The Monmouth County Historical Association collects, preserves, and interprets its extensive museum and archival collections relating to Monmouth County history and culture, making these resources available to the widest possible audience through special programming and exhibits. MCHA also preserves and interprets five significant historic sites that represent the county’s vanishing architectural heritage. Freehold High School, c. 1925 History is Ours Monmouth County, New Jersey is home to some of the most revolutionary history in the story of America. Originally settled in 1675 as part of what was known as the province of East Jersey and officially established in 1683, the county was divided into the three towns of Freehold, Middletown and Shrewsbury. It was from Freehold that Washington strengthened our resolve at the Battle of Monmouth, young William Burroughs Ross went off to fight for the Union, and a tenacious, spirited Lillie Hamm walked into Freehold High School, ready to change the world. Explore the Stories in the MCHA Museum and Archives and Beyond... Established in 1898, MCHA is home to one of the finest and most extensive regional collections in the country. Our museum collection contains over 35,000 objects, and our archives house over 1,000 manuscript collections. In partnership with local history organizations, this digital resource has been curated to support the NJ Social Studies Curriculum for high school students. We are pleased to offer a variety of local and national primary source examples and other fascinating material to help engage students in the classroom, and will continue to build and refresh the resource with new discoveries. Colonial Era thru Revolution 1600s - 1783 Slavery Era, 16oos-1865 Civil War Era, 1861-1865 Early L ocal Industry 1800s to mid-1900s The Gilded Age thru the New Deal 1870-1938 War in the 20th Century Featured Art Peter Luyster c. 1760 by Daniel Hendrickson No, we don't know either. But good luck sleeping tonight. Now and Then... Hover to Peek Into the Past! Click to Enter Under Construction ! Small Town Life Diverse Monmouth Monmouth County has a rich history of diversity, though minority populations have not always been documented as thoroughly. Through oral histories, video presentations and photographs, learn about the achievements of individuals with physical challenges, the fight for women's equality, the fascinating history of Asbury Park's Segregated Seashore, and the struggles and triumphs of our African American and LGBTQ communities. Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Inspiring Civil Rights Quotes from MC Residents We must discredit the notion that economic status defines an individual’s morality. - Reverend William H. Dickerson Next Social Justice Next Next Hey guess what? The next group of categories really have nothing to do with your curriculum, but we think this stuff is cool so we're sharing it with you anyway! Fun ... Fascinating... Quirky.... Monmouth County Stuff & Things People Interesting Stories Museum Collection Have an idea for us? We know an awful lot over here but we don't know it all...if you have an idea for a topic, please share it and we will do our best to integrate it! Email suggestions to dhowell@monmouthhistory.org

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Elias Longstreet's Continental Army Company by Michael Adelberg Fort Ticonderoga, where Elias Longstreet’s company of Continentals spent the summer of 1776, prior to seeing limited action in Canada. - January 1776 - In late 1775, at the request of the Continental Congress, the New Jersey Provincial Congress began raising two regiments of troops for the Continental Army—one from East New Jersey and one from West New Jersey. Although the colonies had not declared independence from England, there were already hostilities around Boston (where the British had besieged the city) and in Canada, where the Continental Army had invaded in hopes of bringing Canada into the “Continental” rebellion. Monmouth County’s response to the call for troops was modest in comparison to the size of the county. The county was tasked with raising only one company for the First New Jersey Regiment. Elias Longstreet of Freehold Township was tasked with raising this company, and commissioned as its captain. Recruiting was a struggle for Longstreet; he had raised fewer than 40 men at the end of November—less than any of the seven other company commanders in the First Regiment. On December 3, the regimental commander, William Alexander (Lord Stirling), reported to the Provincial Congress on Longstreet’s difficulties: Captain Longstreet, of Monmouth County, reported to me at Brunswick that his company is near complete, but scattered at so great a distance that it will be impossible to assemble them in less than ten days… These Captains all complain very heavily of the usage they meet with from the justices, who issue warrants against the men on the smallest pretense. John Covenhoven of Freehold, a Monmouth County delegate in the Provincial Congress, further noted Longstreet’s recruiting problems on December 15. “Captain Longstreet has been under many disadvantages in raising a company… some people discourage the enlistment.” On January 12, 1776, Longstreet’s company finally reached full strength. It now numbered three junior officers, four sergeants, four corporals, two musicians, and 60 privates. The company assembled at Freehold and marched to Perth Amboy, where it quartered in barracks recently abandoned by British troops. They then marched forward to Elizabeth to join with the rest of the regiment. The combined regiment quartered in New York City for the rest of the winter. The winter was hard on Longstreet’s company. According to a March 6 return of the First Regiment, the Monmouth Company had been whittled down to 45 privates “fit & present.” Five were absent from camp (probably sick), five more were deserted, one was taken prisoner. The company’s arms were adequate (44 guns, 56 bayonets, 70 cartridge boxes) but other important supplies were woefully short (only 22 blankets, 15 beds, 0 shoes). Given the poor state of supplies, it is no wonder that the New Jersey regiment’s rank and file did not take kindly to orders to head to Canada. One of Longstreet’s men, Private Henry Vunck, recalled a near-mutiny in response to the order: When the regiment ascertained that they were to be ordered to march to Canada -- a disposition to marching or refuse going manifested itself among the men in consequence of which Genl Washington [George Washington] caused the regiment to parade without arms which being done it was surrounded by other troops. A parley took place when a man by the name of Brown stated that the cause of dissatisfaction on the part of the regiment was that they were not paid nor clothed and that the hardship of the campaign could not be endured without clothing and if anything of an assurance could be given of their being paid the regiment would cheerfully go and reinforce the northern army. Apparently, the New Jersey troops were mollified because, as reported by Vunck, “about the 10th May the troops destined to reinforce the northern army embarked on board of sloops at New York and sailed up the river to Albany where they landed and encamped on the hill, the whole under the immediate command of Genl [John] Sullivan." Sullivan marched the troops into Canada. At the St. Lawrence River, the New Jersey troops met Massachusetts troops who had endured the previous winter in Canada. Vunck recalled that they were "much worn down with sickness and fatigue, numerous dying with smallpox.” The New Jersey troops were inoculated and moved to Ticonderoga. There, they stayed through the summer without seeing any action. The only event Vunck found worthy of mention was the celebration of the Declaration of Independence “which was followed by the firing of cannon and musketry.” After that, Vunck “was taken sick & with the invalids went to Fort George and afterwards [went] to Albany, where he remained." As for Captain Longstreet, he never participated in any major battle, but was captured sometime that summer. His wife, Rebecca, recalled that “he was taken prisoner” and knowing nothing further about his status until 1779 when “he returned home on parole.” Longstreet was finally officially exchanged March 16, 1780. At the end 1776, the company’s one-year enlistments expired. Few of Longstreet’s men re-enlisted. However, four more companies were raised from Monmouth County in May 1776 for the Continental Army. These men would be called Flying Camp due to their short enlistments. They are the subject of another article. Related Historical Sites : Perth Amboy Barracks Sources : National Archives, New Jersey, 1st Battalion, Elias Longstreet's Company, from: http://www.fold3.com/image/14579224/ ; Robert K. Wright, Jr., The Continental Army (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1983), pp. 255-7; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Carhart Walling; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p133; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Van Note of Ohio, S.11617; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 179, item 162, #330; "Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v4: p 164; Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 4, p 279; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, I68, NJ State Papers, p134; National Archives, New Jersey, 1st Regiment; http://www.fold3.com/image/14579224/ ; National Archives, New Jersey, 1st Regiment, http://www.fold3.com/image/14579224/ ; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 179, item 162, #438; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Elias Longstreet; Information on Longstreet’s services and exchange is in National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 2, p36, 42; Coll. 4, p16. 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth County's Black Loyalists Emigrate to Canada by Michael Adelberg The town of Shelburne and its Port Roseway was a common destination for Black Loyalists in 1783, 28 of whom are identified as being born in Monmouth County. - April 1783 - As discussed in prior articles, Monmouth County had a large African-American population prior to the start of the American Revolution—roughly 10 percent of the population, both slave and free. Free Blacks were generally poor; they are listed as “householders” and “single men” in the tax lists. In an agricultural society where farming was the primary path to wealth—only a few owned enough land to be taxed as landholders. In addition, African-Americans were excluded from the militia and did not meet the property requirements to vote or serve on juries. The first campaign of Monmouth County’s Revolutionary militia was to enforce a curfew on African-Americans and confiscate their guns. When the British fleet landed at Sandy Hook in July 1776, they were soon met by Virginia’s Royal Governor Lord Dunmore and his Ethiopian Brigade. Dunmore had given freedom to the slaves of rebels who would join the British. Within a month, a handful of Monmouth County slaves escaped bondage to join the British as Loyalists. British promises of freedom throughout the war encouraged more slaves to seek their freedom behind British lines. But the British created few good opportunities for these African American Loyalists. Black Loyalists were banned from the British Army and its Loyalist corps. Some served as “pioneers” (manual laborers and earthwork diggers for the Army) and others became sailors. By the middle years of the war, African Americans were common in the irregular Loyalist raiding parties operating out of Sandy Hook. In summer 1780, they confederated as the “Black Brigade ,” conducting their own raids. After the death of their leader, Colonel Tye, in September, the Black Brigade lost cohesion though individual African Americans continued to be active Loyalists. 40 African American Loyalists reportedly joined the Pine Robber gang of William Davenport. African American Loyalists Emigrate to Canada It does not appear that a large number of African Americans boarded the first ships for Canada (in fall 1782 ). Perhaps these earlier groups were mostly self-financed white Loyalists. However, in April 1783, the preliminary terms of the peace treaty reached America and the British started shipping out black Loyalists with greater urgency. This was in large part because Article VII of the peace plan prohibited "carrying away any Negroes or other property of the American inhabitants." A black Loyalist, Boston King, wrote of his worries that American slave owners would take them, "This dreadful rumor filled us with unexpressible anguish and terror." Indeed, George Washington wanted black Loyalists returned. His counterpart, General Guy Carleton and other British leaders claimed that the treaty language did not reverse the status of black Loyalists already free. Carleton wrote, "I have no right to deprive them of that liberty." On April 16, 1783, the remnants of the Black Brigade (49 men, 23 women, 6 children under 10 yrs old) boarded the vessel L'Abondance in Manhattan. The emigres ranged from Sarah, a 72-year-old woman, to small children. Sixteen were from New Jersey and eight from New York. Interestingly, 31 were from southern states and seven were seven years with the British (suggesting they may have arrived at Sandy Hook with Lord Dunmore). Almost half (32) were young adults between the agenda of 16 and 30. At least five of these emigres (probably more) were formerly from Monmouth County: Thomas Drake, 17 yrs old, 5 yrs away from Thomas Thurman; Oliver Vinson, 30 yrs old, 6 yrs away from John Freeman; Sarah Jones, 42 yrs old, 6 yrs away from Richard Stout; Isaac Jones, 10 yrs old, 6 yrs away from Richard Stout; Aaron Jones, 12 yrs old, 6 yrs away from Hendrick Smith. Other transports brought off hundreds more African Americans in spring 1783. In New York, under the leadership of General Samuel Birch, black Loyalists were given passports to Canada and recorded in the Book of Negroes (sometimes called “The Black Books ”). In Canada, attempts were made to list all of the African American Loyalists within a larger effort to log all Loyalist emigres—resulting in a compendium called “Carleton’s Loyalist Index.” The Book of Negroes identifies 24 African American emigres as from Monmouth County. In addition, the baby, Peter Van Sayl, was free born in New York to Monmouth County parents. 