MCHA's Primary Source Workshop Previous Page Download Workshop Packet The Importance of Primary Sources Primary source documents are firsthand accounts of a topic or event from someone who had a direct relationship with it. They are invaluable pieces of information because they represent the closest connection to the focus of study. Examples of primary sources include letters, journals, account books, photographs and newspapers. Sometimes primary sources tell us exactly what we need to know. Other times they give clues that point us in the right direction, or generate more questions that lead us to a deeper focus of study we had not considered when we began. This workshop will teach you to analyze the world of primary sources to extract their hidden information. Archival Documents These documents were used to research the material presented in the Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved exhibit. This is a farm account book entry made by John Taylor that tells us Matilda, daughter of Clarisse, was born in 1806. We know Clarisse was enslaved by the Taylors at this time, so this is why we believe Matilda was very likely born at Marlpit Hall. This is called deductive reasoning - it is a logical conclusion based on the available information that we have. Matilda would eventually be free, but was required to work for Clarisse's owner for a term of 21 years due to the Gradual Abolition Act of 1804. May the 5th 1806 - Negro woman Clarissy had a Molato Child born a girl female named Matilda Making Connections Comparing and Contrasting Perspectives 1. First consider the type of record this is. Look at the wording carefully. How do you think John Taylor viewed the birth of Matilda? How might Clarisse have felt about Matilda's birth? Explain your reasoning. 2. Why might John have replaced the word "girl" with "female" instead? Next > Runaway Ads Runaway ads were placed in newspapers when an enslaved person made a break from their enslaver. These small notices were shrewdly crafted 18th-century tracking devices that used a variety of important identifying details. Activity Using the chart in your student packet , extract the details in each ad that could be used for identification and tracking. Next > An Important Note about Historical Language: You will be analyzing actual ads found in 18th and 19th century newspapers. We cannot change the words in the historic documents, nor should we hide or ignore them. Instead, it is best to understand where they came from and why we no longer use them. Negro means "black" in the Portuguese and Spanish languages. The Portuguese were the first enslavers of Africans, so their word became the common term. The term was used into the 1960s, but was so closely tied to the tragedy of slavery that it was decided the terms Black or African American were more updated and respectful. "Mulatto" also came from the Portuguese, used to describe a person who was biracial or mixed race. Finally, "colored" is a word that has no substitute, because "colored" meant anyone who was not white. Today, we know that it is wrong to say that white is the standard and everything else is either "different" or less. Sale Ads These ads were placed in the newspapers when an enslaver was looking to sell off one of their enslaved persons. Monmouth County papers are full of ads trying to make profits from human bondage. Making Connections Analysis 1. Note the language of these ads. How are they different from the runaway ads? 2. What might be considered "selling points" and why? 3. Does anything strike you about some of the information provided? The Subscriber will dispose of one very likely active NEGRO fellow, twenty years old, for $150 in specie, and two likely active NEGRO girls, fifteen years old, for $120 aforesaid, or the value thereof in current money. They are not to be sold for any fault, but the want of business: They are all country born, and understand most kinds of business... TO BE SOLD, Or put out for a term of years, A NEGRO GIRL, about four years old. Inquire of Wm. TINDALL Trenton, December 10, 1793. 1 2 Next > Deep Down in My Heart... The Influence of African Music Then and Now African rhythms came overseas with the first slave ship, and were passed down through generations of enslaved persons. Music was used for communication, celebration, in rituals and expressions of self. The most common type of African song was known as "call and response." A singer would call out a line and a response was called back. This style can still be heard in the music of today. Listen to the following audio clip to hear an authentic African call and response example, and then listen to the modern examples the follow. Can you think of any other examples of call and response songs today? Next Analyzing Art Visual imagery can be a powerful source of information, expressing emotions and ideas that can be hard to convey with words. Artwork can be analyzed in the same way that documents are. Attention must be paid to even the smallest elements, and sometimes what we find can be open to interpretation. There is often sensitivity and sometimes criticism of images depicting "happy slaves." However, spending recreational time together was as much a human need for the enslaved as for any other. They incorporated their ancestral traditions of African music, dance, and cooking. In doing so, the enslaved celebrated their culture and took back their joy during these times. This in itself could be looked at as resistance in their refusal to have their spirit be broken . What elements do you see in this image, and why are they important? Next > Previous Page Educators: Please email MCHAeducation@gmail.com to request supplemental material

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Whigs Form New Associations by Michael Adelberg The New Jersey Gazette was the state’s official newspaper. In 1782, the people of Upper Freehold used it to announce the founding of two associations focused on halting trade with the British. - August 1782 - We cannot fully understand the local political environment in Revolutionary Monmouth County because documents provide only limited glimpses into the activities and perspectives of ordinary citizens. What we do know, based on surviving documents, is that from 1780 through the end of the war, Monmouth County had two competing factions of leaders—a “Machiavellian” group led by David Forman was centered in Freehold and a “Due Process” group more or less led by Asher Holmes and James Mott was centered in Middletown. Apart from both, the shore townships had several disaffected local leaders . Leaders lined up popular support through voluntary associations. In 1780, Machiavellian Whigs embodied their supporters in the Association for Retaliation —a vigilante society that punished Loyalists and kin of Loyalists (often engaged in trading illegally with the British and Loyalists) with or without due process of the law. Due Process Whigs were more numerous but less united—they lacked a unifying association. Some joined the Monmouth County Whig Society in 1781. They focused on stopping illegal trade with the enemy (“London Trading ”) and protecting the value of currency. The anti-inflation mission made the Whig Society a creditor-focused association. Anti-London Trading Associations Form in August 1782 In summer 1782, discussions of peace and Loyalist re-integration in the air. A few Loyalists, such as Ezekiel Forman, had returned to New Jersey to settle accounts and plan for an eventual return . In this context, many of Monmouth County’s Due Process Whigs, particularly those in Upper Freehold Township, embodied themselves in new associations. On August 21, 1782, the New Jersey Gazette , printed the resolves of a new Whig association that first met at Allentown on July 29. John Imlay, an admiralty court judge, was its chair. Building on a prior crackdown against London Traders in late 1780, the association would combat London Trading and "bring exemplary justice to all who may be…in this pernicious traffic." Associators committed to "strengthen the hands of all officers, civil or military" in combating the illegal trade and "prevent persons passing through this state without passports." They would ostracize anyone engaged in illegal trade, and "treat as mean, false and designing" anyone who insinuated that illegal trade had an element of "good citizenship" (by bringing desired goods like tea and fabrics into the county). Imlay’s associators drew a difference between themselves and the Retaliators. Imlay’s association would "discountenance and oppose all acts of oppression and violence and whatever may be inconsistent with the peace and good order of the community." They established a committee to guide their activities consisting of John Imlay, Peter Imlay, Sr., and Peter Imlay, Jr.; Elisha Lawrence (the legislator); Colonel Daniel Hendrickson; Tax Collector Abraham Hendricks; Captain Peter Wikoff; Magistrate Gilbert Longstreet; and Benjamin Rogers. The founding document of the group is provided in the appendix of this article. At approximately the same time, a second association formed with the same stated mission as Imlay’s association—preventing illegal trade. On August 14, the New Jersey Gazette , printed an announcement from John Cox, the new Chairman of "the Association of Inhabitants of Allentown and Burlington for preventing illicit trade and intercourse with the Enemy." The association promised to: Attend particularly to the vigorous execution of the law against vagrant and idle persons, the Act to prevent illicit trade and intercourse with the enemy, and the law passed 10th Jan'y 1779 to prevent persons traveling through this state without a passport; and, in a word, use their every possible means in their power to effect the grand purpose of disappointing the Enemy in this, their last dastardly effort to corrupt and enslave the virtuous inhabitants of the independent States of America. The relationship between Cox’s Allentown-Burlington association and Imlay’s Allentown association is unknown. It is curious that Allentown’s residents would join two separate associations that formed at the same time for the same purpose. Perhaps this is merely a reflection of a local rivalry between the Imlay and Cox families. But the members of both associations likely viewed themselves as opponents of the Retaliators. Many of the leaders of Imlay’s and Cox’s associations signed petitions complaining of Retaliator conduct at one time or another. As such, by August 1782, Monmouth County had four associations committed to battling the London Trade. Three of those associations—the Whig Society and John Imlay’s and John Cox’s associations—were composed of Due Process Whigs committed to acting within the law. The fourth—the Retaliators—embraced vigilantism . But, interestingly, the appointment of Retaliator-leader David Forman as a Judge of the Court of Common Pleas in early 1782 gave the Retaliators an opportunity to punish their enemies through the courts . Shrewsbury Township, the most populous in the county, was not the center of any association, though some of its people joined the Whig Society, Imlay’s association, and the Retaliators. Parts of Shrewsbury were known to be disaffected and supportive of the London Trade—these men would not be welcome in an association committed to stamping-out the illegal trade. It is also possible that some Shrewsbury Whigs felt vulnerable to enemy capture and therefore were reluctant to join any Whig association that might draw the attention of the enemy. The success of these associations in curbing illegal trade or accomplishing any other goal is unclear. As late as November 1782, George Washington was writing colleagues about continued illegal trade in New Jersey. He called for London Trading to be made a capital offense. In one letter, he wrote: Every day's experience convinces me more and more of the truth of it, that nothing short of Laws making the supply of the enemy with provisions or stores, or holding any kind of illicit intercourse with them, Felony of Death, will check the evil so justly complained of. Washington was doubtful that his Army could prevent illegal trade. Detachments sent into Monmouth County in 1779 had failed miserably at preventing illegal trade. Washington worried that detaching men again “would so dissipate my force” and “would invite and be at the mercy of the enemy.” Instead, he advocated for the strict enforcement of anti-trading laws: “Rigid Laws, rigidly executed, are the only remedies that can be applied.” The Association to Oppose the Return of Tories In early 1783, hundreds of Monmouth Countians considered joining yet another association. 