams. National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Van Note of Ohio, S.2895; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Van Note of Ohio, S.1129 National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Kenneth Gordon of NY, www.fold3.com/image/#21884413 ; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Benjamin Berry of VA, National Archives, p4-6; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application,Thomas Henderson of of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#23389962 ; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of William West of NJ, National Archives, p3; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John McBride of Middlesex Co, www.fold3.com/image/#26202857 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Daniel Dey of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#15489356 ; Contained in: National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John Reid of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# 14359840. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Militia Takes Control of the Ship, Polly & Anne by Michael Adelberg New York’s Royal Governor, William Tryon, sought to supply the British Army in Boston by loading the Polly & Anne. The ship beached on the Monmouth shore and was taken. - December 1775 - Shortly after the capture of HMS Viper ’s 30-foot tend er vessel, a second ship in the service of the British military beached on the Monmouth shore. On December 23, 1775, the Polly & Anne ran aground on Manasquan beach during a storm. John Graham, a passenger on board the vessel, reported that the “vessel was laden by his Excellency Governor Tryon [New York’s Royal Governor William Tryon]” for the British Army at Boston. The vessel beached and was discovered by a party of Monmouth Countians that included John Morris. Morris was a former British Army officer who would become a battalion commander in the Loyalist New Jersey Volunteers , but, at this time, Morris was supporting the Continental cause. Morris apparently notified the Shrewsbury Township Committee of Observation, acting as the de facto local government for the Manasquan neighborhood. The committee considered the stranded vessel being on December 26, 1775: Whereas information to this Committee is made that a sloop is come on shore at Manasquan loaded with fresh provisions entirely, such as beef in quarters, hogs and fowls, etc., and that there is reason to suspect that the cargo was intended for the use of the enemy at Boston as the persons on board of said vessel refuse to give any account of themselves or their intention. Therefore: Resolved, that David Knott and James Davis be a subcommittee to repair to the spot and make inquiry concerning the above affair and if they find sufficient reason therefore to secure the cargo at least and if necessary some or all of the persons until a hearing before this or the County Committee, and if assistance be wanting, that they call upon Capt. [Aaron] Longstreet and Capt. [Moses] Shepherd to attend with a sufficient party of militia. Militia apparently arrived at the stranded ship quickly—but whether the militia were from Shrewsbury or from Freehold is an open question. According to a surviving document, Graham “immediately was taken prisoner, by order of the Committee of Freehold , in Monmouth County.” A deposition taken from James Webb, another passenger, confirmed that the vessel’s cargo was intended for the British Army in Boston. A report compiled after the capture revealed that the Polly & Anne’s cargo consisted of dry goods and “a quantity of beef, pork, and other provisions.” As such, the Monmouth County Committee instructed Colonel David Forman to impound the cargo “except such articles as were perishable, which the Committee directed to be sold by Doctor Scudder [Nathaniel Scudder] and Doctor Henderson [Thomas Henderson].” The perishables were promptly sold and the proceeds were turned over to “the Congress of this Colony.” As for the ship’s crew, the Monmouth County Committee asked the New Jersey Committee of Safety to assist: “It is expected a number of persons belonging to said sloop will fall into the hands of this Committee; will be glad of advice on how to dispose of them.” The county committee received instruction to ”deliver to the seamen and passengers, all such clothing and other effects as belong to them.” Because the crew were New Yorkers, the Committee would deliver the prisoners “to the Provincial Congress or Committee of Safety” of New York. Dr. Thomas Henderson (also a militia major) brought the prisoners to New York, where he was deposed by the New York’s Council of Safety. Henderson’s testimony revealed that the Polly & Anne was captained by a man named Haines, a known Loyalist who escaped confinement in New York in order to take the vessel and provisions into British lines. Henderson further testified that: “The casks and boxes found on board of the said sloop had labels nailed to them, but that all the labels were torn off. That among the labels torn off, he found one directed to General Howe, Boston.” Henderson further testified