21 were born into slavery. Five are listed as former members of the “Black Brigade” (Aaron Jones, Isaac Jones, Sarah Jones, Thomas Drake, Oliver Vinson)—they emigrated with the Black Brigade on the L’Abondance. Two others (Rose French; Jane); are listed as serving in the British Army’s Wagonmaster department. About half had been employed as servants or waiters to comfortable men. The Book of Negroes also includes descriptors of the African Americans similar to the short descriptions in colonial newspapers when advertising the sale of a slave or the return of a runaway slave. For example, 15-year-old Joseph Stewart is listed as a "stout healthy Negro"; 24-year-old Lucy Lykes is listed as a “squat wench”; 27-year-old Judith Johnson is an “ordinary wench.” Since the African Americans were free people (with one exception discussed below), it is unclear what purpose these descriptions served—white Loyalists were not described this way. Three of the African-Americans from Monmouth County have interesting additional information listed about them. Peter Johnson "says he got his freedom from Stephen Brinley, Quaker, New Jersey.” Anthony Loyal is listed as "born free at Monmouth” but was apparently laboring under an indenture: “served his time with William Wikoff, Monmouth County." The most interesting circumstance is that of Betty, a 20-year-old woman. She is listed as having an infant with the additional note: "Conradt Hendricks of St. John's claimant… property proved." Betty had likely escaped from Hendricks during the war, but because Hendricks was a Loyalist, Betty was apparently returned to him. (Slavery was not abolished in Canada until 1834.) Carleton’s Loyalist Index contains much of the same information as The Book of Negroes . But the sources are not identical—each source lists a few emigres not contained in the other source. Further, there are small differences in the names and ages of some emigres. Carleton’s Index also includes additional information: the name of the vessel that transported the emigre, the date of arrival, and the place of settlement. From this, we learn that African American Loyalists were transported on five different vessels between April and October 1783. They settled in six different places. See table 17 for Monmouth County African Americans resettled in Canada. When combined, the two sources place 28 African American emigres as being from Monmouth County. This undercounts the total because the books include a number of emigres and slaveholders with Monmouth County names (e.g., Covenhoven, Longstreet, Hendrickson), but the emigres are listed as from “New Jersey.” Since these names were not exclusive to Monmouth County, these individuals are not included in the table, though it is very likely that some/most were from Monmouth County. The last group of African American Loyalists to leave New York for Canada appear to have left in October 1783. It was a large group—more than 700 emigres—and they were settled in three areas: 102 men, 59 women, and 61 children at St. John; 171 men, 145 women, and 114 children sent to Port Roseway; 84 men, 49 women, and 38 children sent to Annapolis. Interestingly, while there are several surviving land grant lists for white Loyalists, the author has not located land grant information for African Americans. Historian Mary Tsaltas-Ottomanelli notes that many free blacks were settled in segregated communities like Birchtown outside of Port Roseway (present-day Shelburne). This raises the possibility that the African American emigres were not offered land, but instead they were expected work as laborers and servants to white Loyalists. It has been estimated that 35,000 Loyalists went to Canada at war’s end. More than 10%, roughly 4,000, were African American. Despite affirming the freedom of African American Loyalists, the British, it appears, had no intention of treating African American Loyalists as equal to whites. The move to Canada was hard for nearly all Loyalists, but African Americans faced an added measure of discrimination. Related Historic Site : Shelburne Historic Waterfront District (Nova Scotia) Sources : Mary Tsaltas-Ottomanelli, Black Loyalists in the Evacuation of New York City (The Gotham Center for New York City History, November 15, 2023); Black Loyalists: Our History, Our People, http://blackloyalist.com/canadadigitalcollection/documents/official ; Black Loyalists: Our History, Our People. Book of Negroes http://www.blackloyalist.com/canadiandigitalcollection/documents/official/black_loyalist_directory2.htm ; Black Loyalists: Our History, Our People, http://blackloyalist.com/canadadigitalcollection/documents/official ; Graham R. Hodges, The Black Loyalist Directory: African Americans in Exile after the American Revolution (New York: Garland Publishing, 1996); Runaway Slaves in Carelton’s Loyalist Index, Carleton's Loyalist Index, http://www.uelac.org/SirGuyCarleton/PDF/NEGR_CLI.pdf . Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > William Marriner and John Schenck Raid Brooklyn, New York by Michael Adelberg In June 1778, twenty men in two boats left Middletown Point and rowed through the night. They landed in Brooklyn where they took two Loyalists and four slaves, and liberated two prisoners. - June 1778 - Throughout the Revolutionary War, New York City was the hub for the British Army in America. To maintain the army, continuous re-supplying was necessary and most supplies entered New York Harbor via Sandy Hook. This created an opportunity for American sailors to prey on supply ships and boats in the narrow sea lanes that led into New York Harbor. State governments issued “Letters of Marque” that licensed ship captains to act as privateers with the ability to seize British and New York-bound vessels. But, along the Monmouth County shore, most of the maritime actions against the British were not conducted by licensed privateers. As the war progressed, local boatmen went from opportunists preying on disabled ships to deliberate attackers of British assets. The first of these boatmen to launch a New Jersey Government-authorized attack behind British lines was Wiliam Marriner. Historian Richard Koke described Marriner as a shoemaker from New Brunswick, though some antiquarian sources suggest he lived as a boatman at Middletown Point. Marriner is also identified as a New Yorker in a 1778 letter. All might have been true: men in the maritime trades often changed vocation and location based on the season or opportunity. The Marriner-Schenck Raid of Brooklyn On May 21, 1778, the New Jersey Council of Safety authorized Marriner to lead a raid against Flatbush, Brooklyn, to capture prominent Loyalists: Agreed, that William Marriner have permission to call upon… a number of volunteers & to proceed to Flatbush to bring off Mr. [Theophilus] Bache, Mr. [David] Matthews, Major [James] Moncrieffe and as many others as he shall think proper. However, Marriner needed a party of volunteers to take this dangerous mission with him. The punishing raid against Middletown Point, in which Loyalists targeted and burned the vessels of boatmen, gave Marriner the volunteers he needed. Marriner teamed up with a Lieutenant of a local militia company, John Schenck; they, with twenty men, rowed through the night to Brooklyn in two barges. The Marriner-Schenck raid of Brooklyn was anticipated by Colonel Matthias Ogden of the New Jersey Line. On April 9, he wrote George Washington: I have received such certain intelligence of the situation of our Officers that are prisoners on Long Island [Brooklyn], that I think a landing might be effected there in the night, & that between twenty & thirty of our Officers might be brought off with very little risque—I would propose embarking with about thirty men in three row boats, at, or near Middletown Point, tis eighteen miles from thence to New Utrecht bay where I would land, from the place of landing to New Utrecht town is one quarter of a mile, I would there seize the small militia guard kept for the purpose of giving the alarm. Ogden was never authorized to raid Brooklyn, but his plan likely circulated and promoted the idea of attacking Brooklyn from Middletown Point. On June 11, the New Jersey Gazette reported briefly on the Marriner-Schenck raid against Brooklyn "from Middletown Point to Long Island in order to take a few prisoners from Flatbush.” They “returned with Major Moncrieffe and Mr. Theophilus Bache” and “four slaves and brought them to Princeton." The report noted that the raiders also went to the house of Mayor David Matthews, but he was in Manhattan, so he could not be taken. The New York Gazette , a Loyalist newspaper, corroborated this report and added the detail that the raiding party apparently plundered the house of William Nichol, Esq. As the first raid of its type against Brooklyn, the Marriner-Scheck raid drew excited commentary. An anonymous New York Loyalist wrote: It is perhaps the most extraordinary circumstance which ever took place: a party of men to land on a clear evening, pass five miles on a public road, by great numbers of houses, enter a town, take off two of the principal inhabitants and return and embark unmolested -- it is not a pleasant telling story. Alexander Graydon, a captured Continental Army officer detained in Brooklyn, was freed by Marriner’s party. He wrote: “One Marriner… made a descent with a small party on the Island, with the view of getting Matthews in his clutches." Marriner did not take David Matthews, but did capture Major Moncrieffe and Theophilus Bache. He also liberated Graydon and another officer, Colonel Forrest, "by means of his magical power.” Graydon said Marriner’s party "consisted of twenty militiamen, in two flat-bottomed boats.” Graydon further discussed Marriner’s raid and his risky escape: At his landing on Long Island, he left his two boats under guard of five men, while he visited the interior; but these five men, hearing a fire, which was kept upon us by the Flatbush guard, concluded that Marriner was defeated and taken; so, without further ceremony, they took one of the boats and made their escape. The other boat, as we reached shore, was going adrift; we were much crowded into her, but it fortunately was very calm, otherwise we could not have weathered it. Graydon claimed that Marriner previously had been captured and jailed in New York. He "had long been confined and cruelly used [by Matthews]… and knew him personally." Nathaniel Scudder, a member of the Continental Congress but in Freehold at the time of the raid, reported on the raid to Elias Boudinot (the Commissary of Prisoners for the Continental government): He [Marriner], with a party of Monmouth militia, last Saturday night passed over to Long Island, and surprised the town of Flatbush - brought off Major Moncrieffe and Theophilus Bache – a Continental Captain who was prisoner there, & 4 Negroes, without any loss on his side, having performed the whole movement in about ten hours. The Major and Mr. Bache are at Mr. Livingston's [Gov. William Livingston] in Princeton & really look silly enough. The Brooklyn Loyalists, Bache and Moncrieffe, did not stay in Princeton for long. They were exchanged in July. The success of the Marriner-Schenck raid led to similar actions later in the year. In September, a Monmouth militia captain, Samuel Carhart, led a small raid against Brooklyn in which he sacked the houses of two Loyalists, Jacob Carpenter and Wiliam Cook. In October, Marriner, now carrying a Letter of Marque from the State of New Jersey, led another raid against Brooklyn. He would again capture two prominent Loyalists. This raid and Marriner’s exploits as a privateer are the subject of another article. Related Historic Site : The Lott House (Brooklyn, New York) Sources : Anonymous Account in Richard J. Koke, "War, Profits, and Privateers Along the Jersey Coast," New York Historical Society Quarterly, vol. 41, 1957, p 295; Nathaniel Scudder to Elias Boudinot, Boudinot, J. J. (ed.). The Life, Public Service, Addresses, and Letters of Elias Boudinot, (New York: Da Capo Press, 1971) vol. 1, p 174; Matthias Ogden to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 14, 1 March 1778 – 30 April 1778, ed. David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2004, pp. 440–441; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 239; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930[ Kenneth Scott, Rivington's New York Newspaper: Excerpts from a Loyalist Press, 1773-1783 (New York: New York Historical Society, 1973) p 127; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 2, p 320; Alexander Graydon, Memoirs of His Own Time: With Reminiscences of the Men and Events of the Revolution (Nabu Press, 2010) p316; Kenneth Scott, Rivington's New York Newspaper: Excerpts from a Loyalist Press, 1773-1783 (New York: New York Historical Society, 1973) p 152. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Secret London Trading of the Privateer Nathan Jackson by Michael Adelberg In December 1782, duplicitous Nathan Jackson linked up with two small ships, Dolphin and Diamond, at Red Hook, Brooklyn. He faked their capture and brought them to New Jersey as faux prizes. - November 1782 - As discussed in prior articles, New England privateers regularly cruised the New Jersey shore during the second half of the Revolutionary War, capturing at least 60 British and Loyalist vessels coming to and from New York. While privateering was risky, fortunes were made by those who were bold, skilled, and lucky. Meanwhile, dozens of small boats traversed the Jersey shore, illegally ferrying agricultural goods from New Jersey farms to eager British buyers and then bringing finished goods back to New Jersey. The profits of this so-called “London Trade ” generated significant income for London Traders. It was inevitable that these two activities—privateering and London Trading—would become intertwined. Captain Nathan Jackson and His London Trader Crew Nathan Jackson was a privateer from Connecticut. In 1780, he commanded the 8-gun Rattle Snake and captured a London Trading vessel with a five-man crew. Two of the men captured, Simeon Poole and Henry DeHart, would serve under Jackson as he drifted into London Trading. According to 1783 court records, Jackson came to Little Egg Harbor in June 1781 where he signed a one-year agreement with two local leaders, Joseph Ball and Colonel Richard Wescott. He would captain their row galley, Greyhound , as a privateer. The vessel was fitted with a small cannon and a 12-man crew was assigned. The arrangement was unusual—a New England captain over a Jersey shore crew. And the local crew included men from areas that participated in the London Trade. Three of the crew (Benjamin Brooks, Samuel Cook, John Allen) were from the Shrewsbury Township shore. Henry DeHart later confessed to taking part in two prior London Trading voyages: He once sailed to Barnegat where his vessel, Elizabeth , was “captured” by a Loyalist vessel, and taken into New York. The cargo was unloaded and the ship and crew was then “exchanged.” They sailed back to Little Egg Harbor. "My next voyage was on a sloop commanded by Captain Philips, owned by Joseph Ball and Richard Wescott. We got our load of lumber from Ball and Wescott's saw mill and proceeded on our voyage until we came to