253 Monmouth Countians ultimately joined the "Association of Inhabitants for United Action Opposing the Return of Tories." The associators wrote: We think it the duty of everyone who wishes to perpetuate the inestimable blessings of independence to exert himself in order that the holders of Government and all civil and military offices be kept in the hands of such men as have been most instrumental in effecting the Glorious Revolution; and also by every means in his power to discountenance and treat with neglect all such persons who uniformly oppose the same. The association promised to enforce all existing laws that would permit the prosecution of Loyalists and seek new laws that would permanently banish Loyalists. By pledging to act within the boundaries of the law, the associators distanced themselves from the extralegal violence of the Retaliators. They further pledged: “We will prevent the return of every individual former inhabitant of this State who hath any time since the Revolution gone off and joined the British Army" and will always "cast and jealous and watchful eye" over the disaffected living in the county. The associators agreed to only vote for zealous Whigs. The association was signed by several leaders from Freehold and Middletown Township, including: David Forman (the former leader of the Retaliators, now a judge), merchant Samuel Forman, Captain Samuel Carhart, Judge John Anderson and Sheriff John Burrowes. Two of the most important Retaliators—Legislator Thomas Henderson and Captain Kenneth Hankinson (the new Retaliator Chairman)—did not join. Neither did the two highest ranking Due Process Whigs—Colonel Asher Holmes and Lt. Colonel John Smock. It is difficult to know how this association re-aligned or perhaps further split the pre-existing Machiavellian and Due Process Whig factions. The Monmouth County Association to Oppose the Return of Tories may have influenced activity in another county. The New Jersey newspaper, Political Intelligencer , in October 1783, printed a letter from Morristown about the establishment of an anti-Tory association similar in its charter to the one in Monmouth County. Regardless of the activities of the Monmouth and Morris County associations, some Loyalists were returning home . They are discussed in another article. Related Historic Site: Old Yellow Meeting House Appendix "Pursuant to a short notice by advertisement, a great number of the Whig inhabitants of the township of Upper Freehold in the county of Monmouth, met in Allentown—July 29, 1782. John Imlay was appointed Chairman, and the following association was entered into. We have therefore associated ourselves for the following purposes: 1st, We do hereby mutually pledge our faith and honour to support each other in endevouring to detect and bring to exemplary justice all who amy be in any wise concerned in this pernicious traffick, and use every lawful means to prevent and suppress it. 2nd, To which end we will, to the utmost of our power and influence, strengthen the hand of all officers, civil and military, in the discharge of their duty, and support the full and vigorous execution of the laws for preventing illicit trade, and to prevent persons passing through this State without proper passports. 3rd, We will avoid, as far as possible, all intercourse, communication and dealings with such as may be concerned with trading with the enemy, or who may be justly suspected of being so concerned. 4th, We will give every support and assistance in our power to those who shall exert themselves to detect and bring justice to those persons concerned, either directly or indirectly, in trading with the enemy; and treat as mean, false and designing, every insinuation that such endeavours are in the least degree inconsistent with honour and good citizenship, or that they are not highly becoming and praiseworthy. 5th, In prosecution of these objects we will at the same time discountenance and oppose all acts of oppression and violence, and whatever may be inconsistent with the peace and good order of the community, being determined not to resort to force, except when the same may be indispensably necessary. The meeting then went into the appointment of a committee for the purpose of carrying the objects of the association into the most effectual execution. The following gentlemen were elected, John Imlay, Esquire, Col. Elisha Lawrence, Mr. Gilbert Longstreet, Col. Daniel Hendrickson, Mr. Abraham Hendricks, Mr. Peter Imlay, Senior, Captain Peter Wikoff, Mr. Peter Imlay, Jr., Mr. Benjamin Rogers." Sources : Michael Adelberg, “The Transformation of Local Governance in Monmouth County, New Jersey during the War of the American Revolution,” Journal of the Early Republic , 2011; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, August 21, 1782, reel 1930; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, August 14, 1782, reel 1930; George Washington to Jonathan Trumball, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw250382)) ; Association to Oppose the Return of Tories, New York Public Library, New Jersey Collection, Folder: Monmouth County; New Jersey Political Intelligencer, October 28, 1783; Michael Adelberg, Biographical File, unpublished at the Monmouth County Historical Association. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Salt Works Begin on the Monmouth Shore by Michael Adelberg Sketch of a saltwork shows pools for trapping salt water and drying it to brine, and a boiling house for steaming water out of brine. Saltworks needed continual re-supplies of food and wood. - May 1776 - Salt was far more than a seasoning in 18th-century America. Foods, particularly meats, were salted and dried in order to preserve them. A winter-store of food was essential to surviving the long winter and large quantities of salt were essential to creating a winter-store. Soldiers, unable to produce their own food, were particularly dependent upon salt-dried food. Prior to the American Revolution, Americans imported nearly all of their salt from England. In early 1776, a British naval blockade choked off imported salt and Americans experienced a severe salt shortage. For example, in Philadelphia, the price of salt jumped from £2 to £7 a bushel as the boycott of British goods became complete. The Reverend Muhlenberg noted "the people push and jostle each other whenever there is a small quantity of salt to be found." In 1776, American leaders started actively promoting domestic salt making. The Continental Congress passed a resolve encouraging American salt production and one of its delegates authored a booklet on salt-making. Shallow bays, from which salt water could be trapped in drying pans at high tide, were ideal for salt-making. The Monmouth shore was dotted with such bays. On May 28, the New Jersey Provincial Congress passed an act to encourage salt production, putting "a bounty of 1/3 a dollar per bushel upon all such salt... manufactured within one year of the date hereof.” It also granted militia-service exemptions to salt work owners with "500 gallons of boiling vessels" or more. But it was neighboring Pennsylvania that was first to establish a large salt making project on the Jersey shore. Establishing the Pennsylvania Salt Works On May 31, the Pennsylvania Convention (its new legislature), considered a proposal from an entrepreneur, Thomas Savadge, to establish a large salt works on the Jersey shore. On June 12, the committee charged with considering the proposal reported favorably: The Committee appointed to take into consideration the proposals of Thomas Savadge regarding the making of salt, &c., reported that they had examined the plan of said Thomas Savadge for making annual on the sea-coast about sixty thousand bushels, and are of the opinion that the said works may be completed in a short time, at an expense to exceeding two thousand five hundred pounds. The committee recommended that the project go forward but noted that private investment would be needed to supplement any public investment. On July 19, the Pennsylvania Council of Safety provided Savadge with a L400 advance to begin work. Interestingly, Savadge was already in New Jersey, and he had already spent more than his advance on the purchase of land near Toms River. Historian Harry Weiss wrote that the Pennsylvania Salt Works were "located at Coates Point on the north bank of the Toms River about one-half mile from its junction with Barnegat Bay, and six hundred yards inland." Savadge proceeded to purchase the materials necessary to build a large salt works. He hired laborers and purchased supplies on credit with little regard for his limited funding. In October, he optimistically reported on his progress: “I have nearly completed a boiling house… two drying houses, [and] a mill for the pump." But he also reported a litany of problems that included a lack of funds, laborers leaving every second month for militia service, and the non-delivery of purchased boiling pans. Savadge also noted that the salt works were vulnerable to British attack. The Pennsylvania Council of Safety resolved to advance Savadge more funds and protect the salt works: That an officer and twenty-five men be sent to the Salt Works at Toms River as a guard, and twenty-five spare muskets and two howitzers, and sufficient amount of ammunition to defend in case of attack. The Council of Safety also wrote the Continental Congress to ask the government of New Jersey to help protect the Pennsylvania Salt Works. Dr. Samuel Bard’s and Other Monmouth County Salt Works By August, New Jersey was actively promoting its own salt works. The New Jersey Assembly rolled out a plan to support a salt works owned by Dr. Samuel Bard of Shrewsbury. Bard would receive a L500 loan "for the term of two years without interest." The legislature further agreed to buy all salt produced at $1 a bushel. And the legislature agreed that "if any of the works shall be destroyed by the enemy" the legislature would reimburse Bard for half of his losses. Finally, it offered ten militia exemptions for Bard’s laborers. The plan was approved on September 11. Later that month, the New Jersey Assembly considered the salt works project of William Parker (also of Shrewsbury) and his partners. They requested a loan from the state “on easy terms.” On October 5, the legislature passed "An Act to Encourage William Parker & Others to Erect Salt Works." Loan terms included a provision that the loan would convert to a grant if the salt works were producing three bushels of salt a day within 90 days, and 50% loan forgiveness if the salt works were destroyed by the enemy. Interestingly, Bard and Parker would flirt with disaffection throughout the war, and one of Parker’s partners, Richard Lippincott, would become one of New Jersey’s most notorious Loyalists. Over the next year, several other saltworks started along the present-day Monmouth and Ocean County shore. According to one study that attempted to locate them all, there were nine salt works in total: 1. the mouth of the Shrewsbury River (The River Works, likely owner Samuel Bard); 2. Shark River (name unknown, likely owner William Parker); 3. Brielle bank of the Manasquan River (Union Salt Works , co-owned by David Forman); 4. Squan Inlet (name and owner unknown); 5. Mosquito Cove, north of Toms River (Randolph's Works owned by James Randolph); 6. Toms River (Pennsylvania Salt Works managed by Thomas Savadge); 7. Forked River (name unknown, owned by Samuel Brown); 8. Waretown (name unknown, owned by Trevor Newland); and 9. Tuckerton (name and owner unknown). There were also ten other salt works south of Monmouth County along the New Jersey shore. The two largest salt works, the Pennsylvania Salt Works and the Union Salt Works, would be marred by scandal and destruction from Loyalist attacks. But a number of the smaller salt works steadily produced small quantities of salt. Related Historic Site : Historic Salt Park (Saltville, VA) Sources : Arthur Pierce, Smugglers' Woods, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1960) p 225-6; The Library Company, Pennsylvania Ledger, vol. 1, Jan. 1775-Nov. 1776; Peter Force, American Archives, v6: 856; K. Braddock-Rogers, "Salt Works of New Jersey during the American Revolution," Journal of Chemical Education, vol. 15 (December, 1938), p 586; Samuel Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives (Harrisburg: State of Pennsylvania, 1902) First Series, vol. 4, p 771; Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives of the Colony of Pennsylvania, 1767-1776 (Philadelphia: Henry Miller, 1776) p735, 739; Peter Force, American Archives, v1:1297; Library of Congress, J. Turner Coll., Folder - John Hart; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, September 2, 1776, p 3.; Arthur Pierce, Smugglers' Woods, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1960) p 235; Samuel Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives (Harrisburg: State of Pennsylvania, 1902) First Series, vol. 5, p 55; Weiss cited in Thomas Foster, The Coastal War in Monmouth County, 1778-1782 (MA Thesis, U. of Pennsylvania, 1961), p13-14; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 419; Peter Force, American Archives, 4th series, vol. 3, pp. 182-183; Journals of the Continental Congress, p925-6 ( www.ammem/amlaw/lwdg.html ); Library of Congress, Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. 