that three casks of wine on board the vessel were personally shipped by Royal Governor Tryon. Another Monmouth Countian, David Rhea, who accompanied Henderson, offered additional information on Captain Haines: He broke jail by breaking six grates out of a window, and stole a boat about midnight, and got on board of the man-of-war; that the sloop Polly and Ann was purchased for him about three days, or less, before the time of her sailing, and that she was purchased of Isaac Gidney. As of January 23, Captain Gaines and John Graham were still confined in New York. Graham petitioned for an early release from confinement due to his declining health. Their fate, and the fate of the other passengers on the Polly & Anne , is not known. The Polly & Anne was sold at public auction by Dr. Nathaniel Scudder, but money from the sale was taken by Loyalists, presumably during the Loyalist insurrection of December 1776. As late as June 1778, the New Jersey Legislature was still seeking to settle accounts related to the capture of the ship with Forman, Scudder and Henderson. Another capture of a British ship would soon occur. Related Historical Sites : New Jersey Maritime Museum Sources : Peter Force, American Archives, (Force and Clarke: Washington, DC, 1837) Series 4, vol. 4, P818; Peter Force, American Archives, (Force and Clarke: Washington, DC, 1837) Series 4, vol. 4, P1059; Proceedings of the Committees of Freehold and Shrewsbury, Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, First Series, 1846, pp. 192-3; Franklin Kemp, The Capture of Enemy Vessels by Ground Troops in New Jersey (privately printed) p 19; William James Morgan, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1969) vol. 3, pp. 886-7; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives and History, Manuscript Coll., State Library Manuscript Coll., #83; "Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html ), v4: p 1058-9; "Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html ), v4, p 1059-60; Calendar of New York Historical Transcripts, (Albany, NY: privately printed, 1868) vol. 1, 220; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, October 11, 1777, p 203-4; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, June 5, 1778, p 134, 165. Previous Next

Now and Then... These images will give you a sense of true local history! WORLDWIDE WORLDWIDE WORLDWIDE

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Rise of John Bacon's Pine Robber Gang by Michael Adelberg In late 1781, the Pine Robber gang of John Bacon attacked and defeated the Stafford Twp. militia at Manahawkin. One of the killed militiamen, Silas Crane, is buried at Baptist Meeting House. - December 1781 - As noted in prior articles, Dover and Stafford townships in southern Monmouth County (and bordering Little Egg Harbor Township in Burlington County) was New Jersey’s most disaffected region during the second half of the Revolutionary War. The region was not well-suited for farming (the main path to acquiring wealth in 1700s America), so shore residents lived modestly by grazing small herds and practicing maritime trades. Shore residents were two days removed on horseback from their county seats in Freehold and Burlington. The culture of the region was rough: a Quaker elder complained that shore residents were “loose, libertine people;” they referred to “places of deviation ” along the shore. The Revolutionary War brought unprecedented capital and opportunity to acquire wealth to shore residents. Salt works sprung up and they were in constant need of laborers , but salt work owners constantly complained of laborers stealing their materials and then disappearing. Privateers from New England and Philadelphia employed some shore residents, and purchased supplies from others—but the opportunities created by privateers were transient. Though they brought money to a poor region, resentments toward these outsiders, no doubt, ran high. For shore residents, the most lucrative opportunity created by the Revolutionary War was the so-called London Trade. London Traders funneled the foodstuffs and lumber from disaffected New Jersey farmers to British buyers at Sandy Hook and New York. The wealth generated by this trade, coupled with long-simmering resentments from the shore region, bred gangs of Pine Robbers . By 1781, the Pine Robbers gangs of the lower shore numbered as many as 80 men, supported by armed London Trading vessels and disaffected locals who provided cover and supplies. Local militias lacked the power to depose these gangs, and George Washington, chastened by the poor record of Continentals previously stationed along the shore, refused to send troops . The Rise of John Bacon From this setting emerged John Bacon, the most prolific of the Pine Robber leaders. According to an antiquarian account, Bacon hailed from Arneytown, a center for disaffection in Upper Freehold Township . (Since Bacon is buried in Arneytown, there’s reason to think he had family there.) An antiquarian source claims that Bacon was an agricultural laborer to the Crane family of Stafford Township before the war. The Cranes supported the