Sandy Hook. There we called the guard vessel & got a pilot, & proceeded up to the city of New York.” Another crew member, Davies Fulsome, would testify: "We used to take the Fishermen from Shrewsbury [and ransom them], but finding we had no luck, determined to go into New York bay to try our fortune." Jackson and his crew left Little Egg Harbor on November 23, 1782. Nathan Jackson Fakes the Capture of Two Vessels Whispering about Jackson and his London Trading intentions started when the vessel picked up barrels of tar at the house of Luke Sooey near the mouth of Little Egg Harbor. According to subsequent court testimony against Jackson, the Greyhound spent the night at Toms River and then the next night near the mouth of the Shrewsbury River. The following day, they passed Sandy Hook. The Greyhound reached New York City, where the crew spent a few days. Using aliases, they sold their cargo of tar and on December 4 and purchased £400 of arms and dry goods. While in New York, Jackson met Samuel Lippincott of Monmouth County, who, himself, was in New York (illegally) working as a shoemaker. Lippincott subsequently returned to Monmouth County and surrendered himself to Major Elisha Walton. Charges against Lippincott were dropped in exchange for giving information on Jackson. Lippincott “said that Jackson was then there [in New York] on a trading scheme" He was London Trading under the guise of acting as an American privateer. Leaving Manhattan, Jackson rendezvoused with two small Loyalist privateers at Red Hook, Brooklyn. They were Dolphin with two with 3-lb cannon and 2 swivels, and Diamond . According to court testimony, no shots were exchanged or demands made when Jackson boarded Dolphin . However, Jackson’s encounter with the two vessels was reported as the capture of two British prizes by an American privateer in the New Jersey Gazette on December 18: On Sunday, Captain Jackson, commander of the galley Greyhound belonging to Egg Harbor, surprised and captured within the Hook the schooner Dolphin and the sloop Diamond, each having four hands, bound for New York from Halifax, with valuable cargoes, and brought them into Egg Harbor. The three vessels left New York Harbor with Jackson now in Dolphin , and headed for Little Egg Harbor. Greyhound separated from the sailing vessels in a storm and sank. As Dolphin and Diamond entered Little Egg Harbor, Dolphin was attacked and temporarily taken by John Bacon's Pine Robbers before being re-taken by the privateer brigantine, Chance , led by Alexander Dickey of New Brunswick. Philip Barry, the pilot at Little Egg Harbor, testified that on December 20 “one of the refugees, by the name of Johnson, told the deponent he was [had been] a prisoner" of Bacon. Frozen bay waters prevented Bacon's men from escaping Dickey's counter-attack. Instead, the Pine Robbers "made a breast work on the side of Gloucester County, Bacon and his party consisting of eleven men & seventeen muskets." The Pine Robbers defended themselves but lost the vessel. Other men testified about Bacon at the trial, including David Scull, whose men were slaughtered by Bacon at the Long Beach Massacre , and James Somers, co-owner of the vessel used by Scull. Alexander Dickey, recalled hearing of Bacon taking the Dolphin : A certain John Bacon, said to be in the service of the king of Great Britain... with a part of armed men in a boat, attacked and boarded the said schooner Dolphin in the port of little Egg Harbor and took out a large quantity of goods and merchandize, and carried off the same, together with two boats and made prisoners of sundry persons. Twelve hours later, Dickey counter-attacked, retaking the vessel and most of its goods. Two locals, Francis Gunnel and Luke Sooey, confirmed Dickey’s account. They noted that Bacon was a local who had been serving the British for two or three years. He also noted that local militia did not assist Dickey. Nathan Jackson and Others Are Arrested John Forman, who heard of Jackson’s double-dealing from Lippincott, went to Little Egg Harbor and “heard a number of persons suspect a collusive capture." He also heard Jackson boast about making "a bold push inside Sandy Hook" to capture the two vessels. Forman then confronted Jackson and Richard Wescott (Jackson's benefactor) and they exchanged "high language." Forman blasted Wescott and Joseph Ball who "have for several years carried on an illicit trade by collusive captures or otherwise." John Forman alerted David Forman, a judge of the Monmouth County Courts who previously led the Association for Retaliation , a vigilante society. On December 24, David Forman, with 20 armed men, arrived at Little Egg Harbor to make arrests. Most of Jackson’s crew fled. Davies Fulsome of Jackson's crew recalled of Forman’s reputation, "he had just been hanging a number of men , and he would hang us all." Forman arrested Jackson, another likely London Trader, Dr. William Vance (known as “Captain Vance”), and two of Jackson’s crew, Poole and Fulsome. Jackson had fled ahead of Forman’s posse but was chased down by an armed guard under Captain John Walton. Forman charged Jackson with "collusive captures" and claimed the vessels. One of Jackson's key collaborators, Captain William Austin of the Dolphin , escaped. Forman returned to Freehold with the prisoners on December 26. Sheriff John Burrowes testified that he went with Forman to Egg Harbor and arrested Jackson for perjury based on evidence given against Jackson by Simeon Poole. Poole testified that he “was neither bullied nor bribed into confessing” Jackson’s plot to Burrowes. But Burrowes, perhaps intentionally, left open the possibility that Forman may have influenced Poole, noting that he, as sheriff, did not have control of the prisoners, "for they were never delivered to me." Simeon Poole, after testifying against Jackson, recanted and claimed that Forman influenced him with threats. He testified that if he did not speak against Jackson, "he would be punished severely." Jackson and Poole remained in prison until March. Poole also claimed Forman promised his release if he would inform on Jackson. The confinement of Jackson and Poole took another odd turn when Wescott attempted to contact them through a former army officer, Nathan Pennington. However, the former Loyalist partisan, Edward Price (paroled at Freehold) informed on Pennington. Price testified that he conned Pennington: "He asked me if my heart was turned, I told him it was not, nor did I believe it would be till my neck was stretched." Pennington was then arrested and jailed. The prisoners were well-treated (noteworthy given past abuses of Loyalists at the jail). Davies Fulsome testified that "we wanted for nothing but our liberty." Dr. Vance, now jailed with Jackson and Poole, hired John James to go to Egg Harbor and get word of their arrest to Richard Wescott. James was captured and decided to testify against Vance and his London Trading collaborator, the tavern keeper Job Atkinson of Clamtown. James testified that Vance, if deprived of the money he expected from Wescott, would “play the devil” with his benefactors. Two of Forman’s allies testified. Denice Denice, a judge of the Court of the Common Pleas with Forman, testified that he was with Forman when Forman took Poole’s deposition. He swore it was done honestly. Joseph Stillwell, who was employed by Forman to monitor British movements at Sandy Hook, took a deposition from Jackson on February 2, 1783. Jackson claimed to be a commissioned privateer but only produced the commission of Timothy Shaler, another man. Jackson then claimed his commission was at New Brunswick. Stillwell concluded of Jackson: “His general character is that of a dishonest man, and a man not governed by the truth.” Court Proceedings against Nathan Jackson On December 31, Forman formally claimed Diamond and Dolphin as his rightful prizes, claiming Jackson was using the vessels "to carry on an illegal trade" and other "evil designs." As required by law, he advertised the prizes. A hearing was held before the New Jersey Admiralty Court to have the vessels adjudged to him. The advertisement in the New Jersey Gazette announced the court would meet on January 31 to consider Forman’s claim against: The bills of; Capt. Nathan Jackson against a certain schooner or vessel called the Dolphin lately commanded by a certain William Austin; and also against a certain sloop or vessel called the Diamond lately commanded by a certain William Roche… Said vessels were taken at sea near Sandy Hook, loaded with British merchandize, flour, earthenware, ginger, cyder and apples and brought into Egg Harbour by the said Capt. Jackson. Jackson was charged with “collusion” with respect to the two vessels. The New Jersey Gazette reported that the Court condemned the vessels, valued at £10,500, to David Forman on February 1: On a charge of collusion; on the trial it appeared that Capt. Jackson sailed from Egg Harbor in December last, in said boats with three men beside himself, armed with one swivel and two muskets... That went to New York openly the next day with his boat and there remained until December 7, and that evening boarded the Diamond. Jackson was brought before the Monmouth County courts for trading with the enemy and fined a massive £500 (most illegal trading fines were £100 or less). On February 25, the Monmouth Court of Common Pleas, on which David Forman sat as a judge, issued summons for Nathan Jackson for defaulting on the £500 fine. The summons read: “Said Nathan did send & convey was aiding & assisting in sending and conveying provisions and other necessaries into the lines of the enemy without being authorized by permission or passport." Jackson "although required, hath not paid and altogether refused" to pay the fine. Major Elisha Walton and Judge John Anderson were instructed to collect the fine or take him into custody. Defeated in court and under arrest, Jackson fought on. He appealed to the New Jersey Supreme Court, which agreed to hear the case in September. Monmouth County’s David Rhea was selected to go to Connecticut to deliver the summons to Jackson. Henry Woodward of Burlington County, who had been arrested by Forman and his posse, testified against David Forman. He stated that Forman never administered oaths and that parts of his deposition were recorded incorrectly ("one or two of the answers appeared to me to be wrong"). He also suggested that Forman incented Constable Abraham Davis to make excessive arrests by paying him a remarkably high £20 for his services at Egg Harbor. He further stated about Davis, "he could not have made out better at home, for there he might have been collecting taxes and serving warrants & got nothing for it.” Meanwhile, David Forman lined up a set of Monmouth County leaders to provide depositions in support of his actions. These were given at the tavern of Henry Drake of Freehold on October 8. The most interesting witness was New Jersey Chief Justice David Brearley, who testified of Ball and Wescott having “the reputation of being in that trade”—a reference to “an extensive illicit trade being carried on between the cities of New York and Philadelphia through New Jersey.” The New Jersey Supreme Court ruled against Jackson. As a Connecticut citizen, Jackson was able to appeal the New Jersey decisions to an appeals court established by the Continental Congress to hear interstate disputes. He procured a famous New Jersey Lawyer, Richard Stockton, to represent him (Stockton signed the Declaration of Independence, but his patriotism was tarnished after he was captured by Loyalists at Freehold and signed a British loyalty oath). Forman also hired a powerful attorney, William Churchill Houston, who had served in the Continental Congress. The Continental Court sided with Forman and, in the process, documented Wescott’s London Trading. Jackson was determined an illegal trader and perjurer. Curiously, Jackson was back in the Monmouth County jail in 1788. In November of that year, he petitioned the New Jersey Legislative Council to be forgiven for his debts. He was identified in the Council’s minutes as "an insolvent debtor in Monmouth gaol." The Council did not act on his petition. Related Historic Site : Waterfront Museum (Brooklyn) Sources : Summons, Monmouth County Archives, Loose Common Pleas – 1783; Library of Congress, Revolutionary War Prize Cases, M162, reel 1, cases 91-2, David Forman v. Nathan Jackson; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, December 1782 - January 1783, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; New Jersey Gazette, January 15, 1783; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; New Jersey Gazette, April 16, 1783; Journals of the Legislative Council of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: State of New Jersey, 1788) p20. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Richard Lippincott as an Active Loyalist Partisan by Michael Adelberg Richard Lippincott was the most active Monmouth Countian in the Associated Loyalists. In 1781, he kidnapped a prominent non-combatant at Toms River in addition to other incursions. - April 1781 - As noted in prior articles, the Associated Loyalists were a paramilitary group of Loyalist refugees who sought to punish Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) for real and perceived abuses against Loyalists. Their Board of Directors designated three Monmouth Countians—Thomas Crowell, Clayton Tilton and Richard Lippincott—as “captains.” Over time, however, Lippincott emerged as the most active and menacing Associated Loyalist to Monmouth County Whigs. In March 1781, he led an attack on the Monmouth shoreline , and his partisan activities continued afterward. Just two weeks after bringing the ship, Hannah , back from Little Egg Harbor, Lippincott was back in front of the Board of Directors. On April 7, the Board’s minutes record: Captain Lippincott informed the Board that Nathaniel Wardell, as associator of his company, was taken prisoner the 30th of March last, by a party of rebel twelve-month men [ State Troops ], who stripped & otherwise ill used him - he also informed that some of his people had just taken a noted rebel prisoner. This documents that at least a few of Lippincott’s men were active in Monmouth County in early April. On May 15, the prize money from the Hannah taken by Richard Lippincott in March was divided: 10% for the Board's charity fund, 5% for the Board, and remaining to be divided among Lippincott's men (half for officers, half for the rest). It was noted that Lippincott used some of his funds to purchase arms and supplies for his company. Richard Lippincott Returns to Monmouth County On May 26, the Board approved Lippincott’s next proposal. The Board’s minutes record Lippincott’s request “for the party under him to encamp at Sandy Hook." The request was considered and approved two days later: Captain Lippincott, having received his provisions and being ready to proceed on this intended excursion, the Board gave orders to proceed immediately - They also gave him instructions... and a certificate to pass the guard ship without molestation. Unlike Lippincott’s March trip when Lippincott left Sandy Hook and went 60 miles down the Jersey shore, it appears that Lippincott’s stayed near Sandy Hook this time. Documentation is lacking, but this deployment was difficult for Lippincott and it apparently only consisted of small parties raiding areas contiguous to Sandy Hook. On July 9, the Board released a prisoner errantly taken by Lippincott: Captain Lippincott having sent here John Alward as a prisoner, and the Board being informed he is an inoffensive trader . They ordered Mr. Chaloner [keeper of the Provost Jail] to grant him a parole. Lippincott was still at Sandy Hook in late July. His activity was apparently limited by men refusing orders. The Board recorded on July 31: The Secretary wrote a letter to Captain Lippincott, directing him to call on all those of his company who refused to do duty, and if persisted in refusing, to recall his certificate [to be on Sandy Hook] he had given them. The threat to recall Lippincott in disgrace from Sandy Hook, likely prompted him to attempt a more ambitious action. Lippincott apparently went to Toms River with a party too small to battle the State Troop guard there. Instead, Lippincott “man-stole ” one of the village’s Whig leaders, James Randolph. Randolph was the Port Marshal at Toms River and the Dover Township Coroner, but these were civil positions. He was a non-combatant whose primary offense, it appears, was having kin who were officers in the militia and Continental Army. On August 15, Thomas McKean of the Continental Congress wrote to Thomas Bradford, the Continental government’s Commissary of Prisoners, about the capture of Randolph: Colo. Randolph informs me that a party of the enemy, or rather Tories employed by the Board of Directors [Associated Loyalists], as they are called, have on Friday last, taken his brother, James Randolph, an inhabitant of Monmouth County not in arms, as a prisoner; and from their threats has reason to apprehend the most cruel treatment of him; if they do not murder him, on account of his avowed & decided conduct in support of the liberties and independence of his country. McKean asked Bradford to “remonstrate in the warmest manner against this conduct” and threaten “immediate retaliation” for the taking of non-combatants: If such measures are pursued by our inveterate enemies, they will before God and man be solely responsible for the consequences. Our vengeance has been slow, but it may nevertheless be sure. The controversy surrounding Randolph’s capture may have led Lippincott to lay low for the next few months. Richard Lippincott Seeks Prisoner Exchange However, in November 1781, Lippincott sought to negotiate a prisoner exchange . The Board’s minutes record on November 7: Mr. Hendrick Smock to Captain Lippincott, that he might find him out of parole for twenty days to effect the exchange of seven Associated Loyalists now confined in irons in Burlington gaol, and to inform him that five prisoners taken by Capt. Tilton [Clayton Tilton] in New Jersey & now in the Provost [Jail], will also be ironed until the active Loyalists are treated as prisoners of war. Lippincott did not take Smock. Instead, on December 26, Lippincott appeared before the Board to request a Flag "to transport Hendrick Vanderveer, Elisha Shepard, Jacob Shepherd, Joseph Maxson, Jacob Compton and Britton Mount, prisoners of the aforesaid Associated Loyalists, to New Jersey for the purpose of an exchange.” But Lippincott never left New York with the prisoners. On December 27, he informed the Board “that Associated Loyalist prisoners in New Jersey, whom he meant to have exchanged, have been sent to Burlington jail and there confined in irons." It was common practice to move dangerous prisoners from the Monmouth County jail in Freehold jails in safer locations. As a result, the potential exchange was called off. It is probable that Lippincott’s attempts to craft an exchange fell on deaf ears. Anger at the Associated Loyalists in New Jersey was reaching a crescendo in December 1781. Just a week before Lippincott called off the exchange, the New Jersey Assembly endorsed and sent to the Continental Congress a report written by Thomas Henderson of Monmouth County. The report called the Associated Loyalists "a new fangled body of Executioners” and reversed the legislature’s prior disavowal of retaliation as a government policy. It called for eye-for-an-eye retaliation for each abuse committed by Associated Loyalists so that "the vengeance of an injured people may fall on British officers and other citizens whose credit and influence may induce the British Commander in Chief to do justice." As for Lippincott, he apparently avoided additional partisan activity during the winter of 1781-1782 before re-emerging in April to undertake the most notorious act of the final year of the Revolutionary War. Lippincott implemented the brazen hanging of Captain Joshua Huddy in retaliation for the murder of an Associated Loyalist, Philip White, two weeks earlier. Related Historic Site : United Empire Loyalists Heritage Centre Sources : Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, April 1781 p. 5; Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, May 1781 p. 10, 13; Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, July 1781 p. 6, 22; Information on James Randolph is compiled in Michael Adelberg’s Biographical File, unpublished, Monmouth County Historical Association; Thomas McKean to Thomas Bradford, Letters to Delegates of Congress, vol. 17, p524 ( www.ammem/amlaw/lwdg.html ); The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, December 15, 1781, p 58; Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, November 1781 p. 5; Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, December 1781 p. 4-5; Princeton University Library, Microfilms Collection, #1081.133, Board of Associated Loyalists, June 6, June 24, 1782. 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Henry Lee's Continentals Raid Sandy Hook by Michael Adelberg As recently as 2018, Sandy Hook Bay froze-over, making it impassable. The frozen bay in January 1780 permitted a daring over-ice raid against the British naval base by Continental soldiers. - January 1780 - As noted in prior articles, Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee commanded a regiment of Virginia cavalry. Lee’s regiment was first sent into Monmouth County in early 1779 , setting up camp at Freehold. Lee spent much of 1779 in Monmouth County. During that time, he sent scouts parties along the shore to search for and establish contact with the French fleet , which was expected to anchor on the Monmouth shore. Lee was also active in local affairs, which put him at odds with some local leaders. For example, Lee’s men supported some magistrates in collecting provisions from disaffected neighborhoods—a controversial practice that split Monmouth leaders. His men also hunted down the notorious Pine Robber, Lewis Fenton, and they launched a bold raid against the British naval base at Sandy Hook. Even in the cold of winter, Lee camped or boarded men near Sandy Hook. On January 5, 1780, Lee wrote George Washington that "I have heard from one of my officers on the shore, who has taken a British officer with five others, & 80,000 counterfeit dollars, I hope this capture will lead to some useful discoveries." Lee informed Washington that he had sent the money and prisoners to Philadelphia. Washington responded "I am exceedingly glad to hear of the capture of a British officer and his associates." But then, on January 8, ordered Lee’s men to leave the county—likely in response to a letter of complaint from Governor William Livingston about Lee’s conduct. However, Lee did not leave immediately. The captured British party likely provided information on the weak condition of the British garrison at Sandy Hook, as did the capture of the Loyalist brig , Britannia , near Sandy Hook on December 30. The weather grew colder, punctuated by a storm that drove several ships onto Monmouth County’s beaches, and the Sandy Hook Bay froze over. Colonel Lewis Nicola (stationed at Egg Harbor) noted a new weakness of Sandy Hook: "Seven deserters from the guard ship at the Hook made their escape on the ice." Desertions from the guard ship at Sandy Hook had been a problem for several months. Three times in 1779, Nicola recorded incidents in which a total of nine sailors deserted from the Hunter , which was the guard ship at Sandy Hook through most of the year. Successful small raids on Sandy Hook by Captain John Burrowes demonstrated that small attacks on the base could be successful when the goal was to carry off a single vessel. Lee’s Continentals Raid Sandy Hook Lee wrote Washington on January 12: "I detached an officer & party for the purpose of taking advantage of the ice to transport troops to the Hook for important business of collecting supplies for the support of the Army... committed the enterprise to Capt. Peyton, an officer of singular worth." Other sources note that a winter storm occurred that day, driving three ships ashore on the Jersey coast. The Pennsylvania Evening Post first reported on Lee’s raid on January 16: We hear that a large quantity of Counterfeit Continental money was taken a few days ago by a Party of Lee's Light Dragoons in Monmouth County… there was also found a considerable quantity of goods which had been sent from New York for sale at the same time. Several persons were taken, among whom was Anthony Woodward's son [Thomas Woodward]. Lee wrote Washington more about the raid on January 16. He noted that the raid was led by a Captain Peyton, who landed on Sandy Hook and hoped to attack the light house: The noise of the men marching occasioned by the snow, alarmed the garrison; of course the attempt at the Light House was [therefore] omitted, agreeable to orders. Their shipping was assaulted, and three officers were taken some time since, will be sent to Philadelphia. The counterfeit money I sent to be burnt. Another officer in Lee’s raiding party, Alan McLane, recalled the counterfeit money. They "took it by surprise, brought off prisoners with a large quantity of Continental bills so well executed that Mr. Smith, the loan officer in Philadelphia could not discover the difference between them & regular bills." Follow-up newspaper accounts provided additional details on Captain’s Peyton’s raid. The Pennsylvania Evening Post published a second account: Major Lee detached from Burlington [Freehold] forty men under command of Captain Patten [Peyton], in sleighs, who before the next morning were beside the guard ship, lying frozen in ice at Sandy Hook, so that they could not board her; they retired a small distance unperceived, where they surprised two schooners and a sloop, made the men prisoners, burnt the vessels, and returned without the least loss, bringing with them the prisoners and all the plunder they thought proper. The New Jersey Gazette also reported on the Sandy Hook raid with somewhat different details: We are informed that on Thursday night, Captain Rudolph of Lee's Rangers, a sergeant, a corporal and eight men, landed at Sandy Hook within a half mile of the Light House--surrounded a house and made seven of the enemy prisoners; they also brought off $45,000 in counterfeit Continental dollars, a quantity of hard money, and several parcels of dry goods, without any loss. Transporting the prisoners all the way to Philadelphia in the middle of the winter was a miserable task. So, Lee apparently commandeered space in the Monmouth County jail (in the basement of the county courthouse at Freehold). This put Lee at odds with William Lawrence, the county jailkeeper. On March 1, Lawrence petitioned the New Jersey Assembly: Setting forth that Major Lee had, in contempt of the law, taken possession of his dwelling room and quartered a number of men against his consent; that he [Lee] had also taken charge of and maintained a number of different prisoners confined for different crimes and misdemeanors; and praying that his [Lee's] account [counter-charges] may be discharged. It is unclear if the Assembly acted on the matter. Leading forty-men in sleighs over a frozen bay during a winter storm to attack an enemy that, if alarmed, possessed substantially more men and firepower, was a daring endeavor. Major Lee’s men executed this raid flawlessly. They filled their sleighs with booty, burned three small ships, captured several prisoners, and took tens of thousands of dollars in counterfeit money—and then retreated without the loss of a man. Throughout the Revolutionary War, few actions were as bold and successful. In the local war in and around Monmouth County, perhaps only William Marriner’s June 1778 raid of Brooklyn was bolder and more successful than the exceptional raid-by-sleigh undertaken by Lee’s men on January 12, 1780. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources : Allan McLane, Army and Navy Chronicle (New York: Benjamin Homans, 1838) p130-1; Henry Lee to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 63, January 5, 1780; George Washington to Henry Lee, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, General Correspondence; George Washington’s General Orders, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 17, p 362; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 68-9; Library of Congress, Early American Newspapers, Pennsylvania Evening Post, January 1780; Henry Lee to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/mss/mgw/mgw4/063/0700/0735.jpg ; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 4, pp. 154-5. Howard Peckham, The Toll of Independence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974) p 67; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930, January 1780; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, March 1, 1780, p 132; Lewis Nicola to Congress, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 187, item 169, #35, 116, 136, 191; State of the Rebel Army, William Clements Library, Henry Clinton Papers, vol. 86. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Davenport’s Pine Robbers Routed at Forked River by Michael Adelberg - June 1782 - By 1782, most Pine Robber activity consolidated into gangs headed by John Bacon and William Davenport. The geographic footprint of the two gangs overlapped—with both gangs active between Toms River and Little Egg Harbor. This raises the possibility that the gangs were not distinct, but melded into each other depending upon the opportunity of the moment. John Bacon’s rise is discussed in another article . The Rise of William Davenport William Davenport was not from Monmouth County. His name does not appear in Monmouth County tax lists, militia rolls, or court documents. The earliest record of William Davenport might be in the minutes of the New Jersey Council of Safety (which investigated disloyal New Jersians before the state’s courts were functioning). On March 27, 1778, Council considered the disloyalty of ten men from Gloucester County. Davenport is listed in one of the entries: "That Jacob Jones, Gunrod Shoemaker, William Davenport, Thomas Smith and a negro man belonging to John Cox be discharged, the former four on taking the oath to government prescribed by law.” The light punishment suggests that the Council did not believe Davenport to be particularly dangerous. That would change. It cannot be stated with certainty that the disaffected William Davenport brought before the Council of Safety became a Pine Robber leader. Many documents discuss the activities of Davenport the Pine Robber, but none of these documents assign him a first name. So, while it is probable that the Pine Robber “Davenport” was William Davenport of Gloucester County, this is conjecture. By late 1780, Davenport was leading a Pine Robber gang in Stafford Township. Thomas Brown, the son of militia Captain Samuel Brown, recalled in his postwar pension application fleeing the family house on Davenport’s attack. A few nights later, Davenport returned: They robbed it of everything of value that it contained, forced his wife and children to leave it, and then burnt his house, barn and shop, and other buildings to ashes.... and they burnt a valuable schooner belonging to Captain Brown, lying in Forked River. The Brown family relocated to Woodbridge for safety. According to Brown’s narrative, Davenport's gang continued to rob local Whigs: Clayton Newbold, John Block, Caleb Shreve, and John Holmes "were all robbed of large quantities of silver plate, money, clothing, other articles, and a number of Negroes, the marauders took their booty to Clam Town [present-day Tuckerton]." Another Stafford Township militiaman, Thomas Randolph, recalled that he "was in a skirmish with a scouting party of the enemy & refugees" in which he "was taken prisoner [by Davenport] & carried to Tuckerton & released." And a Burlington County militiaman, John Ingersoll, recalled being in a party with two boats, sixteen men each, when his men ran afoul of Davenport: Followed along the coast until we came to Barnegat Inlet. We ran in and landed on Cranberry Beach. We fell in with a large body of refugees, they were far superior in number to us and they succeeded in taking us prisoners. They handcuffed and conveyed us on to a prison ship then lying in the North River, opposite the City of New York, whose name was the Scorpion. Fear of Davenport reached a crescendo in December 1781. A series of letters and petitions from the residents of Toms River described Davenport’s gang menacing the village. Captain Andrew Brown, commanding a Dover Township militia company wrote: The refugees are this time more numerous in this quarter than has been known since the start of the war. I am well informed that they are fortifying at Little Egg Harbor where they have made a stand for a considerable time. Letters from Toms River Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) estimated Davenport’s gang between 50 and 70 men. This made Davenport’s gang roughly twice the size of the small local militia units commonly arrayed against them—even the State Troop detachmen t at Toms River was only 25 men. Despite this, the arc of Davenport’s career suggests that he was a cautious leader who robbed and plundered individual homes in preference to engaging with bodies of the enemy. The Death of William Davenport On June 5, 1782, the New Jersey Gazette reported the defeat of Davenport’s gang. It described a June 1 attack on the saltworks of his old rival, Samuel Brown (who had returned from Woodbridge): On the morning of the 1st, one Davenport, a refugee, landed with about 40 whites and 40 blacks, at Forked River, and burnt Samuel Brown's salt-works, and plundered him; they then proceeded southward toward Barnegat, for the purpose of burning the salt works along the shore between those places. Thus, they are conciliating the affections of the Americans! Davenport’s attack was important enough to be reprinted in newspapers as far away as Maryland. Several antiquarian sources discuss the death of Davenport shortly after his gang plundered Brown’s saltworks. They next moved to the house of John Woodmancy but apparently did no damage (as the Woodmancy family was known to be disaffected). The Pine Robbers continued to move south in two barges (with no cannon). They were surprised at Waretown by a militia gunboat proceeding down Oyster Creek. The gunboat closed on the slower barges. Davenport, according to several secondary accounts, stood up to give orders. The militia fired their cannon at the lead barge, killing Davenport instantly. One of the barges—perhaps overloaded with plunder—overset. The Pine Robbers, though they must have outnumbered the militia, waded into the water and fled. They hiked back toward their base at Clam Town, receiving food and shelter from the Quaker, Ebenezer Collins, at Barnegat. There is no document that names the militia unit that killed Davenport. It may have been the Burlington County militia company of Captain Enoch Willetts. John Ingersoll's veteran’s pension application details that this company manned a privateer gunboat that patrolled from Cape May to Shark River through much of 1782. John Ingersoll, serving under Willetts, wrote of one of the voyages: We set sail from Cape May and again landed at Shark River. We staid at Shark River for two or three days, when we spied a refugee boat close in with the beach, steering apparently for Delaware. As they came opposite the Inlet wherein we lay, they gave [us] three cheers [mistaking them for London Traders ]. We put to sea and gave chase. We kept up a steady and well directed fire for about four miles, when they endeavored to run their boat into Squan Inlet, but in their attempting to do so they ran her ashore and fled. Before we could get on shore, they had concealed themselves in the woods which were near by. We took their boat, in which we found a six pounder mounted on her stern, together with a quantity of dry goods, with hardware and one barrel of rum, which we took. The ”40 blacks” in Davenport’s gang merit discussion. The white Pine Robbers who served with Davenport and Bacon were largely from Dover and Stafford townships in Monmouth County and Little Egg Harbor Township in Burlington County. Based on tax lists, these townships had only a small number of African-Americans, making it unlikely that 40 African Americans Pine Robbers were “home grown” in those townships. It is known that the “Black Brigade ” ceased raiding as an organized group in fall 1780 , after the death of their leader, Colonel Tye. It is also known that Davenport’s first attacks began in late 1780. This raises the possibility that many men from the Black Brigade left Sandy Hook for the lower Monmouth Shore and re-emerged with Davenport as Pine Robbers. While Davenport’s gang was routed, they suffered few deaths or captures. This is an important detail because it meant that John Bacon continued to have access to a pool of committed Loyalist partisans. The research of David Fowler, who documented Pine Robber activity more than anyone, demonstrates that 1782 was among their more active years. Bacon would remain an active Loyalist partisan into 1783. Related Historic Site : Lake Champlain Maritime Museum (New York) Sources : Minutes of the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey, (J. Lyon: Jersey City, 1872) pp. 220-221; Thomas Brown’s pension application in John C. Dann, The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980) pp 141-3; Private Correspondence: Jack Fulmer, Veteran's Pension Application of John Ingersoll of New Jersey, pp 4; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Thomas Randolph of New York, National Archives, p36-7; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 39; Maryland Gazette, June 30, 1782; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; William Fischer, Biographical Cyclopedia of Ocean County (Philadelphia: A.D. Smith, 1899) p 59; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 80; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987). Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > French Fleet Threatens Sandy Hook by Michael Adelberg From his flagship, Languedoc, outside Sandy Hook, Admiral D’Estaing, considered ways to engage smaller British fleet inside the Hook. Unable to do so, D’Estaing left for Rhode Island. - July 1778 - France entered an alliance with the United States on February 8, 1778, and two months later dispatched a large fleet to fight the British Army and Navy in America. The French fleet reached American waters off the Chesapeake Bay as a British fleet left Philadelphia and cleared the Delaware Bay. After spending a few days off Virginia, the French turned north, reaching Delaware Bay on July 8 and nearing Sandy Hook on July 10—only four days after the British Army had completed its evacuation to New York via the Hook. The French intentions were clear to Admiral Richard Howe, commanding British ships at New York: “The French squadron was advancing toward this port... anchored this evening without the Hook, seeming to meditate an attack on this port." Howe ordered all British ships to come inside Sandy Hook. As the French neared, ships and boats sprinted for Sandy Hook. Loyalist Louisa Susannah Wells, aboard the Rose in a four-ship squadron, narrated her arrival on July 9. She recalled, "we had a precaution to nail a sail-cloth before the cabin windows and to be careful of showing lights." She also wrote: The [sloop of war] Swift was so apprehensive about being taken that she threw out all her boats in order to be towed in. All the comfort we had was that the Swift would be taken first… We had the mortification to see five or six vessels taken by the enemy that day, which were bound to New York, but did not know its harbor [was] being blocked up. The French Fleet Arrives of Shrewsbury Inlet On July 11, word of French arrival ricocheted among British officers at New York. Colonel Thomas O'Beirne wrote, "in the afternoon they [the French] were observed to come to anchor off Shrewsbury Inlet, about four miles from the Hook.” The Army’s senior engineer, John Montressor, wrote of the first prizes taken by the French: This evening an account of the French fleet coming to anchor off Sandy Hook, consisting of eleven sail of the line and 3 three frigates; they took 12 out of 13 of our fishing boats. The tender of the [frigate] Thunder Bomb [was] drove into the French fleet by a gust and was taken. The logbook of the French flagship, Languedoc , reveals that the French were picking up additional British shipping. Even before they “anchored at Black Point” [actually Shrewsbury Inlet] on July 11, the French “took the sloop of war the York of 14 guns” on July 10 and only the 11th “took possession of some fishing boats” and “took the snow the Carcasse , laden with powder, bombs, and balls." Admiral Charles Henri D’Estaing was not initially impressed by the defenses at Sandy Hook, which he referred to as a "small guard.” Fortunately for the British, winds were not favorable for a quick attack on Sandy Hook. On July 12, Lt. Col. Stephen Kemble wrote that "since their arrival, no favorable winds to induce them to enter and attack us." The Loyalist New York Gazette wrote of a small Loyalist schooner, Dispatch , that escaped capture: With three men on board, was taken off the fishing banks by three barges from the French squadron… The fishermen of the Dispatch threw one Frenchman overboard and secured the other two in the hold, and stood off for Sandy Hook. The Gazette also reported that “six or seven barges belonging to them [French navy] were going ashore for water, were overset near Jumping Point in the Jersies, and a number of men were drowned." Indeed, the French were going ashore; D’Estaing, himself, went ashore. They needed local pilots to guide them through the deep-water channel immediately north of Sandy Hook and they needed fresh water and provisions for their hungry men. Both of these are topics of other articles. While waiting on local pilots and provisions, the French continued to pick up British ships. Admiral Howe and Colonel John Laurens of the Continental Army, arrived at Shrewsbury, both estimated that the French took about a dozen British ships and large boats. But the actual number, based on French sources, was higher than that. Table 6 documents their considerable booty while anchored off Sea Bright. Beyond the prizes, several British ships were chased and wrecked. On July 25, the Loyalist New York Gazette reported the wreck of a vessel carrying sugar wrecking a week earlier and “almost all her sugar is washed away.” In addition, “three more vessels are on shore southward of the Neversink... a schooner ran ashore and went to pieces on the Hook Thursday last." French Are Unable to Attack British Nonetheless, the primary interest of Admiral D’Estaing was determining the best way to cross Sandy Hook and attack the British. He reportedly offered a massive bounty to any pilot who could get his ships in. But he was unable to find a pilot who believed that the channel north of Sandy Hook was deep enough for the largest French warships. D’Estaing later wrote: He promised one hundred thousand crowns to the pilot who would take care of this; but the promise could not make convincing the advantage of an impossible execution, there being depth for only small vessels… the passage [across Sandy Hook] is too narrow to risk, that if the vessel would ground, it would close the passage and leave the ships devastated by the batteries of the enemy. The largest French ships—including twelve ships-of-line sat as much as 24 feet in the water, and the channel depth was reportedly only 22 feet (these figures vary slightly across different sources). A related problem was the narrowness of the channel. British sources note that the channel above Sandy Hook was only wide enough to admit one, or potentially two, ships at time. According to a sketch from O’Beirne, British warships were lined up near the tip of Sandy Hook and immediately south of the channel. The ships and nearby shore battery could therefore focus considerable cannon fire on the channel precisely at the point that French vessels would enter the channel one or two at a time. This effectively negated the fire power advantage of the French fleet (850 French guns against 534 British guns). Word of the French problem crossing Sandy Hook made it to George Washington, who wrote Congress: It was the Count's [Admiral D’Estaing] first wish to enter at Sandy hook in order to