6, p 925; C.C. Smith, "Scarcity of Salt During the Revolutionary War", Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc., 1856-7, vol. 15, p224; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives and History, Manuscript Collection, Manuscripts, box 14, #23; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, September 11, 1776, p 8; Journals of the Legislative Council of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: State of New Jersey, 1776) p29-30; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, September 20, 1776, p 17 and September 27, p 23; The Library Company, Acts of the General Assembly of New Jersey, pp. 6-7, 47; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, November 22, 1776, p 42; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 173, 182-4; J. Reuben Clark, Emergency Legislation Passed Before December 1917 Dealing with the Control and Taking of Private Property for the Public Use and Benefit to which is Added a Reprint of Analagous Legislation Since 1775 (Government Printing Office: Washington, DC, 1918), p501-2; K. Braddock-Rogers, "Salt Works of New Jersey during the American Revolution," Journal of Chemical Education, vol. 15 (December, 1938), p 590. Harold Wilson, The Jersey Shore: A Social and Economic History of the Counties of Atlantic, Cape May, Monmouth, and Ocean (Lewis, 1953) vol. 1, p 171; K. Braddock-Rogers, "Salt Works of New Jersey during the American Revolution," Journal of Chemical Education, vol. 15 (December, 1938), pp. 586-7, 591; Journals of the Continental Congress, American Memory, Library of Congress, http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/hlawquery.html ; Arthur Pierce, Smugglers' Woods, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1960) p 232. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Committees Form to Resist British Policies by Michael Adelberg The Continental Association, October 1774, created a national template for resisting British policies—county and township committees were responsible for enforcing it. - June 1774 - To punish the people of Boston for their “Tea Party” and other defiant acts , the British Parliament passed the so-called Intolerable Acts in early 1774. Colonists across the Thirteen Colonies reacted by boycotting British goods. Americans started forming committees to enforce the boycott and coordinate dissent across localities. The citizens of Freehold Township met at Monmouth Court House on June 6, 1774 to consider the state of affairs. According to minutes of the meeting, they agreed “that the cause for which the inhabitants of Boston are now suffering is the common cause of the whole Continent.” They also endorsed "an entire stoppage of importation and exportation from and to Great Britain and the West Indies.” Finally, they appointed a standing committee to “join an association with the several other counties in this province in any measures that may appear best to the weal and safety of North America." The Committee would be comprised of John Anderson, Hendrick Smock, Asher Holmes, Peter Forman, John Forman, John Covenhoven, Nathaniel Scudder – each of whom would go on to hold important leadership positions in the fledgling American government. While the committees that would soon form in other Monmouth townships contained a mix of men who would support and oppose the Revolution, the Freehold committee was full of ardent patriots (they called themselves Whigs). This would distinguish Freehold from the other Monmouth County townships in the years to come . A week later, on June 13, Josiah Holmes, one of Shrewsbury’s leading citizens, received a letter from the Essex County Committee. He responded by meeting with some other leading citizens in Shrewsbury and putting up a public notice which began: The deplorable state of the inhabitants of the great and (until now) flourishing town of Boston is reduced to by means of the late cruel and inhumane act of the British Parliament, for the blocking up their port, is the fatal occasion that thousands are now destitute of employment, and are also destitute of bread; now they have only to depend on the charity of well-disposed Christians. It is therefore proposed to load a vessel with grain and other provisions from this County of Monmouth, to be sent immediately for their relief. Meanwhile, the people of Monmouth County were called on to participate in the selection of delegates for a Provincial Congress, a state body that would operate outside the influence of New Jersey’s Royal Governor. On July 19, citizens from four of Monmouth County’s six townships met at Freehold to establish a county committee (attending: Freehold, Upper Freehold, Middletown, and Dover; Shrewsbury and Stafford did not attend). In addition to selecting delegates to this new Congress, the attendees agreed to raise foodstuffs for the suffering in Boston and establish a county committee. The new Monmouth County committee declared that British taxes were “altogether unprecedented and unconstitutional” but they also declared loyalty to the King: “they do highly esteem and prize the happiness of being governed by so excellent a system of laws as that of Great Britain, doubtless the best in the universe.” The County Committee quickly became the quasi-government of Monmouth County—with help from the township committees of Freehold, Upper Freehold, Middletown and Dover. Shrewsbury and Stafford townships did not establish township committees until 1775. Over the next few months, the committees of Monmouth County enforced the boycott of British goods by advertising boycott violators. They also raised and shipped “1200 bushels of rye, and 50 barrels of rye flour” for the suffering people in Boston. And they resolved to establish a new militia outside of the control of the Royal Governor. Soon, the County Committee would take action against some of the county’s most public Loyalists. All of this was set in motion before the first Continental Congress established the Continental Association in October 1774—calling on all Americans to take the actions that had already occurred in Monmouth County. Related Historical Sites : Monmouth County Historical Association Sources : Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 43-50; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Council of Safety , 1775-1770 (Trenton: Naar, Day and Naar, 1879) pp. 4-5; Allan Nevins, The American States During and After the Revolution , 1775-1 789 (New York: MacMillan Company, 1 922), p 44; Monmouth County Historical Association, Genealogical Files, folder - Revolutionary War Records of Monmouth County Soldiers ; Proceedings of the Committees of Freehold and Shrewsbury, Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, First Series, 1846, pp. 186-8; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p119-20; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 301-2; Pennsylvania Gazette , November 2, 1774 Previous Next

Download Student Packet Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall Upper Elementary Education Resource Request Teacher Resource NJ Standards Alignment Book a Class Trip! Marlpit Hall, painted by Henry Gulick in 1952 Welcome to Colonial Monmouth! Middletown's Marlpit Hall stands today as a window into the 18th century. This c. 1762 home and its residents witnessed many of the most exciting, inspirational, and painful chapters in our history, from the fight for independence to the heartbreak of slavery. This resource will give students insight into the history of slavery in New Jersey using many of the primary sources used to build the award-winning exhibit, Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall . This page can only be viewed on a laptop or desktop. It is not enabled for mobile phones. Sorry for the inconvenience! Approaching Marlpit Hall in the 18th Century Let's take a little trip, during which we will be invisible. It is 1778, and you are traveling to Marlpit Hall, the farmhouse owned by the Taylors of Middletown. This means you are either in a wagon or on a horse right now, so be careful and hold tight! There are very few houses in the area at this time, with great distances between them. The dirt road that is Kings Highway can be bumpy and treacherous! If your wagon wheel pops off or you fall from your horse, help is not around the corner! Read More Life Before Enslavement By the mid-1700s, nearly all enslaved people in America were directly from West Africa or the descendants of enslaved Africans. They were removed from a homeland that was rich in culture and magnificent civilizations, such as the Mali empire, dating back thousands of years. West Africans had built a trade empire, and were quite skilled in the areas of art, medicine, and other sciences such as astronomy and mathematics. Europeans began taking Africans against their will for their talents and their labor. The transatlantic slave trade was soon born. Read More Detail of the Catalan Atlas, 1375 They Were There... Scroll over the image to learn about the individual Daily Life The enslaved were deprived of freedom, but found ways to make their lives as meaningful as possible. Aside from daily work, they took comfort in their families and friends. They practiced religion, dreamed, danced, made music, laughed, loved, and formed bonds among themselves and the local community of free blacks and abolitionist whites. Read on to learn about the day-to-day activities and interactions of Monmouth's enslaved. Read on Deep Down in My Heart... The Influence of African Music Then and Now African rhythms came overseas with the first slave ship, and were passed down through generations of enslaved persons. Music was used for communication, celebration, in rituals and expressions of self. The most common type of African song was known as call and response . A singer would call out a line and a response was called back. This style can be heard in the music of today. Listen to the following audio clip to hear an authentic African call and response example, and then listen to the modern examples the follow. Can you think of any other examples of call and response songs today? Next RESISTANCE! The enslaved protested their condition in different ways. Rather than leaving their African heritage behind, they celebrated it through religion, food, and music. Some pretended to be sick or did a poor job of their tasks, such as burning meals or breaking tools. Some fought back when they could. Escaping was also a brave act of resistance. This was a very difficult decision to make; if the runaway was caught, they could be beaten, sold, or thrown in jail. Sometimes the penalty was death, to discourage other slaves from thinking of escaping. Read More SO HOW DO WE KNOW THAT?? Learning with Primary Sources Primary sources are original items created during the time you are studying that help to tell you about that time period. Examples of primary sources are diaries, newspapers, account books, maps, photographs, letters, and artifacts like tools or clothing. They are now voices from the past from someone who lived then, so it makes them an excellent source of information. If you wrote a letter to a friend about what your school experience was like today, that would be a great primary source! Read More - Key Term Card Deck - SLAVERY RESISTANCE TRAVEL PASS ABOLITIONIST MANUMISSION PAPER INDENTURED SERVANT PRIMARY SOURCE INVENTORY SPIRITUALS HOODOO Next Many grateful thanks for the advisory contributions of: Bernadette Rogoff, MCHA Director of Collections Joe Zemla, MCHA Associate Curator Hank Bitten, Executive Director of the New Jersey Council for the Social Studies Dr. Wendy Morales, Assistant Superintendent of the Monmouth and Ocean Educational Commission For class trips or professional development training, please contact Dana at dhowell@monmouthhistory.org