Revolution and would clash with Bacon’s gang later in the war. Further evidence that Bacon lived in Stafford Township is provided in court testimony from Luke Sooey, who stated that: “He knew Bacon before he went to the enemy - his family resides at Barnegat - thinks Bacon has been with the enemy between two & three years." David Fowler, who comprehensively studied the Pine Robbers, located Bacon in court documents early in the war. He was listed as a “shingle-maker” in a Monmouth County court document, meaning he was employed in repetitive and hard manual labor. Bacon also apparently ignored more than one court summons regarding a dispute with the Soper family, and was a claimant in a 1779 privateer case involving the capture of the vessel, Success . Fowler notes an antiquarian source which claims that Bacon was married and his wife, Hannah Bacon, lived apart from her husband in Burlington County. Bacon did not start the war as a violent outlaw. An antiquarian source describes an early incident in which Bacon refrained from violence. James Wells (who lived near Waretown) was a Quaker. He left his house in the uniform coat of a Continental soldier which had been left at his house (probably by one of Kasimir Pulaski’s troops). Pulaski’s Legion marched through Stafford Township in October 1778 during which time disaffected locals took sniper shots at them. Bacon saw a man in a Continental coat and closed in to shoot him until he recognized Wells. Bacon warned Wells not to wear the coat again. Fowler also notes that Bacon was indicted in the Monmouth County Courts in July 1780 for going to New York without a passport—by this time, Bacon had likely given up manual labor for a more lucrative living as a London Trader. The first violent event attributed to Bacon was the killing of Lieutenant Joshua Studson in December 1780. Studson was patrolling the bay waters near Toms River in a militia boat when he spotted a London Trading vessel. He hailed the vessel and came close. As the militia closed in, Bacon, who was reportedly concealed with the cargo, rose and fired on Studson, who was killed nearly instantly. Bacon leapt into the shallow water and waded to shore. The panicked militia did not pursue him. In May 1781, Bacon was in a gang that plundered the home of Captain Samuel Bigelow of Dover Township. Elenoar Bigelow later testified that the gang knocked down her door, rifled through the family goods, and carried off valuables. She did not know most of the men in the party but recognized Bacon, “a noted person of the Refugees at Egg Harbour.” Bacon was also named in the robbery of five horses from John Middleton, Jr., as the horses were being driven by a man named John Morris (not the Loyalist officer of the same name). Morris testified that the horses were taken by the “noted Refugee” John Bacon and presumably taken to New York. Bacon and his gang participated in several additional robberies against the homes of Whigs (supporters of the Revolution). A Stafford Township militiaman, Seth Crane, was wounded while attempting to defend his home. Other robbery victims from Dover and Stafford townships include: Silas Crane of Stafford Twp.: Shot in leg while escaping Bacon’s gang as it approached his home (another source claims Crane was shot through a window while in his home); Crane was wounded again in a skirmish with Bacon’s gang described below. John Holmes of Forked River: home plundered of "a large amount of money, a silver watch, gold ring, silver buckles, pistols, clothing, etc.", some valuables buried in the yard were not taken. Lieutenant Jacob Lane of Dover Twp.: Robbed, described by Lane below: His house was once attacked by one Captain John Bacon, a refugee, and his house was plundered and he was taken prisoner and carried over with them - that they oft swore after to let the deponent go, that they first robbed him of his Lieutenant's commission & Bacon sent word to the Governor that he had it. Captain John Price and Wiliam Price of Good Luck: John Price escapes with only his clothes and his commission; gang moves to nearby home of William Price, both homes robbed. Captain Reuben Randolph of Manahawkin: captured, pulled out of his house and tied to a tree in the woods, while a gang is plundering his house, he escapes. Joseph Soper of Stafford Twp.: Robbed of money paid for building a boat; other valuables buried in yard and not taken. Fowler notes that Bacon’s robberies were not random. He targeted Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) and relied on informers, including William Wilson, to know when to strike at the homes of his adversaries. John Bacon as a Notorious Outlaw By the end of 1781, Bacon was leading a Pine Robber gang. He was a frequent target of local militias, but his gangs were large and cunning enough to hold their own against militia parties. John Chamberlain of Dover Township described his many encounters with Bacon’s gang in his postwar veteran’s militia application. He recalled that he went “in pursuit of the Refugees, I recollect helping to destroy a large row boat, building in the pines, by one Bacon, a leading character amongst