possess himself of, or to destroy, if possible, the whole of the British fleet, lying in the Bay of New York; and that for this purpose he had been much engaged in his inquiries about the depth of water, and in sounding the channel to ascertain it. The result of which was, that the water from the experiments made was too shallow at the entrance to admit his large Ships. In addition to the problems with crossing Sandy Hook, D'Estaing lacked fresh water and provisions for his men. Despite efforts to supply the French, supply lines through Shrewsbury could not meet the needs of the large fleet and its 11,000 men. D’Estaing wrote, “without resupply vessels, his troops were much too weak to support an attack by the enemy.” A British report further described the supply problem , particularly with respect to carrying heavy water casks through the ocean surf: They procured some supplies from the Jersies, which was brought three miles by land carriage...but in the portage of casks they lost a number of boats, officers and men amidst the surge that prevails upon that shore, and proves inexorable to navigators unacquainted with it. French Decide to Leave Sandy Hook D’Estaing convened a council with his senior officers on July 20 and the decision was made to weigh anchor and leave. A French Officer, Jean-Julien Chevalier Le Mauff, noted that before leaving, “They decided to sink a small snow carrying oars that was taking much water, after having it unloaded, as well as some fishing boats." This was done in order to block entry into the Sandy Hook channel. British observers noted that the supply boats rowing between the shore and the fleet ceased on July 21. For example, British Navy Doctor John Campbell, wrote: "The French squadron had maintained a constant intercourse with the shore, by means of boats and small vessels; which was observed to cease on the 21st of July.” Some observers thought the French were attacking. O’Beirne wrote, "we consequently expected the hottest day that had ever been fought between two nations. On our side, all was at stake." But the British were misinformed "from the unanimous report of the country people" who were trading with French while informing the British. In reality the moves of that day were French preparations to sail. They would leave for Rhode Island on the morning of the 22nd. Ironically, the winds turned on July 22, deepening the channel. Richard Howe wrote: “A fresh easterly wind, of two days continuance… raised the water on the bar very considerably higher than its common level… Instead of standing in to pass the bar, after tacking two or three times, he stood off to sea." When the French sailed, they chose not to turn over prisoners to New Jersey authorities on shore. This peeved Reverend James Caldwell, a New Jersey delegate to the Continental Congress, who wrote: The French fleet took a number of fishing vessels outside the Hook - the greater part of their crews were the vile Tories who fled to the enemy & were obliged to fish for their support - but some were faithful inhabitants of Staten or Long Islands, obliged to support themselves in that way. Application was made to the Admiral to send the inhabitants to shore to abide the trial of their country & he seemed to consent, but afterwards appeared to be influenced to take them. The fate of these prisoners—including local Loyalists taken by the French while fishing—is unknown. Despite rumors of French fleets returning to Sandy Hook, the French never returned in force. However, the French threat forced the British to spread their naval assets across a wider variety of ports. This created an opportunity for American privateers eager to prey on British shipping bound for New York. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources : Montresor, John. “Journals of Captain John Montresor.” Edited by G. D. Scull. (New York: Collections of the New-York Historical Society, 1881) p 502; Thomas Lewis O'Beirne, A Candid and Impartial Narrative of the Transactions of the Fleet, Under the Command ofLord Howe (London, 1969), p 10; Louisa Susannah Wells Aikman, The Journal of a Voyage from Charleston, S.C. to London: Undertaken During the American Revolution (New York: New York Historical Society, 1906), pp. 12–6; Adm Richard Howe, published in Thomas Pownall, The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events (London: J. Alman, 1778) vol. 6, p352; Lulu Hartshorne’s account, Monmouth County Historical Association, Collection #86, box 1, folder 21; Logbook of the Languedoc in Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Naval History Foundation: Washington DC, 2018) vol 13, p 233; Jean D'Estaing, Reports, 1778-1779, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Coll. 815; Gardner W. Allen, A Naval History of the American Revolution (1912, 1940, reprinted New York: Russell & Russell, Inc., 1962), pp. 329-30; Tilly, John A., The British Navy and the American Revolution (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1987) p 84, 143; Jean D’Estaing, letter, B. F. Stevens, ed., Facsimiles of Manuscripts in European Archives Relating to America, 1773–1783, [25 vols., London, 1889–1898], vol. 23, #2023; Colin Lindsay, Extracts of Colonel Templehoffe's History of the Seven Years War (London: T. Cadel, 1793), v2, p485; Henri D’Estaing, Extrait du Journal d’un Officier de la Marine, Morristown National Historical Park, Rare Books Coll., #9596, pp. 9-13 (translated by Google Translate); Lapeyrouse de Bonfils, Léonard Léonce, Histoire de la Marine Française, Par M. le Comte (Chez Dentu, Librarie, Palais Royal Galerie D'Orleans, Paris, 1845) v. 3, pp45-48; London Chronicle, published in Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Naval History Foundation: Washington DC, 2018) vol 13, p 541; Thomas Lewis O'Beirne, A Candid and Impartial Narrative of the Transactions of the Fleet, Under the Command ofLord Howe (London, 1969), p 11; Montresor, John. “Journals of Captain John Montresor.” Edited by G. D. Scull. (New York: Collections of the New-York Historical Society, 1881) pp. 504-5; Henri Doniol, ed., Histoire de la Participation de la France à l'Établissement des États Unis d'Amérique: Correspondance Diplomatique et Documents, 5 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1876–99), vol. 3, p. 447-9; The Fleet of D'Estaing, Profession Patrick Villiers, http://xenophongroup.com/mcjoynt/fleet01.htm ; Kemble Stephen. Adjutant to General Howe: The Kemble Papers, NYHS Collections (New York: New York Historical Society, 1884–85) p 155; Francis Downman, The Services of Lieut. Colonel Francis Downman (London: Royal Artillery Institution, 1898) p64-72; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Archibald Robertson, Archibald Robertson: His Diaries and Sketches in America, 1762-1780 (New York: Arno, 1969) p 180; Richard Howe in London Gazette, Sept. 15, 1778; Journal of Chevalier de Gra-Prévlle in Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Naval History Foundation: Washington DC, 2018) vol 13, p 437; Journal of Jean-Julien Chevalier Le Mauff, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Naval History Foundation: Washington DC, 2018) vol 13, p 446-447; Thomas Lewis O'Beirne, A Candid and Impartial Narrative of the Transactions of the Fleet, Under the Command ofLord Howe (London, 1969), pp. 15-6, 23; John Tilley, The British Navy in the American Revolution (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1987) p 144; John Campbell, Biographica Nautica, Memoirs of an Illustrious Seaman (Dublin: John Williams, 1785) p 485; George Washington to Congress, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw120252)) ; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; George Washington to John Sullivan, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw120243)) ; Henry Laurens to George Casewell, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Naval History Foundation: Washington DC, 2018) vol 13, p482; Conrad Alexandre Gerard in Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Naval History Foundation: Washington DC, 2018) vol 13, p 966; United State Naval Academy, Rosenbach Coll., James Caldwell; Thomas Cushing to John Adams, The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol. 7, September 1778 – February 1779, ed. Gregg L. Lint, Robert J. Taylor, Richard Alan Ryerson, Celeste Walker, and Joanna M. Revelas. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989, pp. 147–149; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Piers Macksey, The War for America, 1775–1783 (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1964) pp. 217-8. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Continental Army Camps at Englishtown and Manalapan by Michael Adelberg The Village Inn served as George Washington’s headquarters for the two days that the Continental Army stayed at Englishtown after the Battle of Monmouth. Soldiers slept in nearby fields. - June 1778 - As discussed in prior articles, in June 1778, the British Army withdrew from Philadelphia and marched east into Monmouth County. It camped in Allentown on the night of June 25, west of Freehold on June 26, and into Freehold on June 27. George Washington sent Colonel Daniel Morgan’s regiment ahead with Monmouth County militia to harass the British and slow their march. Meanwhile, Washington’s Army pursued from behind, hoping to engage the British in New Jersey. The two armies fought at the Battle of Monmouth on June 28. Continental Soldiers Pass through Englishtown Besides Morgan’s regiment, the first Continental soldiers to arrive in Monmouth County arrived from the west via Cranbury. On the evening of June 27, these advance units camped near Englishtown, just four miles from British soldiers camped at Freehold. Sergeant Ebenezer Wild recorded arriving at “Penelopan Bridge” on the evening of June 27. The men had marched since 7 a.m., in weather Wild termed “excessive hot.” He noted the scant accommodations that night, “We lay in the open field. Hard thunder, &c. &c." Major John Jameson wrote that his men lacked uniforms: "Our men are so naked that it is a shame to bring them into the field." Three men deserted. The Battle of Monmouth began the next morning when Continental units under General Charles Lee, informed by local guides , pushed forward against the British rear guard. General Joseph Cilley recalled, “We were at a small town called Englishtown, about four miles from [the British camp at] Monmouth Court House… marched forward before dawn.” For at least one Continental unit, the order to march was unexpected. John Ross recalled being roused so suddenly that "they had to leave their kettles on the fire with the beef cut up." The initial Continental advance was disjointed and, when the British counterattacked, the Americans were pushed backward. In the early afternoon, Washington’s army arrived and stabilized the battle lines. As Washington’s men surged forward, they discarded their possessions in order to lighten their burdens in the oppressive heat. Continental officer, Persefor Frazer, wrote of his march through Englishtown on June 28: We came to this place [Englishtown] about five miles - here we rested our men a small space of time, we were directed to leave out all the packs of the soldiers in order to expedite our march, as the day was excessively hot. Captain William Beatty of Maryland wrote similarly: About a mile before we reached Englishtown, we were ordered to leave our knapsacks and blankets, then resumed our march by passing Englishtown to a church [Tennant] about two miles nearer Monmouth [Freehold]. Lt. Colonel John Brooks, General Charles Lee's Adjutant, discussed the men left behind to protect the discarded possessions of the soldiers: When they marched from Englishtown [Lee] ordered all the packs to be left under the care of proper guards. After the troops had paraded to march to Englishtown, I rode through the different encampments and found the baggage very strongly guarded. Upon riding up to several and enquiring the reason of so many men being there, I was answered that they were men who were lame, sick, and those who were worn out with the march the day before, together with the guards who were left with the baggage. The idea that I then formed of those left on the ground was they were between four and five hundred in the whole. John Bruce of Middletown recalled his militia company guarding the possessions of the Continentals: "They went to that place [Englishtown] to guard the baggage wagons.” Similarly, Andrew Bray of the Hunterdon County militia recalled protecting the army’s baggage at the Battle of Monmouth, "I had been on duty all night… it was said that General Washington ordered the militia to stay back toward Englishtown & guard the baggage of the American Army. They stood still all day." Ralph Schenck of Middlesex County recalled the hospitality of the locals that day: We all suffered severely from the want of water. The tongues of some of our men were so swollen with thirst, that they could [only] with difficulty speak so as to be understood, but when we arrived at Englishtown, we had good attention paid to us by the inhabitants of that place. Despite the lightened loads, men still fainted from heat stroke during the day. Capt. Stephen Olney recalled that during the Battle of Monmouth: The heat of the day was so intense that it required the greatest efforts of the officers to keep their men in the ranks; and several of my company were so overcome and faint'd in coming; they said they could go no farther, but by distributing half a pint of brandy which I happened to have in my canteen, I made out to get them along. After the battle, with the sun setting, most Continental troops stayed on the battlefield without tents. Dr. Samuel Adams of New Jersey Line, wrote: "Lodged at night with the Army on the field of Action with no other covering than the canopy of heaven, not so much as the convenience of a blanket." Beatty recalled that that night "the whole army lay on their arms all night" expecting to resume the battle in the morning. Continental Army at Englishtown after the Battle of Monmouth Beatty’s men did not get back to their possessions until June 29. Ebenezer Wild corroborated Beatty: "we marched to the ground where we left our baggage yesterday, and lay there all night without any tents." On June 29, the Continental Army rested at Englishtown and Freehold. The battle of the prior day was discussed as a glorious victory. The order book of a Virginia regiment read: The Commander in Chief congratulates the Army on the victory obtained over the arms of his Britannic Majesty yesterday and thanks most sincerely the gallant officers & men who distinguished themselves on this occasion, and such others as by their good order and coolness gave the happiest progress of what might have been expected had they came to action. - The Commander in Chief also