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > New Jersey Legislature Investigates the Retaliators by Michael Adelberg In summer 1780, vigilante “Retaliators” seized furniture from the house of John Hartshorne, a leading Shrewsbury Quaker. The Retaliators victimized many other Quakers over the next two years. - September 1780 - On July 1, 1780, a public meeting was held at the Monmouth County Courthouse to officially establish the Association for Retaliation . 435 men signed the articles that established the group—more signatures than compiled on any other Revolutionary Era Monmouth County document. The Retaliators established a nine-man board of directors chaired by Colonel David Forman—a man who was already known for 1.) being a zealous supporter of the Revolution based on senior-level military commissions and civil offices, and 2.) exceeding the authority of those offices. The Retaliators promised eye-for-an-eye retaliation for every act committed against a member. Largely unable to strike at their real enemies (Loyalist raiders sheltered behind lines), the Retaliators looked at the kin of Loyalists within Monmouth County as befitting targets of retaliation. From the moment of their founding, the clique of Freehold leaders who led the group—including Forman, Nathaniel Scudder, and Thomas Henderson—faced accusations that the group’s extra-legal punishments were illegal. They sought to insulate themselves with a law that would authorize their activity. Monmouth Countians Petition the New Jersey Legislature On September 23, 1780, Scudder and Henderson petitioned the New Jersey Legislature for the opportunity to address the Assembly "on matters of the moment in the County of Monmouth." They were admitted and presented a memorial, "praying that a law may be passed to authorize the well-affected inhabitants to retaliate upon the property of the disaffected of said county; and also a copy of an association lately formed and entered into by a number of inhabitants of said county." The Assembly established a committee to consider their request and investigate the Retaliators. However, just two days later, Joseph Salter, a squire from Dover Township, petitioned the Assembly: Setting forth that Captain Green [James Green], with a number of armed men under his command, had forcibly seized and carried away sundry articles of furniture belonging to the said petitioner and John Hartshorne of the same county, under pretense of retaliation; that he had sought redress through the medium of the law without effect, and praying relief. Joseph Salter had participated in the December 1776 Loyalist insurrections . For this, he was brought before General Israel Putnam who decided not to punish him. Later, Salter was brought before the New Jersey Council of Safety —he took a loyalty oath to the New Jersey government and was released. Salter sold off tracts of land along the shore to start saltworks , and was a creditor to the ill-fated Pennsylvania Salt Works . His son, William Salter, however, was a Loyalist living in New York. John Hartshorne was one of the leading Quakers in Monmouth County; as a pacifist, he played no role in the war. He freed his slaves in 1776 and hosted the French Admiral, Charles Henri D’Estaing, when he came ashore in July 1778. Members of his large family were supporters of the Revolution (Richard Hartshorne was the Monmouth Militia’s Paymaster), but other family members were Loyalists (Lawrence Hartshorne was a merchant in New York) or disaffected (Esek Hartshorne refused loyalty oaths to the New Jersey government). There is no evidence that either Joseph Salter or John Hartshorne had committed any crimes; rather, their “crime” in the eyes of the Retaliators was having Loyalist kin. Salter’s petition demonstrated that the Retaliators were practicing extra-legal property confiscations while concurrently petitioning the legislature for a law that would authorize acts already taken. Committee Report on the Retaliators On September 29, the committee established to study the Retaliators presented a scathing report about the group. The report offered six findings. The first four concerned Monmouth County’s defenses. First, the committee expressed sympathy for the people of Monmouth County: The exposed and dangerous situation on the frontiers of Monmouth County, liable to the continual depredations of the enemy, and the great numbers of well affected inhabitants lately captured by them in that quarter are matters highly worthy of the attention of government. Second, the Committee observed that Monmouth County’s best defense was the county’s own militia supplemented by militia from other counties : A prudent disposition of militia force, together with the occasional aid of militia adjoining the frontiers would, with proper and spirited execution, in a great measure, if not entirely, have afforded protection & security to that part of the country. Third, the Committee singled out the need to prevent militia delinquency to strengthen the county’s defenses (Monmouth County was in the midst of a crackdown on militia delinquency): Delinquency of the officers and classes in some of the counties in procuring and forwarding men for that directed service has greatly contravened the good intentions of the legislature, and burdened the militia in that quarter with an over-proportion of the duty. Fourth, the committee called on Governor William Livingston to call out militia from other counties to assist Monmouth County when necessary. The report’s last two findings focused specifically on the Retaliators. Fifth, the Committee declared that: The Association for Retaliation, referred to in the said memorial, is an illegal and dangerous combination, utterly subversive to the law, highly dangerous to the government, immediately tending to create disunion among the inhabitants, directly leading toward anarchy and confusion, and tending to the dissolution of the constitution and government. And, finally, the committee suggested that: The exertions of the associators regularly to enforce laws in that county, and to defend the frontiers against the predatory incursions of the enemy's parties, would have had a much more evident tendency to have produced security for the said county, and safety to the well-affected inhabitants, than any illegal combination whatever. The report was a stinging rebuke of the vigilante acts of the Retaliators. However, the report never explicitly banned the Retaliators. For this reason, James Mott, a Monmouth County Assemblyman (recently exchanged home from capture and an in-law to Joseph Salter) offered an amendment to the report on October 2. Mott sought to add the following sentence: "that the association referred to in the memorial ought to be discountenanced by the legislature as illegal and contrary to the laws of this state." The Assembly declined to add Mott’s language by an 11-14 vote. Monmouth County’s other two Assemblymen, Hendrick Smock and Thomas Seabrook, voted against the new language. Both men had signed the Articles of Association for Retaliation. Had Smock and Seabrook voted with Mott, the resolution would have passed 13-12. The defeat of Mott’s amendment allowed the Retaliators to maintain that the Assembly had only frowned on their group. Their vigilante acts would grow bolder in 1781. Related Historic Site : Shrewsbury Quaker Meeting House Sources : Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, September 23 - October 2, 1780, pp. 270-282; The New Jersey Legislature’s rebuke of the Retaliators is in Larry Gerlach, New Jersey in the American Revolution 1763-1783 A Documentary History (Trenton: New Jersey Historical Commission, 1975) p. 399 note 4; Michael Adelberg, Biographical File, unpublished, Monmouth County Historical Association. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Raising David Forman's Additional Continental Army Regiment by Michael Adelberg Captain Thomas Marsh Forman of Cecil County, Maryland, raised a company of Maryland men to defend Monmouth County in David Forman’s Additional Regiment of the Continental Army. - January 1777 - In spring 1776, David Forman raised four companies of Flying Camp for the Monmouth – Middlesex Counties regiment that he would soon command. He suffered through the summer and fall of 1776 with the Continental Army. With enlistments expiring on December 1, Forman led his men back into Monmouth County on November 24 and rounded up 100 Loyalists. A few weeks later, during the Freehold-Middletown Loyalist insurrection, Forman was robbed twice. He left New Jersey for Maryland and started recruiting a new regiment for the Continental Army. Recruiting for Forman’s Additional Regiment It is unclear if Forman had been formally authorized to recruit this new Continental regiment when he started recruiting. It was not until January 11, 1777, that George Washington officially authorized him to do so. In that letter, Washington encouraged Forman to select either David Brearley or Thomas Henderson as his Lt Colonel and Richard Howell as his first major. Washington also set out a few recruiting parameters. Specifically, the recruits: Must be free men between ages of 17 and 50, May not be British Army deserters or people convicted of disaffection, Must enlist for either 3yrs or the length of war, All mustering must conform to the rules set by the Continental Congress’s Board of War, Inducements may be offered including a uniform, equipment, and help-pay pensions for the wounded. There was no mention of a cash or land recruitment bounty. On January 13, Washington followed up with more formal and detailed “recruiting instructions” and authorization to offer recruiting bounties: They shall receive a Bounty of Twenty Dollars and a Suit of Cloaths; the Cloaths to be given annually, as long as they continue in the Service. And at the end of the War, or the term of three Years, every private and Non-Commissioned Officer that shall complete his Service, agreeable to his engagement, shall be entitled to One hundred Acres of Land. Those that die, or are killed in the Service, their legal representatives are to be entitled to the same. Forman’s was not an ordinary Continental Army regiment. It was an “Additional Regiment”—meaning a regiment of the Continental Army raised for a special purpose outside the Continental Line, the main body of the Army. In Forman’s case, his Additional Regiment would be stationed in Monmouth County for the dual purposes of defeating local Loyalists and breaking up illegal trade between Monmouth County and the British camps on Sandy Hook and Staten Island. Whether recruiting in Maryland in December or home in Monmouth County in January, raising men for the Additional Regiment proved difficult. During the American Revolution, few regiments maintained their full strength of near 500 men, but Forman’s Additional Regiment never reached half that size. As originally conceived, four companies of Forman’s regiment were supposed to be raised from Maryland and Delaware, but it appears that only one Maryland-Delaware company, captained by Forman’s nephew, Thomas Marsh Forman, raised an appreciable number of men. After the war, Thomas Marsh Forman would boast that he “recruited the largest company in the Regiment” but it appears that his company reached a peak strength of 33 men (slightly more than half of a full company). The majority of Forman's recruits were raised in Monmouth County in early 1777. Two Monmouth County captains, John Combs and William Wikoff, raised 18 and 10 men respectively in January. John Burrowes, Jr., son of the County Committee Chair, would ultimately raise the largest company. He raised 26 men in February and 22 more men between March and June. A document compiled later in the war suggests that Forman’s Additional Regiment raised only 90 men, of whom ten are listed as deserted; eight captured; five dead; and one invalid. However, this document is likely incomplete. It is probable that the actual number of men recruited into Forman’s Additional regiment was somewhat higher, as immediate desertions and deaths seem to have been left off this retrospectively-compiled roll. Additional evidence is of incompleteness is offered by the “casualty book” for John Burrowes’s company. It lists eight deserters in his company. If Burrowes’s one company had eight deserters, but Forman’s regiment had four functioning companies, it is improbable that the regiment had only ten deserters. One of Forman’s recruits, Samuel Bennett, discussed his enlistment into Forman’s regiment in his postwar veteran’s pension application: Enlisted at Toms River in the County of Monmouth in the month of May 1777 in the company of William Wikoff for the term of three years -- that the said Captain Wikoff did not fill up his company and sometime after he joined the company of Captain John Burrowes. Silas Crane further noted: “The regiment [Forman’s Additional Regiment] was not completed, upon which Capt. Wikoff left the Army & Bennett was put in the company of John Burrowes.” Monmouth men who wished to support the Continental cause in 1777 had a number of options . The State of New Jersey authorized a company of State Troops under Joshua Huddy to defend Monmouth County for a six-month term (Huddy would command similar companies later in the war as well). Huddy and Forman not only had overlapping missions, they likely competed for the same recruits. And