Gilded Age A Staggering Spectrum The Gilded Age was approximately from 1870-1900. In the years after the Civil War, America entered into an era of unprecedented advancement in both industry, technology, and travel. The transcontinental railroad was completed in 1869 with much-needed improvements, making cross-country travel and expansion easier. The boom in rail travel made the railroad executives and their related business partners, such as steel and shipping tycoons, very, very rich. These men were there for the birth of the nation’s booming industrial expansion, and so were early winners in the game of control. All of the major industries were ripe to hold monopolies in their areas of business. But when power goes unchecked, abuses will certainly follow. The Gilded Age displayed both magnificent wealth alongside abject poverty in a staggering spectrum of the haves and have-nots. Suffrage Women's Work “Woman herself must do this work; for woman alone can understand the height, the depth, the length and the breadth of her degradation. " - Elizabeth Cady Stanton While NJ was the first state to allow women the right to vote in 1790, that right was stripped in 1807. Women could not vote again in NJ until the ratification of the 19th amendment in 1920. Monmouth County saw its share of social reform movements as suffragists embraced the call to action, "Deeds Not Words." Prohibition Era Nothing But Trouble... Al Capone once famously said, "Prohibition has made nothing but trouble." There was a push by the "Bone-Drys" to ban alcohol, while the "Wets" wanted to leave the decision to drink alcohol to the individual. The contentious era began with the passing of the 18th amendment in 1919, banning the manufacture, sale, and or transportation of intoxicating liquors. The Volstead Act laid out the specifications for how this would be implemented in 1920. Where there is a will - and there was a big will - there is a way. The ban resulted in a boom of bootleggers who illegally produced and transported the booze, and the “Roaring 20s” exploded with a colorful underground culture of speakeasies (secret drinking establishments), liberated flappers, moonshine, rum runners, and a rise in organized crime. In short, it didn’t quite work out the way it was intended to, and was overturned in 1933. Prohibition was known as President Herbert Hoover’s “noble experiment.” It was not a new idea - temperance groups have existed in America since the late 18th century. The measure can be looked at as a well-meaning attempt to reduce crime and help curb the social issues that stem from alcohol and alcoholism, or it can be viewed as a government overreach on the personal liberties of Americans. The Great Depression and the New Deal T he Great Depression was the largest and longest economic downturn the country had seen then or since, beginning in the summer of 1929 and lasting through to 1941. Though largely misunderstood at the time and even since, there were many contributing factors. Most notably was the stock market crash in 1929, the banking panics that followed, and resulting financial crises that had a global impact. The commercial banking system collapsed in 1933 as frightened bank customers pulled out their money to keep safely at home. FDR enacted the Emergency Banking Act, aimed at strengthening the banking system and restoring confidence in it by assessing the banks for financial stability before they reopened, now with the backing of the Federal Reserve to protect customers against losses. In his first fireside chat shortly after, he assured Americans that their money was safer in the bank than hidden away at home. It was a step in the right direction, however, many misguided legislative attempts to correct the economy were made by the Federal Reserve that had unintended negative consequences. Monmouth County was a typical reflection of the Depression as it affected the rest of the country. Unemployment rates were approximately 1 in 4, and all felt the sting of inflated prices. The Roosevelt administration set in motion a number of government projects intended to make life better for Americans during this difficult time. To learn more, the Monmouth County Clerk's Office put together a wonderful exhibit catalog called The Great Depression in Monmouth County , curated by archivist Gary Saretzky. It is an excellent comprehensive resource for learning about the effects of the Depression locally. To help offset the economic struggle of the Depression, the government created the Works Progress Administration with the goal to create jobs for the unemployed while strengthening the country. Roads and bridges were built, and artists were hired to create murals and sculptures to beautify public spaces and buildings. View the box below to learn about some New Deal projects in Monmouth County. BACK

Colonial Monmouth Cockpit of the Revolution Due to its positioning as the corridor between New York and Philadelphia, Monmouth County has been referred to as the Cockpit of the Revolution. It was a hotbed of revolutionary activity, brimming with unsettling tension and violence between patriots and loyalists who had little tolerance for each other. Spying and secret business abounded, and much was happening behind the scenes to further the cause of American Independence. Colonial NJ 1600s -1763 Revolution! 1764 - 1783 Battle of Monmouth June 28, 1778 The Aftermath The effects of the war were felt for decades after in Monmouth County. Music of the Era Much can be learned from the songs that were being sung amongst the colonists, giving insight into the events and the sentiments surrounding them. Explore some of the popular tunes that would have been familiar to both Patriots and Loyalists alike! Historic Sites There are still plenty of places you can visit if you want to walk in the footsteps of our revolutionary ancestors. You have probably driven by many of them already and not known what happened there two and a half centuries ago! BACK

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Colonel George Taylor Turns Loyalist by Michael Adelberg Loyalists were recruited into British service with handbills like this one used in Philadelphia in 1777. George Taylor circulated similar handbills when recruiting in Monmouth County. - November 1776 - George Taylor was Monmouth County’s senior militia officer, the first-appointed militia colonel and leader of the county’s largest regiment (his regiment had ten companies, the other two regiments had eight companies). But Taylor’s family leaned Loyalist. His cousin, William Taylor, led a movement to oppose the Declaration of Independence. William and his uncle, John Taylor, would lead a Loyalist insurrection in December. George’s father, Edward Taylor, was a leading Committeeman in 1775 who would become publicly disaffected by 1777. By November 1776, George Taylor’s frustrations mounted. The county militia was wracked with dysfunction —several companies simply would not turn out. From his base on the Navesink Highlands, Taylor daily observed small vessels illegally trading with the British on Sandy Hook and Staten Island without the naval assets to intervene. He also daily observed a powerful British military with the ability to easily invade thinly-protected Monmouth County. The Continental Army was routed in New York and retreating across New Jersey. Governor William Livingston snubbed Taylor by denying him custody of a vessel that he captured from a British prize crew. Taylor began hedging his bets; he became a “friend ” to a budding Loyalist association. Taylor was charged with rotating militia companies to stand guard opposite the bustling British naval base at Sandy Hook. Mid-month, he ordered out a new militia company but knew it was insufficient to withstand a British attack. On November 19, Taylor wrote John Covenhoven, a delegate to the New Jersey Assembly, about the weak defenses and a new loyalty oath requirement: I have taken this method to inform you and the rest of the House that Col. [Daniel] Hendrickson's month ends next Thursday, and the men will be very anxious to return home. I am at a loss how to act in this case, as the General's are out [retreating across New Jersey] and no orders can be given... I have ordered a company down to Sandy Hook; the post, I think, lies the most exposed. Taylor also offered to resign from the militia in preference to signing a loyalty oath: I have been informed that an act of your House makes void all commissions when the bearer does not qualify [sign of loyalty oath], and if officers have no other principles to bind them but oaths, I should be very doubtful whether any extraordinary matter might be expected of them. This subject I shall drop, and request information whether you choose my resignation or I must act as usual. This, Gentlemen, is on your breasts. Taylor concluded the letter ominously: “I shall now remain inactive until I hear from you." News of Taylor’s quasi-resignation spread quickly. Colonel Samuel Forman, commanding the militia regiment from Upper Freehold, Dover and Staff townships, wrote Assemblyman Joseph Holmes about Taylor in November 21: There is a task laid before me that I don't like. Col. Taylor refuses taking the oath required: in consequence thereof, the officers refuse acting under him. They request me to take command the next month, which begins tomorrow. Tis quite likely that Col Taylor has orders from the General, and also money to supply the regiment with provisions. Before I can go [and take command], I must have orders and money to supply a Commissary. You see the immediate necessity of orders being sent, or our guards on shore may be suffering for provisions, and in the greatest confusion. On November 24, Colonel David Forman’s Flying Camp returned to Monmouth County to break up a budding Loyalist insurrection—one that George Taylor likely knew about because it was led by his cousin, William. As Forman started arresting Loyalists, George Taylor likely feared that his cordial relations with insurrectionists would be uncovered. On November 28, George Taylor "deserted to the enemy"—probably joining the British on Sandy Hook or Staten Island. Taylor apparently met with Courtland Skinner, General of the Loyalist New Jersey Volunteers , and offered himself up as a senior officer. Since the field officer ranks of the New Jersey Volunteers were filled (with Monmouth Countians Elisha Lawrence and John Morris already leading the 1st and 2nd Battalions), Skinner devised a novel role for him. On December 18, Taylor was commissioned the Colonel of Monmouth County’s [Loyalist] Militia: You are therefore to take said militia into your charge and care as Colonel thereof, and duly exercise both officers and soldiers of the same in arms; and as they are hereby commanded to obey you, as their Colonel, so are you likewise to observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time as you shall receive from your Captain General. Taylor’s ill-fated Loyalist militia and brief period as a Loyalist partisan are discussed in another article, but, regardless of title, George Taylor’s commission evolved into a recruiter role over the course of the war. In April 1779, Taylor paid 3-guinea bounties at Sandy Hook to seventeen Loyalists who he recruited from Monmouth County to join the New Jersey Volunteers. Six months later, deliberately vague orders were sent to Captain Swinney of the HMS Europe at Sandy Hook to assist Taylor. Taylor would "go ashore at Sandy Hook Bay as may suit his purpose, which are according to the Commander in Chief's directions." Related Historic Sites : Marlpit Hall Sources : Selections from the Correspondence of the Executive of New Jersey, From 1776 to 1786 (Newark, NJ: Newark Daily Advertiser, 1848) pp. 18-20; William S. Stryker, Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary War (Trenton: Naar, Day & Naar, 1872); Courtland Skinner to George Taylor, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 186; Thomas Crowell, letter, Library of Congress, MMC - Courtland Skinner, box 10; John Andre to Captain Swinney, Great Britain Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, Volume 634, folio 187; Michael Adelberg, “’I am as Innocent as an Unborn Child’: The Disaffection of Edward and George Taylor,” New Jersey History , Spring 2005, v 123, pp 1-25. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Loyalist Privateers Sail the Monmouth Shore by Michael Adelberg Rowboats, often with a small sail and small cannon on a turret, were used by both sides for coastal privateering. Loyalist crews conducted daring voyages down the Jersey shore from 1780-1782. - March 1780 - Prior articles have discussed the rise of privateering along the Jersey shore, first in the summer of 1778 with small vessels operating out of Little Egg Harbor , and then surging in spring 1779 when several New England privateers began preying on British shipping just outside of Sandy Hook. This was enabled by a weakened British naval presence, as the British diverted ships away from America to defend other parts of their empire from a growing coalition of European naval enemies—France, Spain, and the Netherlands. American Loyalists in New York complained about British weakness; some responded by going on offense in their own privateers. There is scattered evidence of Loyalist privateers operating off Toms River and elsewhere in 1778, and they returned in greater numbers in 1779. General Karl Bauermeister, based in New York, wrote of “freebooting” Loyalist privateers putting to sea in February 1779 : The homeless Loyalists who are still here are fitting out forty vessels to cruise under cover of six armed British ships and land anywhere between Rhode Island and Egg Harbor. They will keep all of their booty without exception, which has greatly encouraged them, for all of them had been well to do, but have lost everything. Bauermeister reported that Loyalist privateers had brought 46 prizes into New York since December. In April, he later reported that 32 Loyalist vessels were between New York and Delaware Bay. However, by June, Bauermeister was pessimistic: "Of the one hundred and twenty one New York privateers... sixty-one have been captured." He reported that 31 rebel vessels were “cruising between Sandy Hook and the Delaware." In early spring 1780, Loyalist privateers again went on offense along the Jersey shore. Below, are descriptions of successful small-vessel Loyalist privateer voyages along the Jersey shore from spring 1780. (Loyalist vessels scored additional wins along the Long Island and Connecticut shorelines, and larger Loyalist vessels scored some wins as far away as Charleston and the West Indies—but those voyages are beyond the scope of this article.) Loyalist Privateer Voyages in 1780 In March 1780, the New York Gazette & Weekly Mercury reported on "one of the most gallant privateering exploits performed by eleven determined refugee sailors." The Loyalists were motivated by "having been severely persecuted", "stripped of their property," and "reduced to circumstances detested by generous minds." So, they "resolved to balance accounts with the authors of their misfortune." They embarked in the whale boat, Lewistown Revenge , with only one swivel gun in the bow under a man named Wilby. Given its size, the boat must have stayed close to shore as it traversed the entire 70-mile Monmouth shoreline without incident. The newspaper reported: They passed Sandy Hook and proceeded to Egg Harbour [just south of Monmouth County] where they found three privateers ready for sea and a 12-gun schooner laden with lumber. Their number being inadequate for the force collected there, they pretended to be rebels and spent an evening with those who were really such in a most social manner. The Loyalists then proceeded to the Delaware Bay where "they captured a loaded vessel" and then another small vessel. The Loyalists captured and paroled "between fifty and sixty rebel prisoners." One of their prizes was lost at Cape May. The Loyalists, with their one remaining prize, then sailed the Monmouth shoreline again and nearly made it back to Sandy Hook. They lost their prize near Sandy Hook when a boat (likely Monmouth militia) chased them. One Loyalist was wounded during the journey. In June, the New York Gazette & Weekly Mercury , reported on another Loyalist whaleboat attack: The whaleboats, Fox, Capt. Urion, and Cock, Capt. Creppen, came in last Saturday after a five days cruize off Barnegat last Thursday. They fell in with two rebel whaleboats, with whom they engaged and took, killing one of their men without loss. It appears that those gentry intended to take our fishermen, and then plunder the inhabitants of Long Island or Staten Island. They belonged to Cape May and had a commission from Congress, eight men in each boat, well armed. Loyalist Privateers in Later Years of the War A year later, on August 25, 1781, the New York Gazette reported that "the whaleboat Surprise , Capt. Thomson, with a small boat in company" cruised between Barnegat and Manasquan where he "fell in with two large rebel gunboats" with three guns each. "They engaged, and after an hour of close combat were obliged to sheer off with the loss of one of the rebel commanders, and a number of men, four of whom were seen thrown overboard." Thomson "received a swivel gun [shot] in his groin" and two of his men were wounded. Thomson kept giving orders while "in a supine position from the wound." The report concluded that his actions "does him much credit and demands tribute and praise." An antiquarian account provides additional details. Captain William Thomson left New York City for Barnegat in a small vessel where he fell in with two privateers, one with a howitzer, and both with swivel guns. The antiquarian source continued: A very severe action was fought between the boat Surprise, Captain Thomson, and her consort, both crews consisting of twenty-four men and two rebel boats belonging to Philadelphia off Barnegat on the coast of New Jersey. The conflict lasted more than an hour within pistol shot in which Captain Thomson received a severe wound in the thigh notwithstanding which he continued the contest until the rebels took to their oars, first throwing over four of their dead, among the number was one of their Captains. Loyalist privateers continued to score occasional victories into late 1782. The last recorded prize taken off the Jersey shore was reported in the New York Gazette reported in October 1782: The galley, Boston Hero , Captain Read, from Boston, of 8 guns and 26 men was brought in here [New York] on Tuesday last, by the whaleboat Black Snake , Capt. Richardson, 12 men only. Capt. Read having sent 9 of his men ashore for water near Egg Harbor, the Black Snake's crew made prisoners of them in a farm house, then rowed on board the galley in the night and took her without firing a single shot. Capt. Richardson also brought in "the sloop Nancy , Capt. Dedrick, from Egg Harbor." This report suggests that the Loyalists were not opposed, and may have been supported, by the disaffected residents of Stafford Township —who surely could have assembled and protected the New Englanders against only twelve Loyalists. This and other incidents demonstrate that the Loyalist crews sailing the Monmouth shore often enjoyed some support from pockets of Jersey shore residents. The totality of evidence suggests that American privateers from Philadelphia (commonly based at Egg Harbor), New England, and small vessels manned by New Jersey militia took dozens more prizes than the Loyalist privateers operating out of New York. Besides a brief period of time in 1780 when the British navy was aggressive on the Jersey shore (the subject of another article), the British navy was not a consistent check against these privateers. But it is also true that a handful of small Loyalist vessels successfully sailed the New Jersey shoreline. Braving rebel privateers and militia boats, these Loyalists scored more than a few victories. This article, focusing only on their New Jersey shore voyages, remembers a fraction of these forgotten Loyalist victories. Related Historic Site : National Museum of the United States Navy Sources : New York Gazette & Weekly Mercury, March 27, 1780; New York Gazette & Weekly Mercury, June 19, 1780; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Notes and Queries: A Medium of Intercommunication for Literary Men, General Readers, etc. (London: Oxford University Press, 1876), 5th Series, vol. 5, p247. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Difficult Service of Forman's Flying Camp by Michael Adelberg British soldiers rowed ashore, assembled, and attacked the ill-prepared Continental Army in present-day Brooklyn. David Forman’s regiment saw limited action during the battle. - June 1776 - In June 1776, with momentum building for a declaration of independence and a massive British Army on its way, the Thirteen Colonies renewed their efforts to raise men for the Continental Army. Among other measures, on June 3, the New Jersey Provincial Congress passed an act to raise up to 3,300 “Flying Camp” to join the Continental Army. Flying Camp were like other Continental soldiers but, importantly, their enlistments would run for only five months—the expected length of time of the 1776 military campaign season. Raising Forman’s Regiment One Flying Camp regiment would be raised from Middlesex and Monmouth Counties--Nathaniel Heard of Woodbridge and David Forman of Freehold were charged with raising four companies each from their home counties. Recruiting began in May, prior to the passage of the act, and the regiment reached critical mass by mid-June. Thomas Henderson (a major in the newly-raised regiment) recalled that the first part of the Flying Camp left for “Long Island and joined General Washington's army” on June 14. (Brooklyn and Queens were discussed as part of Long Island in the 1700s.) A month later on July 15, as additional Monmouth County company raised from Upper Freehold left for New York. Forman’s recruits left Monmouth County at an inopportune time. As they left, a Loyalist insurrection bubbled up in Upper Freehold township. The departure of 200 supporters of the Revolution left the Monmouth militia weakened at its first moment of crisis. Noting the militia’s weakness, the New Jersey Provincial Congress resolved on July 2 that no additional Monmouth County militia would leave the county beyond Forman’s men: Resolved, That, in the opinion of this Congress, the Militia of Monmouth County ought, for the present, to remain in their own County, excepting such part thereof as by the late Ordinance of this Congress were required to form their proportion of the New-Jersey Brigade of three thousand three hundred men. Surviving documents do not reveal exactly when the full Middlesex-Monmouth regiment, now commanded by David Forman, its colonel, reached Long Island. However, one of the men, Isaac Vredenburgh, recalled their line of march and initial responsibilities upon reaching Brooklyn: His company was attached to the Regiment commanded by Col David Forman. A few days after the company marched to Elizabeth Town and from thence by Bergen Point & Staten Island, to Long Island [Brooklyn], and that they labored there and were engaged in constructing redoubts, and breastworks. Forman’s Regiment in the New York Campaign Forman’s regiment was assigned to a brigade commanded by General Nathanael Greene of Rhode Island. Greene’s first order mentioning Forman’s regiment concerned gathering "slaw bunks [sick beds] from the different regiments” for Forman. Greene’s order continued “two companies that have been with Col. Forman's Regiment are exceedingly sick, great numbers taken down every day." Indeed, sickness would prove far more dangerous to Forman’s Flying Camp than British soldiers. Periodic muster rolls from Forman’s regiment show the impact of sickness on the regiment during its five months of service. July 1776 – 451 men (42 sick & present, 0 sick & home) September, 352 total (25 sick & present, 131 sick & home); October – 253 men (20 sick & present, 115 sick & home) By October, Forman’s regiment had lost roughly 40% of its men. While there were a few captures and deaths, sickness caused the large majority of losses. After the Continental Army’s disastrous first battle with the British in Brooklyn, the Continental Army began retreating across New York. With the Army in motion, desertions also became a problem. On September 9, Forman advertised a 40-shilling reward for the return of sixteen deserters. He re-advertised for their return in two New York newspapers again on September 28, suggesting little initial success in locating and capturing the deserters. Other men left the regiment for various reasons. Muster rolls record six men being furloughed home (presumably they would return). Forman furloughed himself in September, perhaps to search for the deserters. Other men were listed as “on command” – a catch-all term used for men on temporary assignments away from their company. Common reasons men were listed “on command” include service at a military hospital, gathering supplies for the Army, and recruiting. Combat deaths were a relatively small problem – there were only two combat deaths across the four Monmouth companies. Other documents provide glimpses into the ill-discipline of the rank and file. Orderly books from junior officers and sergeants in Forman’s regiment provide glimpses into the Army’s disorder: July 10: “The General doubts not the person that took and mutilated the statue in the Broadway last night was actuated by zeal in the public cause, yet it was so much the appearance of riot & want of order in the Army that he directs that in the future these things may be avoided by the soldiers & left to be executed by the proper authority.” July 13: [Soldiers] “instead of attending to their duty at the beating of a drum, continued along the banks of the North River, gazing at the ships”; July 17: “Complaints having been frequently made that the Sentries, especially those posted along the river, fire wantonly at boats and persons passing - officers are to be careful upon this head and acquaint Sentries that they are not to molest or upset the ferry boats”; August 3: Warning issued regarding "the foolish & wicked practice of profane cursing and swearing"; August 6: Men chastised for "bad behavior" towards locals "taking and destroying their things." The first time Forman’s regiment saw battle was at the Battle of Long Island (Brooklyn). Several of Forman’s men discussed it in their postwar veteran’s pension applications (written in the 1820s). Some anecdotes about the Battle of Long Island are offered below: David Baird recalled that he “marched to Flatbush where a battle was fought -- that he was not in the main battle, but was engaged in a skirmish with the British during the day, and made a narrow escape with his life, being shot at by a Hessian of whom some of his men killed afterwards, the bullet passing his temple but doing no serious harm." John Bruce recalled that he “was employed in making entrenchments and fortifications in Brooklyn, at which place they continued until a few days after the battle of Flatbush... Saw the engagement but was not in the battle." Isaac Childs recalled that he "was in the battle of Long Island when the British took it, and saved myself from being prisoner by swimming to the Yellow Mill." James Craig recalled that “when the British Army attacked the Americans at Long Island… were placed in a piece of woods that skirted the roads which the British Army had to come.” His friend, Jacob Pettenger, recalled that Craig “induced a fleeing soldier” to return and stay in formation. Samuel Mundy recalled the hurried retreat of Forman’s regiment after the battle: He recalled the regiment fleeing suddenly at 11 pm "leaving their tents standing.” After the Battle of Long Island, Washington’s Army, with Forman’s regiment in it, spent the fall retreating across New York and into New Jersey. Isaac Vrendenburgh recalled the regiment’s line of march: Remained in the New York a very short time when the whole army move towards Harlem, and from thence marched to Fort Washington and while there had several recontres with the enemy – Shortly after marched up to the White Plains, where the American forces were collected, and where he remained until the battle at that place occurred, in which he was engaged. After this affair, marched some distance further north and crossed the Hudson, and then marched down southerly through Haverstraw to Fort Lee, and from thence through Bergen County to Newark and Elizabethtown in Essex. With only a week remaining in their enlistment, on November 24, Forman was permitted to pull his regiment away from the Army and return to Monmouth County. This was done in order to suppress a burgeoning Loyalist insurrection. Samuel Mundy recalled: The Colonel of the regiment received orders to take his regiment to Perth Amboy & cross over into Monmouth County to disarm certain disaffected persons in that county - immediately after this service he was discharged with the rest by the Colonel, their term of service expired. Forman’s campaign against the Monmouth insurrectionaries is discussed in another article. Related Historic Site : Brooklyn Battlefield (Battle of Long Island, Brooklyn, NY) Sources : Anderson, John R. "Militia Law in Revolutionary New Jersey." Proceedings of the New Jersey historical Society, vols. LXXVI and LXXVII (July 1956 and January 1959), pp. 291, 293-4; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Henderson of New Jersey, www.fold3.com/image/#23877525 ; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009) pp. 550-1; Charles H. Lesser, The Sinews of Independence: Monthly Strength Reports of the Continental Army (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), pp. 26-34; New York Historical Society, Orderly Books Collection, Captain Henry Weatherhill, reel 3, #32 and American Book #32; Library of Congress, William Walton, Orderly Book; Nathanael Greene, The Papers of General Nathanael Greene (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1976) vol. 1, pp. 270-1; Peter Kinnan, Orderly Book Kept by Peter Kinnan, pp. X, 19-56; New York Gazette & Weekly Mercury, September 9, 1776; David Forman returns, National Archives, Collection 881, R 640; New Jersey Provincial Congress, July 2, 17776, in Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v6: p 1632, 1635; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Samuel Mundy of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#25890437 ; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 1, p 197; David Forman returns, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 69, p2, 5, 7, 11; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - David Baird; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p228; John Rees, Eyewitness to Battle: The Pension Depositions of Frederick Van Lew and Isaac Childs, Brigade Dispatch, vol 29, n 3, 1999, p 18-21; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John Bruce of New York, www.fold3.com/image/#11713958 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Jacob Pettinerger of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# 25952031. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Militia Defeated by New Jersey Volunteers Near Sandy Hook by Michael Adelberg Captain John Dennis’s militia company was stationed in the town of Shrewsbury. The town’s proximity to the British base at Sandy Hook and disaffection of many residents put the militia at risk. - October 1777 - As noted in prior articles, in late September 1777, hundreds of Monmouth County’s most committed patriots mustered under Brigadier General David Forman and left the county to join George Washington’s Army in the defense of the nation’s capital, Philadelphia. Loyalists in the British service, camped on Staten Island and Sandy Hook, had good intelligence into Monmouth County through regular contact with illegal traders and disaffected inside the county. They saw an opportunity to attack while the best defenders were away. New Jersey Volunteers Attack Shrewsbury In early October, while Monmouth County was lacking Forman’s Additional Regiment and its most spirited militia, a company of New Jersey Volunteers (Loyalists) came off Sandy Hook and launched an incursion into Shrewsbury Township. Antiquarian accounts from the 1800s combined oral histories and sources to narrate this attack. According to the plurality of accounts, a company of New Jersey Volunteers under Captain John Taylor came off Sandy Hook to take back the cargo of a beached British vessel. A local militia party under Captain John Dennis was at the village of Shrewsbury, near the beached vessel. The Loyalists turned to attack the militia prior to taking the cargo. After a brief battle, the militia was scattered. The Loyalists captured Dennis and six or nine of his men. A junior officer, John Little, was killed. Dennis was jailed in New York and died three months later. Loyalist newspapers in New York reported on the attack. The New York Gazette offered a brief account that exaggerated the scope of the Loyalist victory: On Thursday last, about 40 men, part of Col. [Elisha] Lawrence's corps, proceeded from the Light House into Shrewsbury; that same night they met with a party of rebel Captain Dennis at Shrewsbury, guarding a schooner lately taken belonging to the Crown. They immediately attacked and took all the Rebels prisoners, and they are now on their passage to this city. The New York Gazette & Weekly Mercury published two similar but not identical accounts of the skirmish. These reports provide additional details on the clash. The reports state that the Loyalists “went in search of some rebel Light Horse that he [Taylor] heard was at Shrewsbury, and soon fell in with a party of militia.” The battle was brief but intense: “a smart firing ensued.” The reports did not mention retaking the cargo of a beached vessel. The reports list the captured militia beyond Captain Dennis; they were: “Lieut. Cook Lester, George Rivets, Abraham Lane, Michael Maps, Cornelius Treat and William Herrell.” One report lists Lieutenant John Little as fatally wounded. That same report notes that John Williamson, in Taylor’s party, was shot in the thigh during the action. Responding to the Attack Dr. Thomas Henderson, a close ally of David Forman who remained in Monmouth County, conveyed news of the attack to Forman, who was leading the Monmouth troops in Pennsylvania. Henderson sent militia Captain Andrew Brown to brief Forman. Brown carried a letter from Henderson: I have the unhappiness to inform you that we have lost a brave man, John Little, who was wounded in a skirmish with the Tories & died soon after. We have also lost Capt. John Dennis & nine of his men were lost by disobeying orders, for particulars, must refer you to the bearer or until I have the pleasure of seeing [you], which I wish speedily to be the case. Henderson also referenced observations made about British ships leaving Sandy Hook. Forman forwarded Henderson's letter to George Washington with a brief note vouching for Henderson’s credibility. Forman called Henderson, "a gentleman that has taken an early & warm attachment to our cause, a man of understanding and good information." On hearing from Brown, at least one Monmouth militia company broke off from Forman and returned to Monmouth County in haste. Tunis Aumack, a member of that company, recalled: He marched part of the way to Germantown in Pennsylvania before the engagement took place, but his company was sent back to drive off the British and Tories who were pillaging along the shore in their absence. Captain John Taylor (not the same man as the John Taylor who led the Middletown Loyalist Insurrection) was a tavern keeper at Colts Neck before the war. He was among the first wave of Monmouth Loyalists who joined the British in July 1776. He served in the New Jersey Volunteers throughout the war and was among the New Jersey Loyalists selected to join the British Army during the Carolina campaign. He was captured at the Battle of King’s Mountain in October 1781. John Dennis was replaced as militia captain by his brother, Benjamin Dennis. Despite the danger, the company continued to station itself in Shrewsbury village. Benjamin Dennis was killed by Pine Robbers in 1779. A third family member, Samuel Dennis, replaced him. In December 1778, Colonel Daniel Hendrickson, commanding the Shrewsbury militia, gave $30 to Rebecca Dennis, wife of Captain John Dennis, to help support the family. The author’s prior research demonstrates that roughly half of the militia officers from Shrewsbury and Middletown, the township’s closest to Sandy Hook, were victimized during the war. Overall, leaders were twice as likely to suffer during the war as the general population. Related Historic Site : The Allen House Sources : Mary Hyde, Jersey at Germantown, New York Times, May 3, 1896, p1-2; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p204; David C. Munn, "Revolutionary War Casualties," Genealogical Magazine of New Jersey, vol 55 (1980) p 144; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 1, pp. 473-4; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Tunis Aumock; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Thomas Henderson to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, October 5 and 9, 1777; Michael Adelberg, “An Evenly Balanced County: The Scope and Severity of Civil Warfare in Revolutionary Monmouth County New Jersey,” Journal of Military History , January 2009, vol. 73, n. 1, pp. 9-48; Daniel Hendrickson, Certificate, Monmouth County Historical Association, Haskell Collection, box 1, folder 10. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Huddy's Artillery Company by Michael Adelberg Reenactors man a small iron cannon. Joshua Huddy’s Artillery Company had two smaller cannon. They missed the Battle of Germantown because transporting the cannon slowed their march. - October 1777 - In September 1777, many New Jerseyans predicted that British raids from New York and Sandy Hook would soon get much worse. That is because General John Sullivan’s August 22 raid against Staten Island would elicit retaliation from the British and Loyalists camped there. Further, the most spirited Revolutionaries in New Jersey were leaving the state en masse to help George Washington’s Army defend Philadelphia. This left New Jersey especially vulnerable; no county was more vulnerable than Monmouth County, with its long, exposed shoreline and disproportionate number of militia out-of-state. The Controversial Joshua Huddy To help provide added security along the Monmouth shore at this vulnerable moment, the State of New Jersey turned to an unlikely man—Joshua Huddy. Huddy was not from Monmouth County—he was born into a Salem County Quaker family. His pre-war life included expulsion from the Quakers for “dissolute behavior,” unpaid debts and a foreclosed estate, estrangement from his first wife, and a near-fatal boating accident in which others perished. Despite these blemishes, Huddy was a vocal supporter of the Revolution. Huddy was among the first New Jersians to be put to sea as a privateer. His first date at sea is unknown and it is also unknown if he captured any prizes. But it is known that Huddy’s vessel was taken by Captain Bridger Goodrich of the HMS Hammond in early August 1777. Huddy was taken to New York and interrogated by Mayor David Matthews during which he described his vessel: The said schooner at the time of her capture mounted six carriage guns & eight swivels and that she was commissioned by the Continental Congress to take & seize as a prize the ships, vessels & effects of the inhabitants of Great Britain. Huddy was apparently quickly exchanged and returned home, but he lost his ship. In need of a new source of income, on September 24, Huddy was commissioned to raise an artillery company of State Troops. State Troops were subject to the same command structure as New Jersey militia, but the men who joined the State Troops received bounties and served continuous enlistments (six months or one year) like the Flying Camp who augmented the Continental Army. The New Jersey Legislature put Huddy “under the particular direction of Brigadier General Forman [David Forman].” Huddy was ordered to set up camp at Tinton Falls, slightly inland from the site of the Monmouth militia’s worst defeat on the Navesink Highlands. One of Huddy’s men, William Cheeseman, recalled that the company had "two artillery pieces." Thomas Patten remembered building the carriages necessary to move the cannon. Huddy used his own horses to pull those cannon (for which he was belatedly compensated by the New Jersey Legislature two years later). How the cannon came to Huddy is a mystery. Perhaps they were taken off a privateer after Huddy left the sea for a land command; perhaps David Forman, who sought to build a small fort on the Highlands, procured the cannon and then thought better of putting them at risk by placing them on the Highlands. Within a few days of arriving at Tinton Falls, the Loyalist, Stephen Edwards, was captured at Eatontown, just a few miles from Tinton Falls. It appears that Huddy accompanied Edwards to Freehold and participated in the impromptu military trial convened by Forman. Edwards was sentenced to death for spying and hanged two days later. Huddy participated in the hanging of Edwards, slipping the noose around his neck. While in Freehold, Huddy assaulted Charles Gilmore and was indicted for the assault. He would plead guilty at the first Monmouth County Court of Oyer and Terminer in January 1778, admitting that "with force of arms… did make an assault on the said Charles Gilman [sic], then & there, did beat, wound, & ill treat [him], and other wrongs." Gilmore was from Middletown. Based on his petition signatures, he supported the Revolution and was wealthy enough to purchase a militia substitute for himself. It is not known why he and Huddy came to blows. While Huddy’s company was created to protect Shrewsbury Township from incursions, Huddy’s commander was David Forman, and, in early October, Forman raised a force to join Washington’s Army in Pennsylvania. Huddy and his company took one of their cannon and went with Forman. However, because the cannon was too heavy to be moved quickly, Huddy’s company was unable to keep up with the rapid movements of the infantry. So, as Forman and a few hundred other Monmouth Countians engaged in close combat at the Battle of Germantown , Huddy’s company sat-out the battle. While Huddy was away, a large British and Loyalist raiding party attacked Little Egg Harbor and slaughtered Kasimir Pulaski’s newly-raised legion on Osborn Island at the southern tip of Monmouth County. A second Loyalist party came off Sandy Hook and attacked a company of Shrewsbury militia under Captain John Dennis. Dennis and several militiamen were killed, wounded or taken. If Huddy’s company stayed at Tinton Falls, the odds are good that the Loyalist party that defeated Dennis would have never left Sandy Hook. Huddy’s company returned to Shrewsbury in October. One of his men, John Nivison, recalled spending six months in "an artillery company stationed at Tinton Falls." Huddy’s men participated in at least one skirmish during this time. Henry Vail recalled that: He had a skirmish with the enemy (British, Refugees and Green Coats) at Shark River Inlet. They landed from a frigate to destroy the salt works, but was repulsed & drove off. Capt. Joshua Huddy of the artillery company was the commander. In an interesting footnote to the service at Tinton Falls, at least one of Huddy’s men, William Sanford, moved his young family east to be with him. This cut against the trend of shore families moving west to live in areas less vulnerable to raids. Jerusa Sanford recalled, "she moved to Tinton Falls” with her small children. She "was frequently in the habit of seeing her husband" while on duty. Fortunately for the Sanford family, Tinton Falls was not attacked during Huddy’s tenure as State Troop commander. The village was, however, victimized by two raids in spring 1779, the latter of which razed the village and resulted in the capture of its leading citizens. As for Huddy, he remained a vigorous Revolutionary (for example, he led a risky attack on the British baggage train during the Battle of Monmouth) with a volatile personal life (including a second broken marriage and another assault charge). He was well known to Loyalist raiders who captured him three times (though he escaped once). On his last capture in April 1782, Huddy was hanged by Loyalists in retaliation for the prior murder of the Loyalist Philip White. Huddy’s murder lit a diplomatic bonfire that went to the highest levels of the Continental, British and French governments. Related Historical Site : Captain Joshua Huddy’s Homestead Sources : Catalog of the Exhibition: Joshua Huddy and the American Revolution, Monmouth County Library Headquarters, Manalapan, New Jersey, October 2004; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Nivison; Joshua Huddy interrogation from David Matthews, http://primarysources.brillonline.com/browse/prize-papers-part-1-online/sally-joshua-huddy-volunteer-on-board;prizepaperspp0104917 ; Mark Lender, “The Enlisted Line: The Continental Soldiers of New Jersey”(Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1975) p 51; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 183-91; Dennis Ryan, New Jersey in the American Revolution (Trenton: New Jersey Historical Commission, 1974) p 25; The Acts of the Council and General Assembly of the State of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: Trenton, 1784) p 27; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of William Sanford of NJ, National Archives, p3-5, 22-3; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #35912; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Henry Vail of NJ, National Archives, p4; Catalog of the Exhibition: Joshua Huddy and the American Revolution, Monmouth County Library Headquarters, October 2004 (original in Monmouth County Archives); National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - William Cheeseman. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Asher Holmes Raises New Regiments of State Troops by Michael Adelberg Handbills advertised large bounties for joining the Continental Army. Recruiters for the New Jersey State Troops, defending Monmouth County, competed for recruits but could not offer bounties. - March 1780 - Prior articles have discussed the first State Troops from Monmouth County. State Troops were local militiamen who volunteered for several months of continuous service, during which they were, per New Jersey law, "entitled to the same pay and rations" as Continental troops. The first of these State Troops was an artillery company raised by Captain Joshua Huddy in 1777. In June 1779, as Continental troops were being withdrawn from Monmouth County, Colonel Asher Holmes was given permission to raise a regiment of State Troops to replace them. While Holmes likely never raised even half a regiment, the State Troops were deemed helpful, and regiments of State Troops were re-raised and continuously served in Monmouth County through the end of 1782. Re-Raising State Troops in Monmouth County The State Troops raised by Holmes in June-July 1779, enlisted for nine months. So, in March 1780, Holmes began enlisting new State Troops. He did this without a law from the New Jersey Legislature explicitly authorizing him to do so. Colonel Holmes apparently pressed the case to re-raise the regiment of State Troops before the Legislature. A March 21 letter, from Governor William Livingston to Holmes alluded to this, and it appears that Holmes was given encouragement to raise the regiment even before the Legislature was able to act. In that same letter, Livingston acknowledged Holmes’s need to raise men for the defense of Monmouth County and authorized him to call up 80 militia for temporary service. These militia and State Troops would be sorely tested in the coming months—the Loyalist raids of 1780 were more frequent and intense than any other year of the war. A March 11 document lists fourteen State Troop recruits. Thirteen of these men were from Freehold and Upper Townships (one from Middletown). All of the recruits were under age 24 except one (33-year-old Jonathan Jones of Freehold). The youngest was Solomon Ivins, Jr., of Upper Freehold, only 16 on the date of enlistment, but apparently 17 by his first date of service. Apparently, Ivins’ enlistment caused quite a stir. Another recruit, Jacob Hall, recalled after the war that he “was then encamped at Freehold town when Capt. William Barton brought in a number of recruits for the Army, among them was young Solomon Ivins.” Soon after, “old Solomon Ivins (the Quaker Preacher) came to camp on horseback in order to induce his son to leave the company, and he would procure him a substitute." Hall wrote that young Solomon would not leave: Young Sol had told the deponent that he had married Kitty Scott and offended the old man by doing so, and he had so much fuss on the matter, that he had enlisted, and more, he would not leave the Army to please the old fellow; the said Solomon Ivins was a good soldier and served until the close of the war. Still lacking a law to raise a new regiment, Holmes continued recruiting. A list of recruits dated May 25, 1780, documents that Captain Samuel Carhart of Middletown Township had raised a full company of 54 men (including the fourteen raised in March). 31 of the recruits were under age 21, six were over 30 years old (42 year old George Smith was the oldest). 31 of the men were from Freehold Township, 18 from Middletown, 7 from Upper Freehold, and 1 from Middlesex County. Recruiting Disparities between State Troops and the Continental Army The New Jersey Legislature finally acted on June 14, 1780 (five days after a punishing raid against Middletown ). It authorized Holmes "to raise a [second] company of volunteers for the defense of a part of the County of Monmouth [in addition to Carhart’s]." The law also authorized a smaller company of State Troops to be stationed at Toms River, where Loyalist raiders and Pine Robber gangs created a double threat. Lieutenants Joshua Studson and Ephraim Jenkins were appointed "to raise by voluntary enlistment" 30 men to defend the lower shore. Other counties were authorized to raise companies of state troops as well. Importantly, the law also authorized recruiting officers across the state to raise 640 men for the Continental Army, including a 60-man quota for Monmouth County (the third highest county quota). Army units detached to Monmouth County recruited without contributing to the quote. The Virginia dragoons of Major Henry Lee's Virginia cavalry appear to have enlisted six Monmouth Countians while stationed in the county in 1780. So, Continental Army recruiters and State Troop recruiters directly competed. Army recruits received a L12 bounty and Army recruiters received a 30-schilling bonus for each recruit. State Troop recruits received no bounty; recruiters received no bonus. Legislators likely knew that they put the State Troops at a significant disadvantage. A second law passed that month gave Holmes permission to complete his State Troop companies by drafting men out of local militia companies. On June 28, 23 men—exclusively from Freehold and Middletown townships, ranging in ages from 17 to 34—were drafted to complete Holmes’s two companies. The Toms River company recruited separately and its strength at this time is unknown. The New Jersey Legislature further tweaked recruiting rules in 1781, but continued to provide greater incentives for Continental recruiters. Holmes had Captain Carhart write the Governor on June 5 about difficulties raising State Troops. Captains Carhart, Anderson, and