the Refugees." Chamberlain recalled Bacon’s revenge and the Dover militia’s counter-measure: I recollect having been robbed once, and taken prisoner twice by the above named Bacon, I also recollect having taken a refugee boat whilst under the command of John Stout, at Manasquan Inlet, making prisoner of her crew, consisting of five men and a boy. On December 30, 1781, Stafford Township militia commanded by Reuben Randolph attempted to ambush and capture Bacon near Manahawkin (where Randolph lived). The militia spent the night at Randolph's tavern and it is easy to imagine that the men had too much to drink. At dawn, a militia sentry spotted Bacon’s gang on the road. Bacon’s men fired on a sentry, Linus Pangburn, and killed him. Pangburn's widow would later testify, her husband “was shot dead as he stood on guard by a party of refugees.” Believing Bacon’s party to be thirty to forty men, the smaller militia party (likely 20-25 men) fired on the Pine Robbers and then fled. Bacon’s men fired on them—and killed a man named Soper. Two other militiamen were wounded in the skirmish. Sylvester Tilton was “severely” wounded based on one account. After the war, Tilton would have revenge against a man named Brewer in Bacon’s party. According to Fowler, Tilton inflicted an “unmerciful beating” on Brewer. Silas Crane would write of being wounded in the same skirmish in his postwar veteran’s pension application: “They had an engagement with the British and refugees under Capt. Bacon at Manahawkin… He received a severe wound to the thigh which disabled him for several months and which scar he carries to his grave." Bacon was now a notorious outlaw—perhaps the most notorious man in all of New Jersey. He was indicted for high treason in the Monmouth County Courts. Bacon was apparently captured in February 1782. Monmouth County’s Sheriff, John Burrowes, was ordered to secure him: “You are hereby commanded to receive into your custody the body of John Bacon, safely held, close confined in irons, to answer several charges of high treason, mischief and horse stealing, as stands accused.” When Bacon was transferred, a second order to Burrowes, from Judge David Forman, directed the sheriff to "safely keep him close, confined in irons to answer charges of High Treason, murder and horse stealing." However, Bacon escaped (details unknown) and was leading his gang again by summer. Bacon’s later exploits and most infamous attack are discussed in another article . A Note on John Bacon and William Davenport Another large Pine Robber gang—reportedly 70-80 men—operated in the same region in 1782. It was led by William Davenport and reportedly had a base on Osburn’s Island—a peninsula of land north of the mouth of the Mullica River. Surviving documents do not reveal the relationship between Bacon and Davenport. Perhaps they were rivals operating gangs fully independent of each other; perhaps they were allies collegially pulling from the same pool of men. However, after Davenport was killed by militia at Forked River in June 1782, Bacon was the last Pine Robber commanding a body of men large enough to face down militia parties. Perhaps Bacon was made more desperate by Davenport’s death and the tide of the war. In May 1782, the British blocked the Associated Loyalists from raiding into New Jersey. With this move, it became easier for local militia to devote resources to combatting the Pine Robbers. This may have nudged Bacon, in his galley Hero’s Revenge , toward more ruthless acts. The surprise and slaughter of a militia party on the southern side of Barnegat Inlet in October 1782, the so-called Long Beach Massacre , was the bloodiest action taken by Bacon or any Pine Robber during the war. It is the subject of another article, as is the death of Bacon in 1783. Related Historic Site : Stafford Township Historical Society Sources : David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 240-251; Testimony of Luke Sooey, Library of Congress, Revolutionary War Prize Cases, M162, reel 1, cases 91-2, David Forman v. Nathan Jackson; David Fowler, Price vs. The Sloop Success, Genealogical Magazine of New Jersey, 2005–Jan., vol. 80 n 1, 10–16; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 64, 214-5; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Silas Crane; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 207; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 45; William Fischer, Biographical Cyclopedia of Ocean County (Philadelphia: A.D. Smith, 1899) pp. 60; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 246; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 317; Alfred Heston, South Jersey: A History 1664-1923 (Lewis Historical Publishing, 1923) p 242; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Jacob Lane; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Chamberlain; Mittimus, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives and History, Manuscript Collection, Manuscripts, box 27, #27; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 252. Previous Next