Forman’s distant relative, Captain Jonathan Forman of Middletown, commanded a company raised from Monmouth County for the 4th Regiment of the New Jersey Line . Jonathan Forman recruited twelve new recruits from Monmouth County in the first half of 1777, placing him in competition with David Forman. The frustrations of recruiting in competition with other state and Continental units forced Forman to complain. On May 28, 1777, Forman and his senior officers wrote the Continental Congress about the difficulties of recruiting with a Continental Congress bounty when richer bounties were being offered by the New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland legislatures: By the laws of such State Legislatures, we have too much reason to fear the recruiting service as it respects a certain part of the Army of the United States will be much impeded... We are sorry to find that certain laws passed by the Legislatures of Maryland, Delaware and New Jersey, that we are by no means considered to be on equal footing with the other Regiments, but we are laid under such restrictions as amounting, in all its consequences, to an entire prohibition. Forman concluded, "We therefore hope your Honorable House will consider our situation and put us on a respectable footing, by establishing our authority to equality in the different States.” Forman’s memorial was referred to Congress’s Board of War; there is no evidence that it was acted upon. Forman’s recruiting problems had previously led him to propose drafting Loyalist insurrectionaries into his regiment. This plan was not approved, but he was given permission to recruit jailed Loyalists into his regiment—the Loyalists receiving a pardon if they voluntarily enlisted into Forman’s regiment for the length of the war. This topic is discussed in a later article. Beyond recruiting troubles, Forman’s men lacked uniforms until they captured a British ship with hundreds of British uniforms. The weak results of this initiative is the subject of another article. The Performance of Forman’s Additional Regiment Though undersized, Forman’s men were active in Monmouth County’s local war over the next year, but the record of the regiment was generally disappointing. The regiment’s existence helped Monmouth County’s Whigs restore Continental rule after the collapse of the Loyalist insurrections in January 1777. And Forman’s regiment, more or less, replaced Francis Gurney’s Pennsylvania regiment when Gurney left the county on February 5. But Forman’s regiment was not on the front lines in Middletown when the Monmouth militia was routed by British regulars at the Battle of the Navesink and the regiment’s first battle, a doomed attack on Sandy Hook , was quickly repulsed by the heavy guns of a British frigate. Over the next half year, Forman’s regiment participated in the defense of the county from the first Loyalist raids , and the regiment was Forman’s de facto muscle when Forman was commissioned a General of the New Jersey militia and flirted with martial law in Monmouth County. By the summer of 1777, Forman’s men were stationed at Manasquan , ostensibly to guard the salt works of the Monmouth shore. But with Forman’s men serving at a salt works that he co-owned, credible charges of conflicts of interest soon emerged. This and other abuses would lead to a dispute between Forman and the New Jersey Legislature, climaxing with Forman losing his militia commission and command of his regiment in early 1778. Related Historic Site : Rogers Tavern Museum (Perryville, Maryland) Sources : National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 108, p34-60; National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 105-8; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Thomas Marsh Forman of Maryland, National Archives, p19; National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 106, p32-76; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Marsh Forman of MD, www.fold3.com/image/#19575180 ; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3777; Robert K. Wright, Jr., The Continental Army (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1983), pp. 100, 321; New Jersey State Archives, Dept of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #2528; George Washington to David Forman, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 8, 6 January 1777 – 27 March 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1998, pp. 44–45; John Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, US Govt Printing Office, Washington DC, vol 6, p 494. Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Neilson Family Papers; Pennsylvania Archives, Series I, v5, p209; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 49; “List of New Jersey Troops”, Numbered Records, National Archive; Casualty Book, Capt. John Burrowes, New Jersey State Archives, Dept of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3777; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Samuel Bennett; William Harrison to David Forman, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 49, item 41, vol. 3, #179-80; Library of Congress, Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. 8, p 394; Muster Rolls, John Burrowes’s Company, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 105, p35, 36, 38, 41, 44, 46. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Thomas Henderson Selected to Continental Congress by Michael Adelberg Abraham Clark was selected to the Continental Congress after Thomas Henderson declined the serve. Henderson was active locally and probably did not want to leave his distressed home county. - November 1779 - Dr. Thomas Henderson was an important supporter of the Revolution in Monmouth County. Before the Declaration of Independence, he served on the Freehold committee and was second-in-command to Colonel David Forman in the regiment of Flying Camp raised to join the Continental Army in spring 1776. He served under George Washington during the disastrous New York Campaign that summer and then came home to capture local Loyalist insurrectionists in November. In early 1777, Henderson helped raise troops for David Forman’s Continental Army Additional Regiment . Later in the year, Henderson was one of three election judges who biased the election against the county’s incumbent legislators. The New Jersey legislature voided the election. Despite the rebuke, Henderson continued as an ardent patriot. In June 1778, following the razing of Middletown Point by Loyalists, Henderson led a mob that captured the Loyalist, William Taylor. He apparently hoped to conduct a prisoner exchange of Taylor for his captured father-in-law, John Burrowes, Sr., who was taken in the attack. A few weeks later, prior to the Battle of Monmouth , Henderson led a mounted militia party that gathered and delivered intelligence on British positions to George Washington. It was Henderson who likely was the first person to tell Washington of the Continental Army’s disorganized initial attack on the morning of the battle. Following the battle, Henderson took a leading role in compiling information on the British plundering of Freehold. Henderson was also a practicing physician and appears to have practiced as a protégé to Dr. Nathaniel Scudder, Freehold’s other practicing physician. Scudder was selected as one of New Jersey’s delegates to the Continental Congress in November 1777. In November 1778, the New Jersey Assembly selected Colonel John Neilson of New Brunswick for the Congressional delegation, but Neilson declined the seat. Scudder and Governor William Livingston lobbied for Thomas Henderson’s selection for the vacant seat. Livingston wrote on November 24, "I heartily wish he may be elected," but the legislature selected Colonel Elias Dayton instead of Henderson. Thomas Henderson Selected to Continental Congress In November 1779, it was widely rumored that Nathaniel Scudder would decline to serve another year in Congress. He had complained that serving in Congress had harmed his family and personal estate. Henderson, as Scudder’s protégé, was an obvious replacement. On November 7, the New Jersey Assembly selected Henderson, William Churchill Houston and John Fell as the state’s delegates to the Congress. On November 19, the credentials of Henderson and the others were presented to Congress. Scudder wrote Henry Laurens, President of the Continental Congress about Henderson: “Colo. Henderson, who if he accepts, shall be a very good man [in Congress]." On November 30, Philadelphia’s leading newspaper, the Pennsylvania Evening Post , noted Henderson’s selection to Congress. It was likely assumed that Henderson would naturally accept Scudder’s seat, but there is no evidence that Henderson ever indicated that he wanted the job. Even before his selection, Abraham Clark (one of New Jersey’s previous delegates in Congress) wrote Rev. John Caldwell, that, "if I am rightly informed… Dr. Scudder, Mr. [Elias] Boudinot, Dr. Henderson and Colo. [Frederick] Frelinghuysen will decline if chosen." Indeed, Henderson did decline to serve, though he was not immediately replaced. There were probably months of discussion between Henderson and those who wanted him to serve. Finally, on March 1, 1780, more than four months after this selection to Congress, the New Jersey Legislature selected Clark to replace Henderson "who declined taking his seat." Henderson’s reasons for declining to serve in Congress are not stated in surviving documents. But it is known that by 1779: 1.) Monmouth County was understood to be among the most distressed localities in the new nation and Henderson probably felt needed at home; and 2.) Henderson held important local offices in the county that were not easily given up. Among his leadership roles, Henderson was the county’s loan commissioner and was likely the Freehold Township magistrate. He would later serve five years in the New Jersey Assembly (1780-1784), the longest consecutive tenure of any of the county’s Revolutionary Era delegates. He also became a proponent of extra-legal retaliation against Loyalists—serving on the Board of Directors of the vigilante group known as the Retaliators. While a delegate in the Assembly, he authored a scathing report on the Associated Loyalists , a Loyalist vigilante group that rivaled the Retaliators. At war’s end, Henderson became a judge of the Court of Common Pleas (1783) and the county commissioner to settle the accounts of veterans owed money by the state (1783). Later in life, he served in the upper house of the New Jersey Legislature (the Legislative Council). Henderson ran for the United State Congress in the first election under the Constitution (1788), but was defeated. He did, however, win a seat to Congress in the 1790s and served for two years and briefly served as New Jersey’s acting governor. Related Historic Site : Independence Hall (Philadelphia, PA) Sources : William Livingston to Thomas Henderson, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, pp. 484; Library of Congress, Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. 15, p 1324 and vol. 16, p 84; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, November 17, 1779, p 28; William Livingston to Nathaniel Scudder, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, pp. 225, 281 note; Nathaniel Scudder to Henry Laurens, Pennsylvania Historical Society, Charles Jenkins Collection, ALS: Nathaniel Scudder; Library of Congress, Early American Newspapers, Pennsylvania Evening Post; Abraham Clark to John Caldwell, Paul Smith, et al, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1970) vol. 18, p 110; Michael Adelberg, Biographical File, in the collection of the Monmouth County Historical Association; Randall Gabrielan, Monmouth County Revolutionary War Sites (Charleston, SC: History Press, 2025), 117-118. 