John Walton were State Troop recruiters for the county and given a quota of 259 men to raise. Carhart wrote that he was unable recruit because: 1.) State Troops offered no recruitment bounty (while the Continental Army was offering a $200 bounty for enlistment), and 2.) the State’s late payment to the State Troops discouraged recruits. Carhart complained that men were leaving the State Troops for Continental service. This made Carhart ask: “I must beg your Excellency's opinion whether men who are enlisted in our company can, with propriety, leave us to enlist in the Continental Army." Several months later, in November 1781, the New Jersey Assembly considered Monmouth County’s Esek Van Dorn. He had been recruited out of the State Troops into the Continental Army. He petitioned the Assembly, "setting forth that he has been a considerable time over and above his term of enlistment [in the Army], and has been refused discharge.” He requested “the interdisposition of the Legislature" to release him. There likely was confusion over whether Van Dorn’s time in the State Troops counted toward his term of service in the Continental Army. George Washington and Governor Livingston respected the mission of the Monmouth State Troops to stay home and defend the county. Shortly after the passage of the June 1780 law, Livingston excused the Monmouth militia and state troops from responding to the British incursion at Springfield, writing that “our regiments along the frontiers cannot be called from their own counties without exposing them to the ravages of the refugees." On August 3, Washington and Livingston exchanged letters about mobilizing New Jersey militia to respond to an expected British incursion into New Jersey. It was noted that Holmes was told to "remain there" in Monmouth County for three the next three months even during periods of alarm. There is no evidence that the State Troops were ordered out of the county. Respect for the State Troops did not prevent Livingston from ordering Asher Holmes on, June 27, 1781, to furnish militia for three months of service with the Continental Army. The Governor wrote: You are required to call forth half a class or sixteen men from the several companies in your Regiment, to be officered with a Lieutenant and suitable number of non-commissioned officers... to be in service three months. They are to receive three schilling per day and exempted for nine months after the expiration of their service from their monthly call of duty. The men were to report to Morristown on July 15. Similar requests were made from each New Jersey county and colonels were ordered to "fine according to the law, those who shall refuse." The call-out was largely ignored; as of August 6, only 60 men had come into Morristown. Colonel Robert Taylor of Gloucester County complained that his men (from Egg Harbor) refused to assemble because they were "so lately plundered" by Pine Robbers . There is no evidence that Holmes sent anyone to Morristown, but Samuel Forman, commanding the Upper Freehold militia, sent a company of men under Captain John Coward in August. The Men Who Served in the State Troops Service in the State Troops was hard and dangerous. State troops camped near enemy lines in northeast Monmouth County and frequently marched on reports of enemy landings. At times, they found the enemy and fought them, at times they chased shadows. The State was frequently late in paying and supplying the men. Many of the men who joined the State Troops were already veterans of the local war. This is particularly illustrated in the pension application of John Brown. Before joining the State Troops, Brown served for six months under Colonel David Forman in his regiment of Flying Camp in 1776. He then served in the militia consistently. In April 1780, Brown was in a militia company that unsuccessfully attempted to repel a Loyalist-raid at Manasquan . Brown recalled that “some of his officers were killed in battle.” Soon after, he "was taken prisoner by the British at Shrewsbury & carried to New York, where he remained a prisoner in close confinement for 7 months & suffered cruelly from his captors.” Home again in Shrewsbury, Brown, perhaps fearing re-capture, enlisted in the State Troops. "He equipped himself as a mounted dragoon & volunteered to serve 9 months… during the latter part of that service he received a wound from a musket ball in his shoulder, which disabled him for 4 or 5 months." Thomas Geron served in the State troops from May 1779 through the end of 1782. He served under various officers and locations, before settling into “a company of horsemen" under Captain John Walton. Geron recalled, “This applicant found his own horse, saddle & bridle, carbine, pistols, holsters & sword, and all other accoutrements necessary for the equipment of a horsemen, and that he was allowed 20 shillings a month for his horse over and above the pay allowed to the foot.” Geron “rode the express which carried intelligence of the arrival of the fleet at Sandy Hook from the Chesapeake Bay" (meaning that the British attempt to break the siege at Yorktown had failed). At the end of his service in November 1782, “a party of 15 men under Cornet Denice were detached from Freehold and stationed at Pleasant Valley… quartered among the farmers until they were discharged.” Mark Lender, who exhaustively studied the New Jersey Line, concluded that after the surge of patriotism in 1776, the rank and file of the Army were poor men who primarily served for the money. The rank and file of the State Troops lacked the rich bounties, so they were likely motivated by more than money. The men who selected the State Troops were likely motivated to protect their neighborhoods and serve under men they knew, versus joining the Army, marching far away and serving under strangers. Related Historic Site : Morristown National Historical Park Sources : List of Recruits, New Jersey State Archives, Dept of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3631; William Livingston to Asher Holmes, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, pp. 343-4; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Brown; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Solomon Ivins; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3631, 3845; Authorization to raise another regiment of State Troops is discussed in Mark Lender, “The Enlisted Line: The Continental Soldiers of New Jersey”(Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1975) p 55; Act of the New Jersey General Assembly, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 22, item 11, #172-6; Information on the Toms River company is in National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 22, item 11, #172-6; Raising State Troops in June 1780 is discussed in Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p227; State Troop Return, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, New Jersey, folder 58, #123; George Washington to William Livingston, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 4, p 38; Major Henry Lee muster roll, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3736; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, September 22, 1780, p 267-268; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Geron of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#19729784 ; Samuel Carhart to William Livingston, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 4, p 215; William Livingston to Joseph Reed, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, p 433; William Livingston to Asher Homes, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 4, pp. 237, 244-5, 250 note; Samuel Forman to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 15, August 15, 1781; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, September 27, 1781, p 11. 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This material from our collections will help give you a more in-depth sense of the time in which the Covenhovens lived. Interactive images will direct you to our world-class eMuseum, where you can read the curatorial remarks about each object. General Clinton's Headquarters 1751 Deed to Covenhoven House Monmouth Courthouse Old Tennent Presbyterian Church Old Tennent Interior Diagram Old Tennent Parsonage Old Tennent Pew Diagram, Covenhovens #60 1738/1747 baptismal records for the enslaved servants of the Covenhovens Washington Rallying the Troops at Monmouth The Heroine of Monmouth General La Fayette Monmouth Flag Monckton's Sword Mrs. Covenhoven's key John Graves Simcoe Map Sir Henry Clinton 1778 Estimate of British Losses at the Battle of Monmouth

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Establishment of the Association for Retaliation by Michael Adelberg Conrad Alexandre Gerard, the French diplomat, wrote with concern about rising vigilantism in Monmouth County in 1779; he could not stop formation of the Retaliators, a vigilante society, in 1780. - July 1780 - In spring 1780, Loyalist raiding parties ungoverned by military officers emerged as a dangerous, new enemy for Monmouth Countians. They kidnapped a dozen militia officers and several other Monmouth leaders. Inside Monmouth County, rage and desperation reached a new level; meanwhile, the expected return of the French fleet put county leaders in motion—traveling from Freehold to shore to create stores of provisions. This enabled Freehold Township leaders, particularly a clique of Machiavellian leaders who attended the Tennent Church together, to promote a bold idea—establishing a vigilante society to inflict eye-for-an-eye retaliation whenever a member of the society was attacked. Continental Leaders Worry about Vigilantism Throughout the war, Continental leaders worried about Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) engaging in lawless violence. Dr. Benjamin Rush, serving in the Continental Congress, for example, discussed "furious Whigs" who “injure the cause of liberty… by their violence." George Washington worried about New Jersey militia officers from “the lowest class of people… leading men into every kind of mischief; one species of which is plundering the inhabitants under pretense of being Tories." Worries about local leaders behaving lawlessly pushed Governor William Livingston to issue a proclamation on February 5, 1777. He scolded local officials who have “forcibly carried away and seized the goods of their fellow inhabitants on pretense that the owners thereof were inimical to the Liberties of America." Livingston warned that retribution would "inflame the minds of the sufferers... and abolish all discipline." Livingston ordered militia officers and other civil officials to "desist for the future from all depredations and violence" without legal due process. Monmouth Countians Petition for Tougher Laws Against Enemies In Monmouth County, scars from the Loyalist insurrections and the disastrous Battle of the Navesink trumped the Governor’s warning. Over the next three years, they repeatedly petitioned the Legislature for stronger laws to punish Loyalists and their kin at home. The petitions are summarized below: In March 1777, petitioners argued against leniency for disloyal citizens who “have nothing to fear from violation of the laws of this state.” They called for stricter laws to punish the at-home disaffected. In June 1777, petitioners (in two petitions) plundered of property during the Loyalist insurrections sought a law that would compensate them from the estates of Loyalists. When the Legislature did not act, Nathaniel Scudder, the County’s leading political figure, wrote Governor Livingston in April 1778: The Tory race, who have increased under our nurture, that is to say our lenient measures, are now much more dangerous than the British troops. Alas, my dear sir, instead of rearing our heads as heretofore like the stout oak, we flag like the parcel of bull rushes. Other petitions called for the State to prevent Loyalists from returning home, and re-punishing Loyalists formerly jailed but now “suffered to go at large." At least three more petitions went forward in 1779 calling for more vigorous actions against the at-home disaffected. In May and September 1779, petitioners (in three petitions) argued that county residents were “deprived of their property by some of the fugitives that have joined the enemy from this county.” They wanted victims “compensated by [the estates of] such fugitives as have left their estates." Extra-Legal Acts Against Loyalists in Monmouth County Even while Monmouth Countians were seeking stronger laws against Loyalists and at-home disaffected, some were taking matters into their own hands. Perhaps most notably, in October 1777, David Forman, a Colonel in the Continental Army (who would soon have his troops taken away from him) hanged the Loyalist Stephen Edwards without a civil trial. Other events would follow. In January 1778, the New Jersey Supreme Court heard a trespass case against William Wikoff. The state charged Wikoff “with diverse other persons, with force and arms… unlawfully did assemble and close the stable of a certain Denice Holmes.” There, he “unlawfully did break and enter, and a horse belonging to Daniel Van Mater, did maliciously and unlawfully take from said stable to the evil example of all others." Van Mater was a Loyalist whose horse was apparently being boarded by Holmes. Wikoff had served as a captain under David Forman and his family had opposed the Loyalist insurrections. In 1782, the Supreme Court heard a case in which the State charged three leading Monmouth Whigs--John Burrowes, David Forman and Elisha Walton—with illegally detaining a Loyalist. Prosecutors charged that on April 1, 1778, "James O'Hara had then and there committed a felony & was flying from justice and was on his way to New York.” O’Hara was taken by the men who “falsely and unlawfully did conceal and keep secret the wicked intentions of the said James O'Hara... whereby O'Hara was not then & there brought to justice." O’Hara was detained without arrest; he re-emerged as a Pine Robber in 1781. After the destructive raid against Middletown Point in May 1778, a Monmouth County Whig published a threat to retaliate against civilians in Brooklyn in the New Jersey Gazette on June 6: O, ye butchering British monster! We are not obliged to delay retaliating any longer! - Therefore, as you value the safety of your friends on the Island, do not send another example as that of Middletown [Point], for the consequence may prove fatal to the Tories on the Island. Concurrently, William Marriner and John Schenck launched their surprise counter-raid against Brooklyn, and the Monmouth County Court of Oyer and Terminer issued a dozen capital convictions—more than any county court would issue during the war. Later that year, the captured Loyalist, James Pew, was murdered in the Monmouth County jail by the prison guard, James Tilley. Word of vigilante activity in Monmouth County reached Philadelphia. Conrad Alexandre Gerard, the French diplomat at Philadelphia, wrote with concern on February 10, 1779: The impunity with which the Tories who lived in New Jersey have exercised all kinds of exhortation in the proximity of the English [has] embitters the Whigs, who have themselves re-assembled throughout all parts of the County of Monmouth, which is very fertile in Tories. They [Tories] infest the roads with robbery, the Whigs give their hunt; they seize property all over where they find [Tories]; they kill in great numbers [and] they accuse throughout. They [Whigs] drag them [Tories] before the juries of their choice and assume the right of the [entire] body of people; they pronounce the guilty and enforce their sentences immediately without due processes, and confiscate their goods. People hope this rage will calm down through public vengeance and the particular exercises of the Whigs. If such exercises are the good fruits of Democratic Liberty, this is a good fruit people cannot wish on their enemies. Extra-legal retaliation also had its moments in the Continental Congress; a few times, it threatened eye-for-an-eye retaliation. For example, on May 24, 1779, Congress stated that the British ”have perpetrated the most unnecessary, wanton and outrageous barbarities… deliberately putting many to death in cool blood after they had surrendered, abusing women and desolating the country." So, Congress resolved: “Congress will retaliate for cruelties and violations of the laws of nations committed in these states against the subjects of His Most Christian Majesty, in like manner and measure.” Establishing the Association for Retaliation A year later, in June 1780, the New Jersey Legislature’s Upper House, the Legislative Council, recorded receiving a petition from Monmouth County praying "that retaliation may be made on the disaffected to induce the enemy to treat our citizens more humanely." The Council minutes do not record a response to the petition, but the petition was sent to the Assembly (the Lower House). The Assembly’s minutes record receiving two petitions from Monmouth County about retaliation. The first one: "praying that a law may be enacted to enable them to retaliate upon the disaffected in the said County, under proper regulations and restrictions" was referred to the Committee. The second one prayed for a law that would allow petitioners “to apprehend a number of the most notoriously disaffected who are related to the most considerable among the Refugees, and to keep them in close custody until the loyal subjects of the State, in the hands of the refugees are liberated.” The petitioners well knew that many families split apart during the war. Punishing the kin of a Loyalist based on the (alleged) sins of that Loyalist is impossible to ethically defend. If the kin of the Loyalist was “notoriously disaffected,” those individuals could stand trial for their own actions. One of these petitions has survived. The petitioners complained of: The enemy amongst us, who not only conceal the plunderers, but we believe, give information as to most of our movements, and are so crafty that we are not able to bring lawful accusations against them, although there is great reason to think they are active aforesaid, by which means they take off any persons they please, plunder our houses, take our property. The petitioners worried about the militia and state troops “not being up to the task.” They then requested: As no means appears to us to be so effective as that of retaliation, we therefore earnestly pray that your honourable body will form such a law as may enable us to make such retaliation, as person for person and property for property, under such restrictions & regulations as to your honours will seem most adequate to the suppression of aforesaid. Importantly, the petitioners requested a law to enable “person for person and property for property” retaliation—a tacit acknowledgement that such actions were not legal under existing law. On June 23, David Forman (who was assisting the Continental Army with preparations for the arrival of the French fleet) wrote George Washington regarding a raid against Middletown that took ten captives (seven were liberated). Forman interrogated a Loyalist captured during the raid: On his examination, he confesses he is not a soldier - neither was he to receive any pay - that their sole business was to take a number of inhabitants from their houses and to plunder, & that the plunder was to be divided amongst them. The fact is they were probably a marauding gang. Forman called on Washington to clarify that he could execute such a man for “marauding”—a power granted to British officers. Forman referred to a standing British order: Declaring that all persons not uniformed & acting without a commissioned officer, if taken, should be hanged immediately as marauders - some such example, I am sure, is necessary in this part of the country to deter that class of people; we can no longer be secure at night. My next dispatch shall cover, for your Excellency's opinion and if agreeable to the rules of war, that prisoners taken in that way may be executed. At this same time, articles that would establish the Association for Retaliation were being drafted. Forman and others were traveling between Freehold and the shore, making it easier to promote the Association for Retaliation’s first meeting—to be held at Freehold on July 1. The articles were circulated; signatures were collected. On July 1, the Association for Retaliation held its first public meeting at the county courthouse to elect a nine-man Board of Directors. According to antiquarian sources, Retaliators were sworn to secrecy under threat of the "direst penalty." 436 Monmouth Countians signed the articles—more signatures than any Monmouth County document from the Revolutionary Era. A number of David Forman’s political rivals —including Colonel Asher Holmes—chose to sign, though they probably regretted doing so later on. The articles of the Association for Retaliation stated the worldview of the Retaliators: Whereas from the frequent incursions and depredations of the enemy (and more particularly of the refugees) in this county, whereby not only the lives but the liberty and property of every determined Whig are endangered, they, upon every such incursion, either burning or destroying houses, making prisoners of, and most inhumanly treating aged and peaceable inhabitants, and plundering them of all portable property, it has become essentially necessary to take some different and more effectual measures to check said practices. They further complained about local disaffected who “in general have been suffered to reside unmolested among us, numbers of which, we have full reason to believe, are aiding and accessory to those detestable practices.” The Retaliators, therefore, “actuated solely by the principles of self-preservation… solemnly associate for the purpose of retaliation” and “obligate ourselves” to: Warrant and defend such persons as may be appointed for the purpose of making restitution to such friends to their country as may hereafter have their houses burned or broke to pieces, their property wantonly destroyed or plundered, their persons made prisoners. The eye-for-an-eye credo of the Retaliators was then laid out in three provisions: First, for every good subject of this state residing within the county that shall become an associator, that shall be taken… on the errand of plundering and man-stealing, there shall be taken an equal number of the most disaffected and influential residing and having property within the county, and them confine within the Provost jail and treat them with British rigor, until the good subjects of this state taken as aforesaid shall be fully liberated. Second, for every house that shall be burned or destroyed, the property of a good subject that enters with this association, there shall be made full retaliation upon or out of the property of the disaffected as aforesaid. Third, for every article of property taken as aforesaid from any of the associators, being good subjects, the value thereof shall be replaced out of the property of the disaffected as aforesaid. Finally, the Retaliators pledged to support the militia (“We will turn out at all times when the country is invaded, and at other times do our proportionate part towards the defence thereof.”) and advertise themselves in the New Jersey Gazette . These provisions may have been included to assuage fears that the Retaliators would work in opposition to Whig institutions such as the militia. (The full Articles for Retaliation are in Appendix 1 of this article.) The Retaliators knew that their existence was controversial; Nathaniel Scudder, a member of the Retaliator Board, wrote letters on July 12 and 17 to Philadelphia seeking to legitimize the group in the nation’s capital (see Appendix 2). In one of his letters, Scudder was too frank, writing (and underlining): “We are well aware of the objections this distressing mode is liable to cause, as being not agreeable to law, liable to abuse and likely sometimes to injure the innocent - but alas my dear friend, necessity has no law.” With this statement, Scudder crystalized the problem posed by the Retaliators—they judged themselves so righteously aggrieved that they could commit unlawful and brutal acts , including against people whose only “crime” was having Loyalist kin. The Loyalist New York Gazette also printed the Articles for Retaliation. The writer noted that two members of the Retaliator Board had been prisoners in New York “whereupon, instead of the pains of imprisonment, were through the grace & benignity of Government, they were genteelly lodged and protected from every kind of insult.” While Loyalists, “merely for conscientious adherence to principle” are “condemned at mock tribunals, tortured and ignominiously put to death." The writer concluded that the Retaliators should be "most exemplarily and emphatically retaliated upon." Indeed, the vigilante Associated Loyalists in New York would emphatically retaliate upon the Retaliators, and they would retaliate in kind. As this author has previously written, retaliation propelled the local war Monmouth County for the next two years toward climactic retaliation in April 1782. Related Historic Site : Old Tennent Church Appendix 1: Articles of Association for Retaliation Whereas from the frequent incursions and depredations of the enemy (and more particularly of the refugees) in this county, whereby not only the lives but the liberty and property of every determined Whig are endangered, they, upon every such incursion, either burning or destroying houses, making prisoners of, and most inhumanly treating aged and peaceable inhabitants, and plundering them of all portable property, it has become essentially necessary to take some different and more effectual measures to check said practices, than have ever yet been taken; and as it is a fact, notorious to every one, that these depredations have always been committed