thanks Genl. Dickinson and the militia of this State for the noble spirit which they have shown in opposing the Enemy on their march from Philadelphia and for the deed which they have given by harassing & impeding their motions so as to allow the Continental troops to come up with them. Companies had scattered the prior day and men wandered the fields looking for their possessions and units. Henry Dearborn recalled that "we lay still to recruit our men, there being no probability of coming up with the enemy.” The battle and thunderstorms had left the fields and roads nearly impassable. Dr. Wiliam Read recalled a "bog was so deep and required the utmost effort of his, and his servant's horses also to get through it.” Read slept in the county court house on the night of the 29th tending the wounded , "Continued to dwell in the Court House, sleeping, when he was able, in the Judge's bench." The Continental Army awakened on June 30 in the fields between Freehold and Englishtown. George Washington's general orders called for a celebration: The men are to clean and wash themselves this afternoon and appear as decent and clean as possible. Seven o'clock this evening is appointed that we may publicly unite in Thanksgiving to the Supreme Disposer of human events, for the victory obtained on Sunday over the flower of the British troops. But June 30 included some more somber messaging to the soldiers about stealing from the locals. Jedidiah Huntington, a Connecticut officer, read this order to his men: "The General further gives notice that the detestable crime of marauding will henceforward be invariably punished with instant death." William Malcolm of New York (who led an expedition to disable the Sandy Hook Lighthouse two years earlier) gave this order: Complaints having been made to the Commander in Chief that certain persons belonging to the Army have received the property of the inhabitants which had been concealed in order to escape the ravages of the Enemy. He calls on the Commanding Officers to order a strict search of the soldier's packs at parade time; the offenders that may be discovered are to be brought to condign punishment; such articles as may be found are to be left the Adjutant General's. For some Continentals, June 30 was an unpleasant day. Jeremiah Greenman wrote of resting on June 30 in hot weather without water. "Water is very scarce indeed / such a number of soldiers that water is almost as scarce as liquor & what is got is very bad indeed." But Joseph Bloomfield of the New Jersey Line recalled the day very differently: "We want for nothing to make our time pass most agreeably." On July 1, the men awoke to additional stern orders about plundering: The Officers are to exert themselves in restraining their men from straggling, injuring fences, fruit trees, & c. They are to have the orders of the 30th relative to marauding read to the men and use every means to guard against this infamous practice. Based on the repeated warnings about plundering, there can be no doubt that some Continental soldiers stole goods from the residents of Freehold and Englishtown. But it can also be safely assumed that these instances, whatever they were, lacked the frequency and severity of British plundering at Freehold immediately before the battle. The Continental Army was soon in motion. With the exception of a few regiments sent east to shadow the British, it left Monmouth County on July 1, arriving and camping in Spotswood that evening. General Nathanael Greene described an unpleasant march from Englishtown, "We marched through a country, from Monmouth to Brunswick, not unlike the deserts of Arabia for soil and climate." As for the people of Monmouth County, particularly those living near the battlefield, the next month would be spent caring for wounded and recovering from the physical damage of the battle. Both of these are topics of other articles. Related Historic Site : The Village Inn Sources : John U. Rees, “Reach Coryell's ferry. Encamp on the Pennsylvania side.” The March from Valley Forge to Monmouth Courthouse, 18 to 28 June 1778", unpublished manuscript, p34; Joseph Clark, Diary, Proceedings of the NJ Historical Society, 1853-55, vol. 7, pp 106; John Rees, 'What is this You have been about Today?': The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle of Monmouth, www.revwar75/library/rees/monmouth/Monmouth.htm, p4, 30; Militia Orders, Monmouth Battlefield State Park, Battle of Monmouth files: folder – Militia; Charles Campbell, ed., The Bland Papers, Being a Selection from the Manuscripts of Colonel Theodorick Bland, Jr., of Prince George County, Virginia (Petersburg, Va., 1840-43), p 97; Narrative of Stephen Olney in Catherine Read Williams, Biography of Revolutionary Heroes (Providence: 1839) p 244; Benson Lossing, The Pictorial Field-book of the Revolution (New York: Harper Brothers, 1860) vol. 2, pp. 354-64; Charles Bushnell, Crumbs for Antiquarians, 2 vols., (New York: privately printed, 1864) vol. 1, p 14; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 46, item 39, vol. 1, #224; Israel Shreve to Polly Shreve, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Dreer Collection, Series 52:2, vol. 4; Persifor Fraser, General Persifor Fraser (1907), pp. 182-3; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of John Ross of North Carolina, National Archives, p18; Elliott Cogswell, History of Nottingham, Deerfield and Northwood (Manchester: John Clarke, 1878) p 181; Pennsylvania Gazette, August 29, 1778; William Beatty, "Journal of Captain Wiliam Beatty of the Maryland Line, 1776-1781", Historical Magazine, 2nd Series, 1867, pp 113; Archilaus Lewis, Diary, Dennis Ryan, A Salute To Courage The American Revolution as Seen through Wartime Writings (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979) p 130-1; Lt. Thomas Blake’s letter in Frederic Kidder, History of the First New Hampshire Regiment in the War of the Revolution (Albany, NY: Joel Munsell, 1868) pp. 42-3; Ralph Schenck, The Historical Magazine (Boston: C. James Benjamin, 1861) vol. 5, p 219; Ebenezer Wild, "The Journal of Ebenezer Wild (1776-1781)," Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd ser., 6 (1890-91), p 110; Jedediah Huntington, New York Historical Society, Orderly Books Collection, reel 5. #60-61; Dr. Samuel Adams in John Rees, 'What is this You have been about Today?': The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle of Monmouth, www.revwar75/library/rees/monmouth/Monmouth.htm, p 30, 31; Copy: David Library, Battle of Monmouth Collection, #28; Lt. Col. John Brooks, John Rees, 'What is this You have been about Today?': The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle of Monmouth, www.revwar75/library/rees/monmouth/Monmouth.htm, p5; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Andrew Bray of NJ, National Archives, p6-7; George Washington to Congress, George Washington, Official Letters to the Honorable American Congress Written During the War between the United Colonies and Great Britain (Boston: Manning & Loring, 1796) v 2, p272; Orderly Book of the 8th Massachusetts Regt., Book 2, June-August 1778, Huntington Library, HM 719; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John Bruce of New York, www.fold3.com/image/#11713958 ; Historical Society of Pennsylvania, John Nice Papers, coll. 451, box 1, folder 2; Henry Dearborn, Revolutionary War Journals of Henry Dearborn (Chicago: Ayer Company, 1939) pp. 125, 129; Jeremiah Greenman, Diary of a Common Soldier in the American Revolution, 1775-1783 (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 1978) p 122; Munn, David, Battles and Skirmishes of the American Revolution in New Jersey, (Trenton: Bureau of Geology and Topography, New Jersey Geological Survey, 1976) p 90, 92; Ebenezer Wild, Journal of Ebenezer Wild, Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd Series, vol. 6, p 109-110; "Notes on the Battle of Monmouth" (originally published in the London Gazette, September 17, 1778), reprinted in The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Volume 14, 1890, pp. 46-47; Virginia Historical Society, Revolutionary War Orderly Book, June 1-July 2, 1778; R. W. Gibbes, Documentary History of the American Revolution, Consisting of Letters and Papers Relating to the Contest for Liberty, Chiefly in South Carolina 1764-1776, (New York, 1855) vol. 2, 255-6; Dr. Read’s account in John Rees, 'What is this You have been about Today?': The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle of Monmouth, www.revwar75/library/rees/monmouth/Monmouth.htm, p 32-3; Joseph Bloomfield, Citizen soldier: The Revolutionary War journal of Joseph Bloomfield (Newark: New Jersey Historical Society, 1982) p 137; John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 12, pp. 131-2; Virginia Historical Society, Revolutionary War Orderly Book, June 1-July 2, 1778; George Washington’s Orders in John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 12, p 147; David Griffith, letter, Monmouth Battlefield State Park, Battle of Monmouth files: folder - James Kochan; Nathanael Greene, The Papers of General Nathanael Greene (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1976) vol. 2, p 451. 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Samuel Lippincott, Man-Stealing, and Jailed Militiamen in New York by Michael Adelberg Lists like this one show that hundreds of prisoners were exchanged. But prisoner exchanges also fueled the “man stealing” of Monmouth County patriots who served as chips in later exchanges. - February 1780 - On a cold night in February 1780, Samuel Lippincott was kidnapped from his bed. He recalled: While in bed in his residence in Monmouth County, applicant’s residence was plundered by two black Refugees, who laid ready upon his house and took him out of his bed. After having tied his hands behind him, they, in the company of several Tories, conveyed him and two other prisoners to Sandy Hook, from whereabouts [on] the third day they were conveyed to New York. Lippincott was jailed three months in the notorious Sugar House prison until "that place becoming so crowded with prisoners, he was conveyed to the North Church where he remained until he was exchanged.” While there, Lippincott recalled a friend escaping from North Church "having procured a new civilian set of clothes with the connivance of two Hessian guards, passed through the board fence by which the church was surrounded, where a plank was missing, and mingled with the citizens." Lippincott was exchanged “after having been a prisoner for seven months and seven days.” The kidnapping of Lippincott represented an important pivot in the local war in Monmouth County in two ways. It is the first documented case of a party of Black Loyalists conducting a raid on their own, and it appears to be the first recorded “man-stealing” in Monmouth County. Man-stealing was the name given to small raids conducted primarily to carry off hostages. Monmouth Countians had been imprisoned in New York City jails at least since February 1777 when more than 70 Monmouth militiamen were captured by British regulars at the Battle of Navesink . At least four of the men taken that day were still imprisoned when Lippincott was taken. But Lippincott represented a new kind of Monmouth County prisoner—one taken not as a result of battle, but because Loyalists desired revenge for rebel abuses, and because new prisoners were needed for additional prisoner of war exchanges. Other Man-Stealings Captain Moses Shepherd led a militia company from Middletown Township. After the war, his widow, Rebecca Shepherd, wrote of his capture and imprisonment at about the same time as Lippincott’s capture: He was once made a prisoner taken in his own house by a party of Tories about dawn… he was taken to New York paroled as an officer on Long Island, stayed about six weeks, he, in company with Captain Thomas Chadwick took a small boat or skiff and came home, but was afterwards exchanged. William Morris testified to seeing Shepherd while he was detained in New York. “He was passing the prison in New York - Captain Moses Shepherd called to him from one of the windows. He [Morris] stayed and conversed with but was afraid to go in.” Two of Moses Shepherd’s nephews, Elisha Shepherd and Jacob Shepherd, were also captured in 1780. Elisha Shepherd recalled serving in the militia “until taken prisoner by the refugees under Col. Tye when he was taken to New York and put in the provost’s or hangman’s jail… and continued confined in said prison to the end of the war.” His brother, Jacob Shepherd, testified that “himself and his brother… were kept prisoners for about five months and he thinks they were exchanged in the month of March.” Two other militiamen, in their postwar pension applications, described being captured in small raids and taken to New York. Abraham Lane recalled that "he was taken prisoner by a company of Refugees of whom William Gillian was Captain, and was carried to the City of New York and confined in the Sugar House; from there he was removed to the North Church and detained prisoner from March to September 1781." He was paroled home and promptly re-joined the militia as a Lieutenant. Elijah Clayton recalled being taken at Colts Neck on May 14, 1781 “and confined in North Church, and from thence to the Sugar House, where he was kept prisoner until New Year's following, when he was exchanged." Thomas Clayton recalled meeting his brother, Elijah, while in jail: He did not know what had become of his brother until he was informed that he was a prisoner in the same city; that he obtained permission to go see said Elisha and asked for and received a dollar from a Black fellow in some office under the British... That the party that took him prisoner also took a horse from him, from which he never received any compensation. Of course, Monmouth militiamen continued to be taken in military encounters as well. Joseph Johnson was captured on March 16, 1780, on the Raritan Bayshore, while under serving Capt. Joseph Stillwell. Johnson "was taken prisoner... he was kept a prisoner of war in close confinement for 9 1/2 months at which time he took with small pox and very nearly died and then exchanged at Elizabethtown." He returned to militia service in July 1781. In April 1780, John Brown, recalled participating in a skirmish at Manasquan during which he "was taken prisoner by the British at Shrewsbury & carried to New York, where he remained a prisoner in close confinement for 7 months & suffered cruelly from his captors." He also returned to militia service in 1781. Prisoner Backlog in Brooklyn An important purpose of man-stealing was to gain chips to be used in subsequent prisoner exchanges. As noted in a prior article, one of the primary powers granted to the vigilante Associated Loyalists by the British was the ability to capture their own prisoners and conduct their own