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > British and Continental Soldiers Pass Through Allentown by Michael Adelberg 1777 map shows the roads between New York and Philadelphia. Note the location of Allen’s Town (Allentown) at the confluence of roads from Trenton and Philadelphia. - December 1776 - George Washington’s bold attack on the Hessians at Trenton on Christmas, 1776, changed the course of the war. For the first time, the British were defeated and the surprise attack set both armies in motion. The armies would soon meet again at the Battle of Princeton on January 3. In between, detachments of both armies passed through Allentown, on the western edge of Monmouth County. At this time, Allentown and surrounding Upper Freehold Township was loosely controlled by an embryonic Loyalist regime , more or less led by Commissioner John Lawrence. The arrests and property confiscations of the Loyalist insurrection took a toll on Allentown. On December 27, when a regiment of Hessians entered the town, they found it largely empty. The reputation of the Hessians for brutality likely induced Allentown’s residents to flee. Captain Johann Ewald wrote: “In the afternoon, the march continued to Allentown where the corps arrived in the evening and took up quarters in devastated and abandoned houses, which numbered about eighty.” Ewald’s commander, Colonel Carl von Donop, used Allentown as a base to gather up and reorganize the recently defeated Hessians. On the 27th, he wrote General Wiliam Knyphausen, the commander of German troops in America, that "I have organized all the escaped men from the Rall brigade and made up a force of two hundred and ninety-two men." Von Donop worried that “my ammunition has run low, only about 9 bullet cartridges to a man,” but still thought Allentown’s location at a key crossroads made it an ideal place to camp. "This place is so situated that I intend to get through it to anywhere from here." With a Delaware Continental regiment only four miles away at Crosswicks, von Donop left Allentown for Hightstown on the afternoon of December 28. Historian David Hackett Fisher noted that the Hessians brought 150 wagons of supplies with them when they entered and left Allentown. This would have been the largest baggage train ever brought through Allentown—until the British Army’s baggage train in the days preceding the Battle of Monmouth. The Delaware Continentals followed the Hessians and moved into Allentown on December 29. Captain Thomas Rodney was not among the first of his regiment to enter Allentown, but he described the activities of his regiment’s vanguard as it entered Allentown. Before dawn, the Continentals turned the tables on the Loyalist insurrectionists. Rodney wrote: This morning, about sunrise we set out to reinforce the troops that went forward last night. We marched on through Allentown without stopping, about half a mile beyond, met the troops returning with about 30 bullocks and 5 Tories. Later that day, the Delaware troops shot and killed Isaac Pearson, the former town clerk, now a Loyalist, of neighboring Nottingham Township (Burlington County). Pearson was being sheltered by Upper Freehold Loyalists. The local Loyalists escaped but Pearson was not so fortunate, “In the afternoon was brought in the body of Isaac Pearson, who being found in the house with other Tories that were taken, fled off." Rodney described Allentown: “A little village of wooden houses, indifferently built on both sides of the road, at a mill, about 4 miles from Crosswicks." And he described a distasteful first encounter with the newly-arrived Captain Francis Wade of Pennsylvania. Wade had arrived with orders to set up a Quartermaster office at Allentown. Rodney called Wade "a vain blustering man." Rodney and the Delaware Continentals would stay at Allentown until January 2. While there, Rodney talked with Upper Freehold Whigs who were recently abused by the insurrectionists. He wrote: Jersey will be the most Whiggest [sic] colony on the continent: the Quakers declare for taking up arms. You cannot imagine the distress of this country. They [British and Loyalists] have stripped everybody almost, without distinction - even of all their clothes, and have beat and abused men, women and children in the most cruel manner ever heard of. It is possible that the locals exaggerated the brutality of the conduct of the insurrectionists, as there are no documents that detail beatings from the Upper Freehold Loyalists. It is also possible that Rodney was conflating accounts from Upper Freehold with accounts from western New Jersey, where Hessian soldiers engaged in numerous acts of brutality. Not all of the locals were bitterly divided. One of Allentown’s leading merchants, Richard Waln, though a Quaker pacifist, supported the Loyalist insurrection. This did not stop him from selling goods to the Continentals on December 31. On December 31, much of the Delaware regiment went to Cranbury to gather supplies and intelligence. During their absence, a Pennsylvania regiment under Lt. Colonel Francis Gurney moved into town. The officers of the two regiments nearly came to blows that evening. Rodney wrote: When we returned to Allentown, my quarters were full of militia [Pennsylvania Flying Camp] and there was no place to sit or lie down. I went to the door of the room, which was now occupied by three Pennsylvania field officers and politely requested to let us come in and sit by the fire, but they sternly refused. I told them we had no other place to go and if they would not admit us willingly they must defend themselves, and thereupon drew my sword. But the Continental officers were able to reach an accord, after which "we spent the rest of the night in great festivity... with good wine and ready dressed provisions." Gurney’s men would soon march for Freehold where they would clash with and defeat Monmouth County’s new Loyalist militia. Francis Wade would act as Continental Quartermaster at Allentown for several months. His relationships with the people of Monmouth County would be no better than his relationship with Thomas Rodney. Related Historic Site : Battle of Princeton State Park Sources : Thomas Rodney, Diary of Captain Thomas Rodney, 1776-1777 (Wilmington: Delaware Historical Society, 1888) p 26; Thomas Rodney, Diary of Captain Thomas Rodney, 1776-7 (Wilmington: Delaware Historical Society, 1888, p 27; John Fabiano, Allen's Town, New Jersey: Crossroads of the American Revolution, unpublished manuscript in the collection of the Allentown Historical Society, p 31; John Fabiano, Allen's Town, New Jersey: Crossroads of the American Revolution, unpublished manuscript in the collection of the Allentown Historical Society, p 25. 28; Johann Ewald, Diary of an American War (New Haven: Yale UP, 1979), 55; David Hackett Fischer, Washington's Crossing (NY: Oxford UP, 2004) p260, 344; New Jersey State Archives, Revolutionary War, Manuscripts Coll., box 2, #9, #12 and William S. Stryker, Battles of Trenton and Princeton, pp. 398-400; George Ryden, Letters to and from Caesar Rodney, 1756-84 (Philadelphia: U of Penn Press, 1933) p 152; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 79; Thomas Rodney, Diary of Captain Thomas Rodney, 1776-7 (Wilmington: Delaware Historical Society, 1888, p 27; John Fabiano, Allen's Town, New Jersey: Crossroads of the American Revolution, unpublished manuscript in the collection of the Allentown Historical Society, p 31 Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Countians Fight at Battle of Germantown by Michael Adelberg Gen. William Smallwood commanded about 400 Monmouth troops at the Battle of Germantown. In the confusion of battle, red-coated Monmouth men took fire from Continental soldiers. - September 1777 - In August 1777, the main body of the British Army in America landed at Elk Head, Maryland and began marching north toward Philadelphia. George Washington’s Continental Army rushed south to face the advancing British. A call went across New Jersey for patriots to join them. First Monmouth Countians March to the Defense of Philadelphia Although documentation is lacking, at least one company of Monmouth County militia marched into Pennsylvania in early September to join the Continental Army as it prepared to defend the capital along the Brandywine Creek in southeastern Pennsylvania. Two Monmouth County militiamen recorded participating in the Battle of Brandywine on September 11 and were at the Paoli Massacre on September 20. Joseph Kelly of Middletown recalled: As many as could be spared from the shore went and, as fast as we could go, we arrived there in the beginning of September 1777, some miles below Philadelphia. Captain Smith went with us. He was one of Washington’s captains (regulars). We were placed under General Wayne [Anthony Wayne] at the Battle of Brandywine, which was a few days after we got there. It was a hot siege that we had there. That same night we left the battleground and filed off towards Philadelphia. We arrived there next morning, it rained and we were tired and had a very bad time. We soon encamped on French Creek. Shortly afterwards, we were sent into General Wayne’s detachment near the Paoli tavern. He remembers the night of the massacre well and a horrid night it was too, the British used the bayonet only and made a terrible slaughter. Kelly’s narrative is corroborated by Thomas Patten of Shrewsbury who recalled "working on artillery carriages for the purpose of forming a flying company” in August “to march to the main army which was making head against the British.” Patten went “with seven others, were selected from said village on account of our activity & spryness. We marched toward the main body & joined the division under the command of General Greene [Nathanael Greene]." Patten manned a cannon at the Battle of Brandywine, which lasted eleven hours. The long day took its toll: “My head was so severely injured by the repeated explosions as to cause the blood to gush from my ears & create a deafness that has continued to this day." After the Paoli Massacre, most of the Monmouth men fell back to Philadelphia and marched to Trenton, where they were dismissed. But some of the men stayed in Philadelphia and then marched west to guard the fleeing Continental Congress. Stephen Seabrook recalled his company "guarding the Congress from Philadelphia when the British was advancing on that city." David Forman Raises a Large Force Even before this first group of Monmouth men returned home, another call went out for more support. Governor William Livingston ordered out militia from across New Jersey. Beyond the militia call-out, Major Thomas Mifflin of the Continental Army, who participated in toppling the Loyalist insurrections in Monmouth County eight months earlier, made a direct appeal to Colonel David Forman for help. Mifflin knew Forman commanded an (undersized) Continental Regiment in Monmouth County. As Continentals, they would not be subject to the militia alarm. On September 14, Mifflin wrote directly to Forman about the need to protect Philadelphia and then appealed for help: I believe that forty or fifty light cavalry from your state will be of infinite aid to us -- if they can be formed into a troop & sent forward without delay they will render essential service to America. I will supply them with forage. It is not clear if Forman responded to Mifflin, but Forman, who was also the militia general over Monmouth, Middlesex, and Burlington counties, raised 900 men and crossed into Pennsylvania on September 25. The exact number of Monmouth Countians is unknown, but Monmouth militiaman Zachariah Hankins recalled marching with “Captain [Michael] Sweetman's company and some other companies of militia [Captains William Schenck and Benjamin Van Cleave], Captain [John] Burrowes's company of regulars, and [Joshua] Huddy's artillery company, all under the command of Col. Holmes [Asher Holmes] and Genl. Forman.” Solomon Ketchum of Middletown recalled the march: Marched from Shrewsbury to Freehold when they were joined by some companies from Middletown and Freehold and, under the command of Colonel Asher Holmes, proceeded to Allentown where they stayed all night. Next day they marched to Burlington and crossed the Delaware at Bristol... Was ordered to cook three days provisions, which was done. One company of Forman’s Continentals joined the militia on the march, including the company of Captain Burrowes, the largest in the regiment. In all, the Monmouth Countians may have numbered about half of Forman’s 900. But some of these men never made it to Pennsylvania. Tunis Aumack recalled, "he marched part of the way to Germantown… but his company was sent back to drive off the British and Tories who were pillaging along the shore in their absence.” While Forman’s force was considerable, its size disappointed General Washington. He wrote Forman on the 26th: "I am sorry to find you cannot bring on so respectable a force as we both could wish & had reason to expect.” He asked Forman to “collect your scattered parties as soon as possible." In a letter to Elbridge Gerry, Washington confided that he had expected Forman to bring at least 1,500 men. The British Army took Philadelphia the next day. Forman circled around the British Army in the city and joined up with General William Smallwood’s Maryland regiment west of Philadelphia on September 27. They stayed with the Marylanders for the next week. Monmouth Countians Fight at the Battle of Germantown On the morning of October 4, Forman’s militia, together with Smallwood's Marylanders, were ordered by General John Sullivan, to “march a further circuit to the rear of the right wing to attack the British right flank.” The longer march and unfamiliarity with the land caused the Smallwood-Forman brigade to arrive later than expected. Foggy weather and smoke from cannon