by the refugees (either black or white) that have left this country, or by their influence or procurement, many of whom have near relations and friends, that in general have been suffered to reside unmolested among us, numbers of which, we have full reason to believe, are aiding and accessory to those detestable practices. We, the subscribers, inhabitants of the county of Monmouth, actuated solely by the principles of self-preservation, being of opinion that the measure will be strictly justifiable on the common principles of war, and being encouraged thereto by an unanimous resolve of the honorable the congress, passed the 30th of Oct., 1778, wherein they in the most solemn manner declare that through every possible change of fortune they will retaliate, do hereby solemnly associate for the purpose of retaliation, and do obligate ourselves, our heirs, executors and administrators, and every of them jointly and severally, to all and every of the subscribers and their heirs, to warrant and defend such persons as may be appointed to assist this association in the execution thereof; and that we will abide by and adhere to such rules and regulations for the purpose of making restitution to such friends to their country as may hereafter have their houses burned or broke to pieces, their property wantonly destroyed or plundered, their persons made prisoners of whilst peaceably at their own habitations about their lawful business not under arms, as shall hereafter be determined on by a committee of nine men duly elected by the associates at large out of their number; which rules and regulations shall be founded on the following principles, FIRST - For every good subject of this state residing within the county, that shall become an associator, and shall be taken or admitted to parole by any party or parties of refugees as aforesaid, that shall come on the errand of plundering and man-stealing, the good subject not actually under or taken in arms, there shall be taken an equal number of the most disaffected and influential residing and having property within the county, and them confine within the Provost jail and treat them with British rigor, until the good subjects of this state taken as aforesaid shall be fully liberated. SECOND - For every house that shall be burned or destroyed, the property of a good subject that enters with this association, there shall be made full retaliation upon or out of the property of the disaffected as aforesaid. THIRD - That for every article of property taken as aforesaid from any of the associators, being good subjects, the value thereof shall be replaced out of the property of the disaffected as aforesaid. We do also further associate for the purpose of defending the frontiers of this county, and engage each man for himself that is a subject of the militia that we will turn out at all times when the county is invaded, and at other times do our proportionate part towards the defence thereof. We the associators do hereby direct that a copy of this association be, as soon as the signing is completed, transmitted to the printer of the New Jersey Gazette, for publication, and that the original be lodged in the clerk's office. Also we do request, that the associators will meet at the courthouse on Saturday, the 1st of July, at 1 o'clock in the afternoon for the purpose of electing a committee of nine men, as before mentioned, to carry the said association into effect. Appendix 2: Nathaniel Scudder’s July 1780 Letters on Retaliation Nathaniel Scudder letters to Philadelphia on July 12 and July 17. Excerpts on Retaliation: July 12 : “After petitioning the Legislature without success for a law of retaliation or other remedy for depredations of the Refugees, and now despairing any other effectual mode of redress, the inhabitants of the County have entered into a solemn association (near 500 have signed it) to retaliate in kind upon the disaffected among us for all the damages, burnings, kidnappings, etc., done or perpetrated by the Refugees - and the Association has chosen a committee to execute the general purposes of the said association & General Forman is our chairman & that the association have jointly pledged themselves and their fortunes to support & defend us, you will not doubt that the execution will be rigidly punctual & delivered.” July 17 : “We suffer greatly in this part of the country from the murder, depredation, and kidnappings of the refugees and disaffected... we have from the necessity of the case on the sole ground of self-preservation been compelled to enter into a general association for the purpose of retaliation on the persons and property of the notoriously disaffected yet residing amongst us, for all damages depredations, burnings, kidnappings & c. done or committed by any of the refugees on the associators in this neighborhood; [we] amount to near or quite 500, & the number is daily increasing - they have chosen a committee of execution and have solemnly pledged themselves to defend them in the prosecution of the business - an eye for an eye & a tooth for a tooth [underlined], we are well aware of the objections this distressing mode is liable to, as being not agreeable to law, liable to abuse and likely sometimes to injure the innocent - but alas my dear friend, necessity has no law [underlined], we could no longer consent to be murdered and plundered by rule while from the laxness and timidity & indecision of our own magistrates the law was rather a screen for the Tories, while they [laws] afforded but little security to the well-affected citizens." Sources : Washington’s quote is in Ruth M. Keesey, "New Jersey Legislation Concerning Loyalists," Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 79 (1961), p 81; Governor Livingston's Proclamation, American Revolution Digital Learning Project, www.amrevonline.org ; Petition contained in: National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, James Wall of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# 20366031; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, February 18-19, 1778, p 55, 58; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, May 29, 1778, p 123 and June 3, 1778, p 129; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 245; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, September 28, 1779, p 178-180; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #39523; Nathaniel Scudder to William Livingston, Massachusetts Historical Society, William Livingston Papers; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #34123; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 2, pp. 246-7; Conrad Alexandre Gerard, Despatches and Instructions of Conrad Alexandre Gerard, 1778-1780, (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1939) pp. 510-1; Journals of the Continental Congress, (Philadelphia: David Claypool, 1782) vol. 5, p220; the articles establishing the Association of Retaliation are printed in Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p206; Journals of the Legislative Council of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: State of New Jersey, 1780) p95-6; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, June 9, 1780, p 229; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 67, June 23, 1780; New Jersey Historical Society, MG-14 (Ely Collection), Petition, Monmouth County; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 219-20; Nathaniel Scudder to John Scudder, New Jersey Historical Society, Letters: Nathaniel Scudder; Nathaniel Scudder to Henry Laurens, Pennsylvania History Society, Dreer Collection, Nathaniel Scudder, August 17, 1780; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Tilton, LeRoy W. "New Jersey Petition of 1780, Concerning Retaliation," National Genealogical Society Quarterly, vol. 34, Spring 1946, pp. 75-76; “’A Combination to Trample All Law Underfoot’”: The Association for Retaliation and the American Revolution in Monmouth County, New Jersey,” New Jersey History , 1997; Michael Adelberg, Biographical File, unpublished compendium at the Monmouth Historical Association. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > British and Continental Soldiers Pass Through Allentown by Michael Adelberg 1777 map shows the roads between New York and Philadelphia. Note the location of Allen’s Town (Allentown) at the confluence of roads from Trenton and Philadelphia. - December 1776 - George Washington’s bold attack on the Hessians at Trenton on Christmas, 1776, changed the course of the war. For the first time, the British were defeated and the surprise attack set both armies in motion. The armies would soon meet again at the Battle of Princeton on January 3. In between, detachments of both armies passed through Allentown, on the western edge of Monmouth County. At this time, Allentown and surrounding Upper Freehold Township was loosely controlled by an embryonic Loyalist regime , more or less led by Commissioner John Lawrence. The arrests and property confiscations of the Loyalist insurrection took a toll on Allentown. On December 27, when a regiment of Hessians entered the town, they found it largely empty. The reputation of the Hessians for brutality likely induced Allentown’s residents to flee. Captain Johann Ewald wrote: “In the afternoon, the march continued to Allentown where the corps arrived in the evening and took up quarters in devastated and abandoned houses, which numbered about eighty.” Ewald’s commander, Colonel Carl von Donop, used Allentown as a base to gather up and reorganize the recently defeated Hessians. On the 27th, he wrote General Wiliam Knyphausen, the commander of German troops in America, that "I have organized all the escaped men from the Rall brigade and made up a force of two hundred and ninety-two men." Von Donop worried that “my ammunition has run low, only about 9 bullet cartridges to a man,” but still thought Allentown’s location at a key crossroads made it an ideal place to camp. "This place is so situated that I intend to get through it to anywhere from here." With a Delaware Continental regiment only four miles away at Crosswicks, von Donop left Allentown for Hightstown on the afternoon of December 28. Historian David Hackett Fisher noted that the Hessians brought 150 wagons of supplies with them when they entered and left Allentown. This would have been the largest baggage train ever brought through Allentown—until the British Army’s baggage train in the days preceding the Battle of Monmouth. The Delaware Continentals followed the Hessians and moved into Allentown on December 29. Captain Thomas Rodney was not among the first of his regiment to enter Allentown, but he described the activities of his regiment’s vanguard as it entered Allentown. Before dawn, the Continentals turned the tables on the Loyalist insurrectionists. Rodney wrote: This morning, about sunrise we set out to reinforce the troops that went forward last night. We marched on through Allentown without stopping, about half a mile beyond, met the troops returning with about 30 bullocks and 5 Tories. Later that day, the Delaware troops shot and killed Isaac Pearson, the former town clerk, now a Loyalist, of neighboring Nottingham Township (Burlington County). Pearson was being sheltered by Upper Freehold Loyalists. The local Loyalists escaped but Pearson was not so fortunate, “In the afternoon was brought in the body of Isaac Pearson, who being found in the house with other Tories that were taken, fled off." Rodney described Allentown: “A little village of wooden houses, indifferently built on both sides of the road, at a mill, about 4 miles from Crosswicks." And he described a distasteful first encounter with the newly-arrived Captain Francis Wade of Pennsylvania. Wade had arrived with orders to set up a Quartermaster office at Allentown. Rodney called Wade "a vain blustering man." Rodney and the Delaware Continentals would stay at Allentown until January 2. While there, Rodney talked with Upper Freehold Whigs who were recently abused by the insurrectionists. He wrote: Jersey will be the most Whiggest [sic] colony on the continent: the Quakers declare for taking up arms. You cannot imagine the distress of this country. They [British and Loyalists] have stripped everybody almost, without distinction - even of all their clothes, and have beat and abused men, women and children in the most cruel manner ever heard of. It is possible that the locals exaggerated the brutality of the conduct of the insurrectionists, as there are no documents that detail beatings from the Upper Freehold Loyalists. It is also possible that Rodney was conflating accounts from Upper Freehold with accounts from western New Jersey, where Hessian soldiers engaged in numerous acts of brutality. Not all of the locals were bitterly divided. One of Allentown’s leading merchants, Richard Waln, though a Quaker pacifist, supported the Loyalist insurrection. This did not stop him from selling goods to the Continentals on December 31. On December 31, much of the Delaware regiment went to Cranbury to gather supplies and intelligence. During their absence, a Pennsylvania regiment under Lt. Colonel Francis Gurney moved into town. The officers of the two regiments nearly came to blows that evening. Rodney wrote: When we returned to Allentown, my quarters were full of militia [Pennsylvania Flying Camp] and there was no place to sit or lie down. I went to the door of the room, which was now occupied by three Pennsylvania field officers and politely requested to let us come in and sit by the fire, but they sternly refused. I told them we had no other place to go and if they would not admit us willingly they must defend themselves, and thereupon drew my sword. But the Continental officers were able to reach an accord, after which "we spent the rest of the night in great festivity... with good wine and ready dressed provisions." Gurney’s men would soon march for Freehold where they would clash with and defeat Monmouth County’s new Loyalist militia. Francis Wade would act as Continental Quartermaster at Allentown for several months. His relationships with the people of Monmouth County would be no better than his relationship with Thomas Rodney. Related Historic Site : Battle of Princeton State Park Sources : Thomas Rodney, Diary of Captain Thomas Rodney, 1776-1777 (Wilmington: Delaware Historical Society, 1888) p 26; Thomas Rodney, Diary of Captain Thomas Rodney, 1776-7 (Wilmington: Delaware Historical Society, 1888, p 27; John Fabiano, Allen's Town, New Jersey: Crossroads of the American Revolution, unpublished manuscript in the collection of the Allentown Historical Society, p 31; John Fabiano, Allen's Town, New Jersey: Crossroads of the American Revolution, unpublished manuscript in the collection of the Allentown Historical Society, p 25. 