Acerca de Anchor 1 Participants in Cohort One of the EVC Institute, Summer 2022 Instructional Materials Click to view PDF of presentation Click to view video presentation Click to view PDF of presentation Click to view PDF of presentation Click to view PDF of presentation Other Resources Other resources NJ Learning Standards Click to view document Click to view Digital Education Pages Click to open PDF Click to view video presentation Click to view video presentation Let’s Work Together We'd love to hear your feedback, ideas, and questions! Feel free to reach out to us! First Name Last Name Email Thanks for submitting! Message Send

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Loyalists Raid Pleasant Valley during Winter Storm by Michael Adelberg Loyalists raided Pleasant Valley in Monmouth County in February 1782. Amidst snow and ice, they loaded five sleighs, like these used at Ft. Ticonderoga, with plunder and returned to Sandy Hook. - February 1782 - The popular belief is that Revolutionary War hostilities ceased after the British surrender at Yorktown. Yet in Monmouth County, hostilities continued with impunity, fired by vengeful Loyalists in New York and the need to continue provisioning a British Army penned into a perimeter roughly conforming to the boundaries of present-day New York City. In addition to a pervasive illegal trade between Monmouth County and British buyers at Sandy Hook and New York, emboldened Pine Robber gangs defeated local militia in southern Monmouth County. In northern Monmouth County, Loyalist irregulars at Sandy Hook and Staten Island continued to raid the county’s prosperous farms. Pleasant Valley (more or less, present-day Holmdel) was a neighborhood in western Middletown Township known for its prosperous farms and solidly Whig (pro-Revolution) families. In June 1781, a massive raiding party of near 1,500 men marched through the neighborhood, but spirited resistance from local militia and the county’s State Troops limited the impact of the raid. Monmouth County Loyalists, however, were tempted to attack Pleasant Valley again in February 1782. The February 1782 Pleasant Valley Raid According to a report printed in the Pennsylvania Evening Post , a 40-man Loyalist raiding party, led by Shore Stevenson (a former Lieutenant in the New Jersey Volunteers , now operating as a Loyalist partisan) "came over from Sandy Hook" into Pleasant Valley. They "took off upwards of 20 horses, five sleighs, which they loaded with plunder." The raiders also took eight prisoners at the home of Lieutenant Garrett Hendrickson. Two of the men at the house were not taken. Hendrickson’s son and William Thomson "slept in the second story of the house, being awakened by the noise below, secreted themselves.” They “escaped and went to the house of Capt. John Schenck, whom they alarmed.” Schenck, a “gallant officer” who had previously co-led a daring raid against Brooklyn, “collected a small party... arrived at the Gut just as they had gotten the prisoners" and a few horses over the Gut and onto Sandy Hook. He attacked the raiders, and took twelve prisoners. In the fighting, Thomson was killed and a man named Cottrell was shot in the knee. After the skirmish, Schenck, on his return home "suddenly fell in with Stevenson and 16 others who had remained behind... a firing ensued on both sides." Stevenson’s men fled when the militia charged with bayonets. During this second skirmish, however, nine of the twelve prisoners taken at the Gut escaped. In total, the Loyalists took 21 prisoners, nineteen horses, and five loaded sleighs of booty. The Loyalists "huzzaed and boasted of their success" as they departed and claimed "they would penetrate as far as Mount Pleasant" (adjacent to Pleasant Valley) on their next excursion. Antiquarian sources add to the newspaper account. One source claims that the raiders had come for Captain Schenck, who had a bounty on his head in New York and may have been serving as the Middletown Township tax collector. Schenck reportedly slept in different houses in order to make it impossible for Loyalist parties to know his whereabouts. Lieutenant Henderickson, whose house was struck by the raiders, had been wounded at the so-called Battle of the 1500 in 1781 and had one of his hands amputated after that battle. Henderickson was temporarily captured during the raid, but freed himself during chaotic skirmish at the Gut. One of the local militiamen who battled the raiders was Derrick Sutphin, a newlywed at the time. Altche Sutphin wrote about Derrick’s participation in the raid in his veteran’s pension application, submitted as Derrick’s widow. She recalled her groom "being out just a few days before their marriage... when a fellow soldier by the name of William Thomson was killed on Middletown Highlands, who was buried in the immediate neighborhood of this declarant.” Derrick Sutphin's sister, Elizabeth Snyder, further recalled: The wedding party dared not remain overnight at the house, but dispersed early in the evening for fear of the Tories who would be upon them - that the bride remained at his house while the groom, the said Sutphin, was called out in the service before the week was out, by the alarm gun being fired at