fire caused low visibility on the battlefield. In the confusion, Continental troops fired on each other. Forman’s regiment, wearing red uniforms taken from the British six months earlier, may have added to the confusion within the Continental ranks. One of Forman’s men, Koert Schenck, recalled that Captain Burrowes' company “who all wore red coats and were fired at by some of our troops by mistake." The next day, Major Asher Holmes of the Monmouth Militia (soon to be Colonel) wrote his wife about the battle. He recalled being in a brigade with "the Jersey militia and Red Coats under Gen. Forman and the Maryland militia" under Smallwood. Initially, the New Jersians and Marylanders "drove the enemy" but "by thickness of the fog the enemy got in our rear" and the Continentals around them retreated. According to Holmes, “the enemy was within a 120 yards of us in the hottest fire." Despite this: The Monmouth militia and Forman's Red Coats stood firm and advanced upon the British Red Coats until our ammunition was nearly exhausted and the enemy advancing on our right flank, Gen. Forman then ordered us to retreat which we did in pretty good order. Holmes noted that “the officers are all well since the battle, our army is in good spirits... we have lost very few, if any, killed and not many wounded.” Other sources add to Holmes’s account. An anonymous eyewitness recalled the brave (and perhaps exaggerated) action of a Monmouth man named Barkalow: During the heat of the Battle of Germantown, while bullets flew as thick as hail stones, one Barkalow (of Monmouth) was leveling his musket at the enemy, when his lock was carried away by a ball. Undismayed, he caught up the gun of a comrade just killed at his side, and taking aim, a bullet entered his muzzle and twisted it around like a corkscrew. Still undaunted, our hero immediately kneeled down, unswerved the lock from the twisted barrel, screwed it into the barrel from which the lock had been torn, and blazed away at the enemy. The newly-raised artillery company of Captain Joshua Huddy made the march to Germantown but did not make it into the battle. Jerusa Sanford, wife of one of Huddy’s men, William Sanford, recalled that “their piece was an iron one and very heavy so they were kept out of the battle." William Stryker, who extensively researched New Jersey’s Revolutionary War soldiers in the late 1800s, determined that one of Forman’s men, Gershom Vanderhull, was fatally wounded and two other men (Andrew Mains and Jesse Vanderule) were wounded at Germantown. But Stryker did not record the wounding of Thomas Patten, who wrote: “Received a wound with musket ball in my side so severe as to disable me until the later period of the spring [1778]." He was taken back to Freehold "and remained there until late fall when I was taken to the hospital at New Brunswick until the latter part of May." After the battle, the Monmouth men briefly stayed with the Army. Ketchum recalled that his “company became much scattered” during the battle and it likely took some time for the men to find each other after the retreat. Catherine Reid recalled that her husband, John Reid, took part in “burying two soldiers killed at Germantown.” Jerusa Sanford also wrote that her husband buried the dead after the battle. Forman’s men soon returned to New Jersey. Hankins recalled: "After the battle, they remained a few days with the army and came back to Trenton under Genl. Forman, his company was discharged at Monmouth Court House and he went home." The total period of the call-out was six weeks, according to Benjamin Berry of Captain Sweetman’s Company (Freehold Township), but different companies mustered at different times, so Berry’s time estimate was not universal for all of the Monmouth men. In total, Monmouth Countians responded well to the call to defend Philadelphia. Their conduct demonstrates a considerable turnaround from ten months earlier when the county militia “laid down its arms” rather than face Loyalists emboldened by the British advance across New Jersey. That the Monmouth militia advanced on the enemy in pitched battle, despite lacking munitions and training, is noteworthy. However, Monmouth County paid a price for marching so many of its patriots out of state; the county suffered (at least) two Loyalist attacks during the absence of its most patriotic Whigs. Postscript: David Forman and the Defense of Red Bank Even before David Forman left Pennsylvania, George Washington requested his return. He wrote Forman on October 6: You having informed me that the time of your present brigade of militia is near expiring, and that many others who came out here for no certain amount of time are anxious to return home, you have my permission to march... When they cross the river, you may discharge them. But I must beg that you will use your utmost endeavors to collect a number equal to what you have brought to join the army under my command. Two days later, the New Jersey Assembly passed an act to raise 2,000 militia under Forman. Governor Livingston accordingly called out the militias of Hunterdon, Burlington, Middlesex, Monmouth & Sussex counties to assemble at Princeton. However, Forman was not optimistic. He wrote Washington from Freehold on October 11: “Your Excellency observes that the order calls for 2,000, neither the Legislative body nor myself expect that so many will march." Forman wrote Washington from Princeton on October 15: “I do not believe I shall collect three hundred men.” Only the Burlington County militia turned out, Forman noted needing to keep many of his own men on the Jersey shore to protect the salt works (in which he was heavily invested). He reported of the Monmouth militia: The Monmouth militia turned out quite well as before, but from the interruptions of several enemy pillaging parties into that County during my late absence, the inhabitants have been led to petition the Legislative body that no part of their militia may march off, and have succeeded for the present. In an October 19 letter, Washington acknowledged the need to protect the salt works requested whatever men Forman could spare. He was more forceful in his next letter to Forman on October 21. “I request in the most urgent manner that you use your utmost exertions immediately to collect a large body of your militia and hasten to the relief of that post [Red Bank on the Delaware River].” Washington argued that the immediate threat to Red Bank was more important than theoretical threat to the salt works: What I have said is on supposition that the danger to the salt work is not so great as to require the whole force you may be able to gather to defend it. I do not mean to neglect the precaution necessary for their security, they are of too much importance; but the defence of Red Bank is an object of the greatest moment. Forman marched for Red Bank on October 21 and arrived at Red Bank on October 26 with an unknown number of Monmouth men. He sent for the assembled Burlington militia. On his arrival, he began quarreling with Silas Newcomb, the militia general commanding the New Jersey militia from the southern counties. Forman complained about Newcomb to Washington who responded: “Your complaints respecting the conduct of Gen Newcomb give me more concern.” But Washington deferred to the New Jersey government to consider the dispute. Governor Livingston sided with Forman and, two weeks later, ordered Newcomb to transfer his command to Forman. As late as October 29, Forman was still collecting men. He wrote Washington from Red Bank: The Excessive rainy weather has prevented the troops from Monmouth and Burlington coming forward as fast as I could have wished—They are however some of them this day advanced as far as Haddonfield and will in the morning be down, when I will Immediately incorporate them with the two Garrisons—They will not be equal to our wants. On November 1, Washington wrote Henry Laurens, President of the Continental Congress, about the situation at Red Bank. He complimented the efforts of Philemon Dickinson (senior general of the New Jersey militia) and Forman “whose conduct and zeal upon every occasion, give them a claim to the Public esteem.” But he was still disappointed with the New Jersey militia’s turnout. David Forman’s Controversies Cloud the Defense of Red Bank Meanwhile, Forman’s troubles with the New Jersey Legislature were coming to a head. Forman had left Red Bank to rally more men to its defense. He wrote Washington from Princeton on November 7 complaining about his continued quarrels with General Newcomb and new quarrels with the New Jersey Legislature: Two Petitions ware handed into the Assembly most unjustly charging me and sundry other Gent. with undue practices on the day of election & praying the election to be set aside—The Petition was read in the House and a hearing ordered on Tewsday [sic] next and a notice served on me to attend. I immediately went to the Assembly, informed them of my situation and requested the hearing might be deferred for a few days until the militia ware assembled and put in some order—My request was denyed [sic]. Forman told the Assembly, “it was impossible” for him to attend the Legislature while rallying the militia and leading the defense of Red Bank. Forman then informed Washington that he had “returned” his militia Brigadier General’s commission to the legislature. Forman also accused the legislature of insufficiently supporting the war: I have long been disgusted with the indolence and want of attention to military matters in the Legislature of this State; I was determined to spin out this campaign in my Slavery until I found a set of Men plotting by the most unfair means to stain my reputation. Washington was saddened by Forman’s resignation. He wrote Livingston, "General Forman has, to my great concern, and contrary to my warmest solicitations, resigned his commission upon some misunderstanding with the Assembly." Forman returned to Red Bank. Despite having resigned from the New Jersey militia, Newcomb was removed and it appears Forman continued on as the de facto commander of the assembled New Jersey militia. On November 24, General Nathanael Greene noted that the New Jersey militia “under Forman” was leaving Red Bank. However, militiamen who had been recruited into the army during their service at Red Bank would have to stay. Related Historic Sites : Battle of Brandywine Visitor Center (Brandywine, PA); Cliveden (Germantown, PA); Red Bank Battlefield Park Sources : Cyclopedia of New Jersey Biography, David Forman, American Historical Society, New York City, 1921 Page 25-29; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Benjamin Berry of VA, National Archives, p4-6; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Van Note of Ohio, S.3114; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Zachariah Hawkins of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#22623931 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Patten of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#27227091 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Kelley of PA, www.fold3.com/image/# 26180227; David Forman to [?], Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collection; Donald Brownlow, A Documentary History of the Battle of Germantown (Germantown, PA: Germantown Historical Society, 1955) pp. 11, 47; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, September 26 and 29, 1777; George Washington to Elbridge Gerry, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 11, 19 August 1777 – 25 October 1777, ed. Philander D. Chase and Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2001, pp. 326–327; Mary Hyde, Jersey at Germantown, New York Times, May 3, 1896, p1-2; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Tunis Aumock; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Jonthan Hildreth of NY, www.fold3.com/image/#22779401 ; Contained in: National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John Reid of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# 14359840; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Benjamin Van Cleave; William S. Stryker, Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary War (Trenton: Naar, Day & Naar, 1872); Anonymous Account, Hezekiah Niles, “Centennial Offering” (New York: A. S. Barnes & Co., 1876), p 497; Charles Lefferts, Uniforms of American, British, French & German Armies in the Revolution (New York: 1926) p 31; Sullivan, John, Letters and Papers of Major John Sullivan, Otis G. Hammond, ed., 2 vols. (Concord, NH: 1930-31) vol. 2, p 543; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Reid; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Koert Schenck; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Stephen Seabrook; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Solomon Ketchum