28; Johann Ewald, Diary of an American War (New Haven: Yale UP, 1979), 55; David Hackett Fischer, Washington's Crossing (NY: Oxford UP, 2004) p260, 344; New Jersey State Archives, Revolutionary War, Manuscripts Coll., box 2, #9, #12 and William S. Stryker, Battles of Trenton and Princeton, pp. 398-400; George Ryden, Letters to and from Caesar Rodney, 1756-84 (Philadelphia: U of Penn Press, 1933) p 152; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 79; Thomas Rodney, Diary of Captain Thomas Rodney, 1776-7 (Wilmington: Delaware Historical Society, 1888, p 27; John Fabiano, Allen's Town, New Jersey: Crossroads of the American Revolution, unpublished manuscript in the collection of the Allentown Historical Society, p 31 Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Militia Respond to the Attack on Chestnut Neck by Michael Adelberg Militia from three New Jersey counties defended Egg Harbor in October 1778, including the Upper Freehold militia which marched 60 miles and protected the salt works at Barnegat from attack. - October 1778 - As discussed in prior articles, on October 5, 1778, a British flotilla with more than 1,000 men sailed into Little Egg Harbor (called Egg Harbor at the time). They sent a large raiding party up the Mullica River and razed the town of Chestnut Neck—New Jersey’s privateer boomtown . By October 8, the Chestnut Neck raiding party had returned to Egg Harbor and smaller parties were sent across the harbor, burning salt works and other buildings. Before dawn on October 15, a raiding party surprised Kasimir Pulaski’s Continentals and killed at least 50 men in a pre-dawn action that would become known as the Osborn Island Massacre . George Washington had sent two Continental Army units—Kasimir Pulaski’s Legion (220 cavalry and infantry) and Thomas Proctor’s Artillery Regiment (200 infantry with a handful of cannon)—to defend Egg Harbor. Militia from the counties bordering Egg Harbor—Gloucester, Burlington, and Monmouth—also mustered and rushed to the area. Collectively, these forces were formidable, but they arrived at different times, from different directions, and coordination between the units was problematic. The disparate American forces were less than the sum of their parts and the British routed the defenders at Chestnut Neck and Osborn Island. Blame needed to be assigned. The letters of Pulaski, the source materials used most often by historians, portray the New Jersey militia as unreliable, even cowardly. Below are just two of Pulaski’s harsh statements about the New Jersey militia: “Order the militia to be obedient, or take them away entirely, for they are so ill-inclined that they will only spoil our affairs.” “I expect no assistance from the militia, for they have abandoned me.” Historians writing of the mini-campaign at Egg Harbor have generally taken Pulaski’s accounts as fact. But Pulaski wrote these letters under great duress—just after the Osborn Island Massacre and while skirmishing with Loyalist irregulars who harassed his Legion throughout a difficult march north. Under the circumstances, Pulaski was likely to look badly on militia who were not shoulder-to-shoulder with his suffering men. Using other sources—particularly the accounts of the militiamen who defended Egg Harbor and nearby areas—it becomes apparent that the militia (at least the militia from Gloucester and Monmouth counties) was much more active in combatting the British-Loyalist raiding parties than Pulaski suggests. The activities of militia during the Egg Harbor campaign are discussed below. New Jersey Militia during the Egg Harbor Campaign By all accounts, the Gloucester County militia, specifically the 3rd Regiment under Colonel Richard Somers, did not heroically defend Chestnut Neck. They manned the earthen fort defending the town, but the fort was never completed and cannon were never put into the fort’s gun ports. When the British galleys came upriver and fired on the fort, the militia gave up the fort, and offered no credible resistance as the British burned the town and the eleven ships docked there. However, the raiding party, according to Captain Patrick Ferguson’s report, numbered 300 men with artillery. It is unlikely that the militia present at Chestnut Neck that day was even half that size, and they lacked cannon. The Gloucester militia had to give up the town. One of the Gloucester County militiamen, Samuel Denike, recalled his service during the attack on Chestnut Neck and the following week. Denike recalled that, after losing Chestnut Neck, his militia company was "attached to and under the command of Col. Proctor, with the artillery.” They returned to Chestnut Neck after Ferguson’s raiders withdrew and went downriver to Egg Harbor. Denike’s company apparently skirmished with a raiding party a few days after Chestnut Neck was attacked. Denike recalled facing a raiding party near his father’s house on Egg Harbor: “The British had come into Egg Harbor and burnt the village in which all of my father's property was discharged, here we had a smart action and prevented their proceeding further into the country." Most interesting is Denike’s account of coming to the aid of Pulaski’s Legion on October 15, when it was massacred by a British-Loyalist raiding party under Captain Ferguson: We then marched to Tuckerton, here was met by the British and Refugees with whom we had a severe battle, we lost twelve men killed in our company, and Col. Sweetman was either killed or died a prisoner, as he never returned. In this action, Pulaski's Horse [cavalry] was engaged and severely cut up, as was the militia. I saved myself with twenty-five of my company by throwing myself into a swamp. The rest that were not killed were taken prisoner. The willingness of the Gloucester militia to travel ten miles north and sustain considerable losses was not mentioned by Pulaski in his reports of the Osborn Island Massacre. It is probable that the Gloucester militia arrived too late to assist Pulaski, and they probably battled Ferguson’s raiders as the raiders were withdrawing to their boats. Ferguson makes a passing reference to meeting resistance on his retreat, though he clearly was unimpressed by it. He concluded that his men were able to board their boats “at our leisure.” Norman Goos, who studied the 3rd Regiment of the Gloucester County Militia during the American Revolution, noted that the militia regiment incurred considerable losses in Tuckerton and elsewhere during the war. He wrote, “at a minimum, 8 were killed, 11 were wounded and 10 became prisoners-of-war” during the Revolution. Goos documents that at least one was wounded and two captured in skirmishing after the razing of Chestnut Neck. Monmouth County militia also mustered and marched to the Egg Harbor area. Major Richard Howell, stationed in Shrewsbury, noted that on October 8, “Col. Samuel Forman march'd with a reinforcement of 300 to join Genl. Pulaski." This was the Upper Freehold militia commanded by Colonel Forman. They marched across the county to Toms River and then south to Egg Harbor—60 miles in total. It appears that Forman arrived too late to help Pulaski at Osborn Island. One of the late-arriving militiamen, Walter Kerr, recalled that he volunteered “and marched down to Manahawkin in the southern end of the county of Monmouth in consequence of the slaughter of a body of militia at Egg Harbor by the British troops and Tories." It is interesting that Kerr recalled the deaths of Gloucester militia (referenced above) but not Pulaski’s men. Pulaski was initially impressed by the Upper Freehold militia, calling them “good Whigs” in one of his letters. Local militia from the shore townships of Dover and Stafford under the command of Lt. Colonel Elisha Lawrence (cousin of the Loyalist Lt. Colonel of the same name ) arrived before Forman. One of those shore militiamen, Aaron Bennett, recalled his service: He was out under Col Lawrence with the militia when three British vessels entered Egg Harbor inlet and landed their Tories at Chestnut Neck in Egg Harbor town... and remained for two or three days burning their buildings, etc. They were finally driven off by the militia under Col. Lawrence. Bennett was clearly exaggerating when he suggested that Monmouth militia drove Ferguson’s raiding party away from Chestnut Neck, but his account suggests that the militia engaged the enemy—likely marching close, taking shots, and pulling back when counter-attacked. Bennett was not in any battles during his time at Egg Harbor. He "was sent with an armed boat into the bay to watch the movements of the enemy in an armed boat and therefore had no part in the skirmishes.” But his mention of “the skirmishes” demonstrates that other Monmouth militia were skirmishing with raiding parties. A third Monmouth militiaman, John G. Holmes, recalled that "the enemy came over to destroy our salt works - was taken with James Reed & [William] Gaskin & David Gaskin & others not recollected to Barnegat.” Here the militia deployed to protect a large salt works that David Forman, a colonel in the Continental Army, was building in order to supply the army with salt. Holmes noted that his militia company successfully protected those salt works: The enemy destroyed the salt works at Egg Harbor & other places... we lay at Barnegat for four weeks, the enemy landed in small parties & burnt some houses but could not effect a landing to burn the salt works. The Monmouth and Gloucester militias did not provide Pulaski with the help he wanted, and they did not prevent the larger British-Loyalist parties from doing great damage during the Egg Harbor mini-campaign. But the militia did limit the ability of smaller raiding parties to act with impunity. The Gloucester County militia marched ten miles, going outside their own besieged county, and then suffered considerable losses battling Ferguson’s raiders. The Monmouth militia marched 60 miles and then engaged in days of skirmishing that limited the activity of smaller raiding parties. It successfully protected the salt works at Barnegat. The Gloucester and Monmouth militias, within the realm of realistic expectations, conducted themselves reasonably well during the Egg Harbor campaign. It is unclear if the Burlington County militia was comparably active. Related Historic Site : Stafford Township Historical Society Sources : Franklin Kemp, A Nest of Rebel Pirates (Egg Harbor, NJ: Batsto Citizens Committee, 1966) pp 124-5; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Aaron Bennett, www.fold3.com/image/#12676787 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Aaron Bennett of New Jersey; Norman Goos, A Very Large British Military Investment for Very Little Practical Profit, (Port Republic, NJ: Col. Richard Somers Chapter, New Jersey Society - Sons of the American Revolution); John C. Dann, The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980) pp 121-2, 126-7; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Walter Kerr of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#24017268; Private Correspondence: Jack Fulmer, Veteran's Pension Application of Samuel Denike of New Jersey; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John G.Holmes. Previous Next