exchanges. Exchanges are the subject of another article , but it is important to note that the pace of exchanges was slower than captures and prisoners backlogged. From September 1780 until the end of 1782, there was a backlog of Monmouth County militia officers as prisoners. Lists of militia officers paroled to Loyalist houses in Brooklyn exist from September 1780 through war’s end. A "List of New Jersey Officers taken by British, 1776-1780," was compiled in September 1780. It lists 26 New Jersey militia officers confined in Brooklyn. Fourteen of the men were from Monmouth County. They are noted below along with information on their capture and status in September 1780. Six of these men were at home and not in service when taken, three were exchanged, and one was dead: Col. Daniel Hendrickson: taken June 11, 1779, "at his house...exchanged"; Lt. Col. John Smock: taken May 27, 1778, "at Monmouth Cty…not in service"; Lt. Col. Aucke Wikoff: taken June 11, 1779 "at his house...in Provost [jail]"; Maj. Hendrick Van Brunt: taken June 11, 1779 "at his house...in Shrewsbury"; Capt. Stephen Fleming: taken May 27, 1778 at "Monmouth Cty...exchanged"; Capt. Barnes Smock: taken February 13, 1777 "near Light House...exchanged"; Capt. Jacob Covenhoven: taken May 27, 1778 "in Monmouth Cty"; Capt. Richard McKnight: taken June 11, 1779 "in home...not in service, died 1780"; Lt. Thomas Cook: taken February 13, 1777 "near Light House"; Lt. James Whitlock: taken February 13, 1777 "near Light House"; Lt. Theophilus Little: taken May 27, 1778 "in Monmouth Cty...not in service"; Lt. [Moses] Shepherd: taken [no date] "at home in Monmouth Cty"; Lt. Thomas Little: taken June 27, 1778 "in Monmouth Cty"; Lt. Tobias Polhemus: taken February 13, 1777 "near Light House." At least two additional militia officers were captured in 1780 but are not included in this report. Captain Thomas Wainwright spent eighteen months in prison before he was exchanged. Captain Barnes Smock was captured in June 1780 and was exchanged in December. The condition of the prisoners of war in New York was a frequent concern of Continental officials. On September 9, 1780, Commandant of Prisoners, Abraham Skinner, wrote to Governor William Livingston about "the peculiar situation of prisoners of war belonging to this State." Skinner worried that the New Jersey government was not supporting its prisoners of war. Of the officers, he wrote: The officers who are prisoners on Long Island [Brooklyn] have not had the least supply or support from this office since the Spring of 1779; since which many of them have been at board on Long Island, and many of them are destitute of a single farthing, are liable to the daily insult from their landlords, who seem tired of supporting them without fee or reward, and if their exchange could be effected, they would be detained for payment of the debts. Of the enlisted men, Skinner wrote: The citizens and Privates of this State are confined in the Sugar House and churches in a wretched situation, many of them without a shirt or blanket, and no allowance except what they receive from the enemy, about 3 1/2 pounds of bread, which is issued to them by the Continental agent. Skinner wrote that the Jersey prisoners "feel mortification in seeing their fellow sufferers receive supplies from the neighboring States" while they receive nothing from New Jersey. That same month, Hendrick Van Brunt co-authored a petition to Governor William Livingston requesting provisions for prisoners. This included a request for £50 in cash for each officer on parole on Long Island to settle debts. The petitioners noted that nothing had been sent from New Jersey in more than a year, and a prior request for support had been ignored. The petition was signed by 30 New Jersey officers. Seventeen of these men were militia officers of which nine were from Monmouth County (Lt. Col. John Smock, Lt. Col. Aucke Wikoff, Van Brunt, Capt. Barnes Smock, Capt. Jacob Covenhoven, Lt. James Whitlock, Lt. Thomas Little, Lt. Tobias Polhemus, Lt. Thomas Cook). On August 5, 1782, Skinner, compiled a list of "Debts incurred by Sundry Americans Owing to their Captivity to Inhabitants on Long Island." Eleven prisoners on the list were "Jersey Militia" and six of those were Monmouth Countians: Little, McKnight (dead), Polhemus, John Smock, Van Brunt, and Whitlock. They had accumulated debts as high as £65. Skinner’s November 1782 "Schedule of Debts Accumulated by Paroled Prisoners on Long Island" listed the same six officers plus Jacob Covenhoven, Thomas Cook, Barnes Smock (re-captured), and Aucke Wikoff. Lt. Whitlock had been exchanged. The prisoners were prone to disease and privations. Some died. Mathias Mount, a prisoner who was exchanged, returned to Monmouth County and testified on April 24, 1781, about the death of Captain John Dennis while they were prisoners in New York: The deponent was a prisoner in New York in 1778, and was well acquainted with Capt. John Dennis of the 3rd Regiment of the militia of Monmouth County, and saith that John Dennis' wounds were not cured, and that the said Dennis after his death lay several days in the corner of the yard, before he was buried. The kidnapping of Samuel Lippincott presaged the appearance of Colonel Tye and the Black Brigade and the man-stealings that would punctuate the Revolutionary War in Monmouth County in 1780. Man-stealings advanced the local war in Monmouth County to a more brutal stage, leading a cycle of retribution between the vigilante Associated Loyalists and Monmouth County’s Retaliators . Sources : National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Samuel Lippincott; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Moses Shepherd of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# 16276047; -- National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Elisha Shepherd of OH, www.fold3.com/image/# 16277477; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Joseph Johnson; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Brown; List of Officers Taken, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3971; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p229-32; Selections from the Correspondence of the Executive of New Jersey, From 1776 to 1786 (Newark, NJ: Newark Daily Advertiser, 1848) pp. 260-1; Edward Roser, "American Prisoners Taken at the Battle of the Navesink," Genealogical Magazine of New Jersey, vol. 45, n 2, May 1970, p57; Hendrick Van Brunt to William Livingston, Selections from the Correspondence of the Executive of New Jersey, From 1776 to 1786 (Newark, NJ: Newark Daily Advertiser, 1848) pp. 261-3; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Abraham Lane; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Elihu Clayton; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 303; List of Debts of Prisoners on Long Island, National Archives, M246, RG93, reel 135, folder 4, pages 4-10; Schedule of Debts, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #4125. 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Disaffection of Rhoda Pew and Murder of James Pew by Michael Adelberg This sketch idealizes the life of Loyalist women behind British lines. Rhoda Pew of Middletown was arrested for visiting her Loyalist husband, exiled to New York, and then widowed after his murder. - November 1777 - Antipathy toward Loyalist refugees was raised to a higher level in fall 1777. Monmouth Countians were killed and wounded in combat a month earlier at the Battle of Germantown and, while hundreds of Monmouth militia were there, several Monmouth militiamen were captured and killed in a clash with Loyalists near Shrewsbury . Dozens of Monmouth militiamen captured at the Battle of Navesink remained in prison a half year after their capture. Along the shore, illegal trade flourished between Monmouth’s disaffected and Loyalists on Sandy Hook. James Pew was a boatman who lived on a midsized farm along the Raritan Bayshore. At some point in 1777, he went over to Sandy Hook and became one of the so-called “London Traders”—disaffected Monmouth Countians who acted as middlemen in the illegal trade between Monmouth County and British commissary officers on Sandy Hook and Staten Island. On November 17, Rhoda Pew, his wife, was indicted by the New Jersey Supreme Court for “voluntarily and unlawfully boarding a sloop of war belonging to the enemy when said sloop was lying off of Sandy Hook." She allegedly spent six days there, likely visiting with her husband. Rhoda Pew was fined and remained at home in Middletown, but her and husband’s Loyalism was now well understood. She may have requested permission to join him behind British lines. On May 29, 1778, Colonel Asher Holmes was directed by the New Jersey Council of Safety to “send the following women to their husbands in the enemy's lines." Rhoda Pew was one of the four women listed. The Murder of James Pew James Pew continued to trade illegally along the Raritan Bayshore where he, according to his wife, “had belonged to one of his Majesty's vessels in the Quarter Master's Department.” On one of his trips, he took some extra time to visit with family in Middletown Township. He was taken prisoner by “a party of rebels.” In 1782, Rhoda Pew wrote about her husband’s fate after he was captured: [He] was carried to Freehold and put into gaol, where he was kept confined for five days, and then put to death by the sentry, who discharged his musket through the wicket hole [in the cell door], and shot the prisoner through the body while he was sitting on the bench before the fire; he then took another musket, and shot him a second time through the body, the first bullet lodged in the chimney back and the second went into the floor. When Rhoda Pew learned that her husband was captured, she risked imprisonment by returning to Monmouth County. She went to Freehold “to carry her husband some cloathes.” There, “she found him murdered as described above and his corpse lying on the floor in prison... this deponent further saith that the rebels never punished the murderer." In a second statement, Rhoda Pew further testified that the murder occurred on November 10, 1778. She was specific about the murderer: He was Murdered by one James Tilley who was Sentry over the deceased at the time; the Coroner's Inquest brought him (Tilley) in guilty of Willful Murder; that he was confined in consequence thereof, but was released within three or four days afterwards, and is now at large. Antiquarian accounts further suggest that James Pew was taken while visiting family on the Middletown shore, and that Tilley claimed Pew was trying to escape when he was shot in his prison cell—which seems improbable. An antiquarian source disagrees with Rhoda Pew’s account with respect to the timing of James Pew’s murder—suggesting the murder occurred in fall 1779. There is no evidence to suggest that James Pew was a violent man and we do not know what motivated Tilley to shoot him twice at close range. James Tilley’s fate is unknown, but there is no evidence of his trial in surviving Monmouth County court records. Similarly, there is no record of Tilley serving in the militia or paying taxes. This suggests that Tilley, to avoid retribution from Loyalists, left Monmouth County shortly after the murder. Or perhaps he changed his name and weathered the rest of the war quietly under an alias. Disposing of the Pew Family Estate The disposition of James Pew’s estate after his death became complicated. In November 1779, the New Jersey Assembly received a petition from Wiliam Pew “and others.” The petition argued that: That the last will & testament of James Pew, deceased, was burned by the enemy in the house of Thomas Henderson, Surrogate for the County, in their passage through this State in the month of June 1778 -- and praying that an authenticated copy of the will, produced to the House, may be confirmed as the last will & testament of James Pew, deceased. Ordered, that the petitioners appear at the next session and present their case, must also advertise their petition, to allow rival heirs the opportunity to present their cases. A new will was presented to the Assembly on November 26. Presumably, it transferred James Pew’s estate to William Pew. The Assembly passed "An Act to Confirm a Copy of the Last Will and Testament of James Pew, late of the Township of Middletown in the County of Monmouth" in October 1780. William Pew chose not to hold onto the estate. The 300-acre estate was advertised for sale in the New Jersey Gazette in January 1782: “The plantation lies very pleasantly situated by the side of the salt water... a good house and barn.” The vulnerability of the estate to British/Loyalist attack was referenced, “it will be very valuable when the British leave New York.” Surviving documents do not state why James Pew’s estate was not seized and sold with other Loyalist estates. Perhaps William Pew, who was apparently a good Whig, was seen as a worthy inheritor of the family’s property. Throughout the estate confiscation process in Monmouth County, exceptions to the normal rules were made for the kin of Loyalists . In April 1782, the hanging of Captain Joshua Huddy led to the court martial trial of Richard Lippincott, the Shrewsbury Loyalist who led the hanging party. Rhoda Pew’s account of her husband’s murder was memorialized on June 9, 1782, as part of that trial (in order to document the abuses committed against Monmouth Loyalists). If not for this trial, James Pew’s murder would have went undocumented and would be forever lost to history. As for Rhoda Pew, as a Loyalist woman behind British lines, she received nothing from her husband’s estate. She likely lived very modestly in New York as a widow without family wealth to draw down. She was illiterate; she signed the deposition of her husband’s murder with an “X.” In April 1783, Rhoda Pew left New York for Canada with three children. Related Historic Site : Museum of the City of New York Sources : New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #37510; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - James Pew; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 243; Testimony of Rhoda Pew, Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #158-65; Transcript of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, http://personal.nbnet.nb.ca/halew/Lippincott.html ; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 38-9; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, November 25, 1779, p 47; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, September 26, 1780, p 273; The Acts of the Council and General Assembly of the State of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: Trenton, 1784) p151 Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 5, p 370; David Bell, American Loyalists to New Brunswick: Passenger Lists (Formac, 2015). 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