Colo. [Asher] Holmes's; he joined the scouting party which went to Middletown Point in pursuit of the Tories - he returned in a few days. A week after the raid, Colonel David Forman wrote to Governor William Livingston about the raid and the vulnerability of northern Monmouth County. He summarized the raid: The enemy marched undiscovered to Pleasant Valley and captured eight valuable citizens and their Negroes, and would have made their retreat good had it not been for a body of ice that broke loose and detained them for several hours on the passage to Sandy Hook. The principal object was the Town Collector, they took him and his two sons, but fortunately the public money had been sent away a short time before. Forman enclosed a petition calling "for a guard to be called from the interior counties for protection of our frontiers, commanded by Capt. [John] Walton of the Horse." Forman alluded to talk between Livingston and Thomas Henderson, representing Monmouth County in the state legislature, in which the Governor reportedly admitted to "the inability of Capt. Walton's troops giving security to our very extensive frontiers" at their present strength. As noted in the previous article, recruitment for the State Troops was going badly, with only a few dozen men enlisted at the time of Forman’s letter. In comparison, Monmouth County’s State Troop regiment , first chartered in 1779, topped 100 men each year prior to 1782. Forman complained that New Jersey’s interior counties "enjoy almost perfect tranquility" while Monmouth County remained in a state of war. The February 1782 Colts Neck Raid To underscore his point about Monmouth County's vulnerability, Forman alluded to a second raid that occurred just a few days after the Pleasant Valley fight. He wrote: "They [the Loyalists] were off again, plundered Capt. [Moses] Shepherd of Middletown and took his son prisoner, the Capt. had happened to be from home or he would have shared the same fate." The New Jersey Gazette reported on this second raid on March 6: “A party of refugees, to the amount of upwards of one hundred, under the command of one Ryerson, made an incursion last week in the County of Monmouth as far as Colt's Neck." The reported size of the raiding party is almost certainly exaggerated. The report lampooned Loyalist raiders and portrayals of their raids in Loyalist newspapers: They have with singular bravery made sundry sorties upon the sheep and the calves, making great numbers of them prisoner. This, no doubt, will be ushered in the Royal Gazette as the most glorious achievement. The two February raids into northern Monmouth County, in the middle of the winter, demonstrate that: Loyalists were vengeful and desperate enough to raid several miles into Monmouth County in the midst of snow, ice, and winter cold. Conversely, Monmouth county’s defenses were weak. Local militia was spirited but reactive—it could not adequately patrol the county’s long shorelines. The county’s State Troops had shrunk from greater than a hundred men in 1780 and 1781, to just a few dozen in 1782—half of whom were stationed thirty miles away in Toms River . Militia from other counties only intermittently came to Monmouth County’s aid, even when ordered to do so by the Governor. George Washington opposed stationing Continental soldiers in Monmouth County after several prior deployments went badly. In 1782, the local war in Monmouth County raged without interruption, long after the British surrender at Yorktown supposedly ended hostilities. Related Historic Site : Holmes Hendrickson House Sources : Library of Congress, Early American Newspapers, Pennsylvania Evening Post; New Jersey Gazette, February 13, 1782, reel 1930; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 417; Monmouth County Historical Association, Articles File: "Whaleboat War Anniversary"; David Forman to William Livingston, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 4, p 380; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Derrick Sutphin; library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, March 6, 1782, reel 1930; Michael Adelberg, Biographical File, unpublished manuscript at the Monmouth County Historical Association. Previous Next

Each and every donation helps the MCHA create exhibits such as this one. Thank you for your support. First Name Last Name Email Address Donate in the name of: We suggest a donation of $10 per person, but any amount is helpful $ Thank you for your donation! Go to Checkout

MCHA's Digital Diversity Project African American / Black History Dr. Walter Greason "My mother said, "I have my master's, now you'll need to do better than me." Gilda Rogers "Agree to disagree, but not hate." Adanech Asghedom "If you have a dream, you can catch that dream in America." Torna Brown Bell "There are so many ways to make a difference." Madonna Carter Jackson "Once you break the ice...people start working and talking together." Norma Lewis Randolph "There is so much to being black in Freehold Boro," Minister Douglas Brown "You have to stay in the positive. Don't dwell in the negative." Kay Harris "Nothing should hold you back."

The Monmouth County Historical Association is proudd to announce the MSW Youth Leadership Award, in honor of Meg Sharp Walton and the leadership and good citizenship qualities she inspires. MSW Make History NOW Youth Leadership Award Qualities to Encourage and Celebrate History is not just something we look back on; it is in the making every day by those all around us. The archives of the Monmouth County Historical Association hold the stories not only of those whose names we all recognize - George Washington, Abigail Adams, Bruce Springsteen, Booker T. Washington, and many more - but of countless everyday people who made history locally and beyond. Most had no idea that they would be remembered over centuries for the same qualities we admire today - honesty, good judgment, leadership in the face of adversity or challenges, inclusivity, forward-thinking vision, problem-solving, and the ability to rise to the top through personal achievement and hard work. These are the qualities MCHA is looking to reward in our Monmouth County K-12 students with the Meg Sharp Walton Make History Now award. $100 and a certificate of recognition, to be recorded in the MCHA archives, will be awarded annually to a Monmouth County student who demonstrates one or more of the qualities aforementioned in a way that made a positive impact on our community or even just a single person. Whether it is standing up for what is right, making a positive change, or taking on a challenge or cause you believe in, there are countless ways to make history. Please check out website for our nomination form. Our honoree will be selected each August. Keep your eyes out for our future leaders and outstanding citizens - MCHA wants to know about them! MSW Make History Now Nomination Form In 500 words or less for each question, answer the following in a separate MS Word or Google document and upload the document through the form. Please do not forget to fill out the form fields before submitting. If you have any difficulty, please email us. We will be taking submissions through April 1st of 2025, with the announcement of the winner in May. You will be contacted if your nominee is selected! 1. How has this student demonstrated one or a combination of the following qualities: a. Honesty b. Good judgment c. Leadership in the face of adversity or challenges d. Inclusivity e. Forward-thinking vision f. Problem-solving g. Ability to rise to the top through personal achievement and hard work 2. What was the impact of these qualities on the community, or the person/persons affected? Your Name Name of Nominee Upload File Upload supported file (Max 15MB) Your Email Nominee's School and Town SUBMIT Thanks for submitting! Want to Support this Fund? Click HERE and check the box that says "I would like to dedicate this donation." Check "In honor of" and place "MSW Award" in the notes field. Thank you for your generosity and support! Meg Sharp Walton is the Executive Director of the Monmouth County Historical Commission, and a museum professional for over 20 years. The qualities that Meg has demonstrated to the history community and those who have worked with her have inspired this award!

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Joseph Murray Killed While Tending His Fields by Michael Adelberg Militiaman Joseph Murray was killed in his field outside of his farmhouse by a small Loyalist raiding party. Murray’s vulnerable location and anti-Loyalist track record made him an obvious target. - June 1780 - Joseph Murray was born in Ireland and came to America in 1767. He married Rebecca Morris and settled on a small, 43-acre farm in eastern Middletown Township, in between the Raritan Bay and the Navesink River. The location would prove important a decade later because it left the Murray farmstead vulnerable to Loyalist attack from two directions, and gave would-be attackers two potential escape routes. A Steadfast Supporter of the Revolution Murray was an early and faithful supporter of the American Revolution. In January 1775, he was among 35 men—including several future militia officers—who voluntarily mustered under David Forman in what may have been Monmouth County’s first militia company loyal to the county’s Committee of Correspondence and state’s Provincial Congress (and not its Royal Governor). While many of the privates in Forman’s company transitioned into officer positions as the county militia took shape, Murray remained a private. This is likely a reflection of his small estate rather than a lack of zeal. There is no reason to think that Murray was anything but steadfast in his support for the Revolution despite many of his neighbors hedging their bets and maintaining friendly contacts with Loyalists. In March 1778, Murray testified before the New Jersey Supreme Court against Joseph Leonard, the former Monmouth County Clerk , for "joining the Army of the King of Britain" a year earlier. Four other people testified against Leonard and four more testified in support of Leonard. The jury chose to convict Leonard "without going into the jury box." A year later, Murray filed a trespass charge against George Taylor, the former colonel of the county militia who turned Loyalist and raised a Loyalist militia . Taylor led several small raids into Monmouth County 1777. Taylor had apparently crossed Murray’s land on one of these raids and Murray decided to file charges against Taylor long after the fact. If Murray did not previously have influential Loyalist enemies at the start of the war, he did now. According to antiquarian sources, Murray was captured by Loyalists in 1779 and jailed in New York. But he escaped and rejoined the militia in January 1780. He took a horse from Edward Taylor (the disaffected father of George Taylor, still living in Middletown) and under his captain, William Schenck, arrested disaffected men (for reasons not stated). The Killing of Joseph Murray On June 7, 1780, Murray was given leave from his officers to return home. He went home, hitched a horse (perhaps Taylor’s horse) to his plow, and started plowing his fields. There, a three-man Loyalist party killed him. Garrett Hendrickson, Murray’s Lieutenant, stated that Murray, "after being home for a few hours, he was killed by three refugees, near his barn, and left a wife and four small children." Antiquarian sources add that Murray rarely slept at his house due to the danger, but went home to plant his fields before it was too late in the season. He was warned by his neighbors about the danger, and brought a musket into the field with him, but leaned the gun against his fence. Murray was rushed by the raiders as he turned his plow and was furthest from his gun. He was shot by the Loyalists but the wounded Murray then engaged the attackers. Murray was then bayoneted until he fell and died. The raiders were pursued by Murray’s neighbors but not caught. David Forman, Murray’s old commanding officer, wrote of his death in a letter to Governor William Livingston on June 9: "Joseph Murray was murdered by a party of Refugees while he was at his harrow in his corn field.” Forman argued that in light of “numerous distresses” (including Murray’s killing and a Loyalist raid against Middletown), Livingston needed “to exert yourself in establishing such a guard as will tend to restore, in some measure, the security to the County." Forman, writing from Freehold, took the opportunity to tell Livingston that he would not answer Livingston’s statewide alarm for marching men to Springfield to repel the British attack (other Monmouth County senior officers also ignored the alarm). "We are this minute to march from this village [Freehold to Middletown] & shall not have a single man for its [Springfield’s] defence." Murray’s wife, Rebecca, stayed on the family farm with her four children. While she was able to weather the war without further incident, it appears that the family suffered a drop in wealth. According to township tax lists, the family owned six horses and cows in 1778 but only three in 1784. In 1788, new depositions were taken about Murray’s death—this time to determine if Rebecca was eligible for a half-pay military pension. Murray’s militia-mate and neighbor, Thomas Hill, among the first to find Murray’s body after the killing, testified that: [He] went home with the said Murray and after a short time was going to a neighbor's, a short distance [away], when the deponent heard the report of a gun at the sd Murray's and in a short time after was alarmed with the news that the sd Murray was killed by three refugees, deponent sd he went immediately back when he saw Murray lay dead with his wound [still] bleeding, who had shot & bayonetted in several places. Rebecca Murray was awarded the pension. The killing of a middling farmer by a few unnamed Loyalists was a small event that did not merit newspaper coverage. But, put in context, Murray’s killing is an excellent case study of what the Revolutionary War was becoming in Monmouth County. Murray’s killing was not random: he was a known enemy of prominent Loyalists and Murray had recently taken actions that likely re-enflamed Loyalist antipathies toward him. His location near both the Raritan Bay and Navesink River made him an easy target. Murray’s modest estate sealed his fate—a wealthier man with Murray’s service record for would have been a militia officer. He would have been valuable in a prisoner exchange or commanded a ransom. To the revenge-minded Loyalists who went after Murray—taking him was riskier and less satisfying than killing him. Related Historic Site : Murray Farmstead at Poricy Park Sources : New York Historical Society, John E. Stillwell Papers, Box: 1730-79, folder: 1770-9; Monmouth County Archives, Loose Common Pleas, box: Common Pleas 1776-1777, folder: 1778; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 304; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p208; The Monmouth Connection, July 1998, p40-1; Monmouth Democrat, "A Hero of Middletown, New Jersey", November 14, 1895; David Forman to William Livingston, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, p 423. Francis Pingeon, Blacks in the Revolutionary Era (Newark: New Jersey Historical Society, 1975) p22. Monmouth County Historical Association, J. Amory Haskell Coll., folder 3, Document A; Depositions, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #10639; Michael Adelberg, Biographical File, unpublished at the Monmouth County Historical Association. Previous Next