of NY, www.fold3.com/image/#25013139 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Patten of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#27227091 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - George Taylor; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of William Sanford of NJ, National Archives, p3-5, 22-3; Asher Holmes, Letter Concerning the Battle at Germantown, 1777, Proceedings of the NJHS, vol 7, 1922, p34-5; George Washington to David Forman, Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p163. Postscript Sources : David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, October 5 and 9, 1777; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, October 8, 1777, p 195; William Livingston to David Forman, in Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, pp. 89-90, 93, 94-5; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, October 10 - 16, 1777; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, October 10 - 16, 1777; George Washington to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections; George Washington to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections; George Washington to David Forman, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 9, pp. 402, 411; George Washington to David Forman, Arthur Pierce, Smugglers' Woods, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1960) p 232; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 3B, reel 17, October 20, 1777; George Washington to David Forman, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 11, 19 August 1777 – 25 October 1777, ed. Philander D. Chase and Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2001, pp. 572–573; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 45, October 25 - 31, 1777; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 45, October 25 - 31, 1777; David Forman to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 13–16; David Forman to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 49–51, 59; George Washington to William Livingston, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 9, pp. 485-6. Library of Congress, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 168, item 152, vol. 5, p 161; George Washington to Henry Laurens, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 78–85; William Livingston to Silas Newcomb, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, pp. 99-100; David Forman to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 151–154; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, p 108; Nathanael Greene, The Papers of General Nathanael Greene (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1976) vol. 2, p 206. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Jonathan Forman’s Long Service in the Continental Army by Michael Adelberg Jonathan Forman led a company of Monmouth troops through the famous winter at Valley Forge. He served in the army from 1776 into 1783, longer than any other Monmouth County officer. - February 1783 - Jonathan Forman was born into a prominent family from Middletown Point. He was the son of a successful merchant and son-in-law to John Burrowes, Sr., the Chairman of the County Committee , (which coordinated anti-British dissent before the Revolution). Members of his extended family included several of the county’s leading supporters of the Revolution: militia colonel, Samuel Forman; judge Peter Forman; sheriff John Burrowes, Jr.; and Continental Army Colonel and judge David Forman. Born in 1755, Jonathan Forman was a recent Princeton graduate at the start of the Revolution; he was not yet deep into career pursuits that would make long term military service difficult. On June 18, 1776, Jonathan Forman enlisted for five months service in the New Jersey Flying Camp Regiment headed by his kinsman, David Forman. Jonathan was commissioned a Lieutenant under his brother-in-law, Captain John Burrowes, Jr. Since both company officers were from Middletown Point, it is probable that they raised their company from that village and the surrounding neighborhoods. Forman served through the disastrous New York campaign and retreat into New Jersey. While most of David Forman’s Flying Camp returned home at the end of November to arrest Loyalists and then laid low during the December Loyalist insurrections , Jonathan Forman stayed with the Army. He enlisted as a captain, under Monmouth County’s Lt. Colonel David Brearley, in the 1st Regiment of the New Jersey Line on November 23, 1776 (some documents list January 1, 1777 as his enlistment date). He would remain in the New Jersey Line for the rest of the war—serving longer than any other Monmouth County officer. The Military Service of Jonathan Forman, 1777-1778 Forman was with Washington’s Army all through 1777, except in the month of August when he was sent home to retake deserters. This is recorded in his journal: 12th, myself got liberty to go to Jersey on command after Deserters / 13th, set out this morning with Capt. [Isaiah] Wool, being provided with horse, arrived that day at Allentno [sic] / 14th, arrived home [Middletown Point] where continued till 27th then set out with Capt. Wool to join the Regt / 28th, Allentno / 29th, C'pers Ferry [Coopers] / 30th, join'd the Regt at Brandywine. He returned in time to be with the Continental Army for its defeats at the battles of Brandywine and Germantown . Muster rolls from Forman’s Continental Army company have survived for much of 1778 and 1779. These muster rolls reveal a lot about Forman’s command. Based on surnames of the men in Forman’s company it is safe to assume that the company was raised from Monmouth County, though it is likely that a few people from other locales served alongside the Monmouth Countians. Starting in 1777, Continental Army recruits enlisted for terms of either three years or the length of the war. Through 1777, Forman’s company had more than 50 rank and file (near full strength). At a time when much of the Army was very short on men, Forman’s company was much larger than most. However, absences were high—18 men were absent in January 1778, and a slightly different list of 18 men were absent in February 1778. The absences occurred during the fabled winter camp at Valley Forge —when Washington’s camp shivered through the winter outside of Philadelphia while the British wintered comfortably in Philadelphia. Forman’s company traveled across New Jersey that June and fought at the Battle of Monmouth . During the Monmouth Campaign the New Jersey Line saw significant action and endured losses (12 wounded, 7 missing, 9 captured, 2 killed in battle, 2 others dead). Forman’s company had only one documented loss: Private Daniel Stevens deserted on the day of the Battle of Monmouth. Forman spent four days at Englishtown after the battle, but went home for a day. Forman recorded in his journal: "29th at English Town… July 2d, went home [Middletown Point] and returned to Englishtno where we lay till Thirst [Thursday]." There is no evidence of exceptional furlough or desertions in Forman’s company even when the company was close to home. This suggests that the company had high morale; it is possible that short absences were winked at by officers and went undocumented. From Englishtown, Washington’s Army marched out of Monmouth County, but Forman’s company stayed and accompanied Colonel Daniel Morgan’s regiment as it shadowed the British on their withdrawal to Sandy Hook. Forman’s journal entries reveal that his company stayed in Monmouth County until July 14, several days longer than Morgan: The Main Army then moved to Spotswood / Our Brigade being left to observe the motion of the en'y [enemy]. Colo march'd that morning to Mr. Denice's, myself sent off to Midle Tno [Middletown] where the en'y [enemy] had possession of the heights to get intelligence[.] Col Morgan laying there with abt [about] 200 Riflemen and part of his Excellency's guards returned Saturday [the] 11th on guard / Sunday 12th, went to Mid Tno [Middletown] with Colo D [Elias Dayton] and David B [Brearley] to reconnoiter [reconnoiter]. The eny [enemy] moved off to Sandy Hook and embark'd / the Brigade moved down to VM [Van Mater] Mills where we lay till Tuesday, the 14th, march'd abt [about] 3 o'clock a.m. to Spotswood abt [about] 14 miles distant. Forman was back with the Continental Army at Elizabethtown by July 18 when he was dispatched to carry a body of British prisoners to Morristown. Forman was sent home again in October when General William Maxwell, commanding New Jersey’s troops, sent him to gather information on the British incursion at Little Egg Harbor: Genl Maxwell has sent two Messengers to Major [Richard] Howell for Intelligence, I have now desired him to send Capt. Forman (who is well acquainted in that Country) to go to Middletown, Naversink &c. and get all the Intelligence he can and immediately to return. That same month, Maxwell sent one officer to each New Jersey County to recruit for one month. Forman was selected for Monmouth County. As noted below, Forman apparently stayed home for another four months after that, missing the brutal winter of 1779 at Morristown. The Military Service of Jonathan Forman, 1779 While Forman served continuously through the war, his junior officers did not. One of his original Lieutenants, Daniel Pearson, left the army on December 1, 1778. The other, Ephraim Whitlock, transferred commands on March 1, 1779. The new Lieutenants (Cyrus DeHart, Absalom Bonham) were probably not from Monmouth County and this might reflect the company’s rank and file evolving over time to be less Monmouth County-centered. In fact, by March 1779, only eighteen of the January 1777 rank and file were still serving in Forman’s company. March 1779 also appears to have been a low point for Forman’s company—its fit and present rank and file had dipped to 33 men. 23 more were unfit: eight men had deserted, two were furloughed, one was absent with leave, eleven were sick & absent, one was confined. That same month, Forman was one of several New Jersey Line officers to petition the legislature regarding inadequate support for its soldiers. Forman followed up with a letter directly to George Washington. On March 8, he wrote: It will be proper to inform your Excellency that the officers of the Jersey Brigade have repeatedly at almost every session of the Assembly since 1777 memorialized upon the necessities of the troops but we have the misfortune to inform your Excellency that not a single resolve was entered into the minutes on our favor... We have lost all confidence in our Legislature, reason and experience forbid that we should have any. Forman specifically noted that the officers were owed several months pay and then concluded: We have the highest sense of your ability and virtue, the execution of your orders has given us pleasure, that we love the service and we love our Country; but when that Country gets so lost to virtue & justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from that service. Forman then signed another petition of complaint to the New Jersey Assembly on April 17. His discontent continued into May when he wrote Governor William Livingston on behalf of the officers of the First Regiment on May 8. Forman noted that previous pleas for assistance for their suffering families were ignored and again threatened resignation: So long ago as last winter we informed the Council of our determination to leave the service unless we were properly provided for, and from them we again received assurances that provisions should be made for us... We love the service, and we love our Country; but when a Country gets so lost to virtue and justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes the duty to retire from service. Forman was not whining without merit. A return of his company on July 30, 1779, shows that his company was shockingly short on supplies. Of his 44 non-commissioned men, they are were short on the following essentials: 9 hats, 8 coats, 19 vests, 43 breeches, 44 stockings, 11 shoes (one or more), 24 shirts, 43 frocks, 10 blunderbusses, 3 firelocks, 3 bayonets, 3 cartridge boxes, 3 belts, 6 scabbards, 9 flints, 33 cartridge boxes (less a full complement of 24), 30 turn keys, 31 priming wires, 34 canteens, and 8 knapsacks. Washington wrote General Maxwell about Forman’s protests, He was unsympathetic : Our troops have been uniformly better fed than any others—they are at this time very well clad and probably will continue to be so—While this is the case they [the complaining officers] will have no just cause of complaint. It is important that any misconception on this point should be rectified. However, Washington also used the opportunity to lobby both Governor Livingston and the Continental Congress for more provisions for the Army. It is unknown exactly when conditions improved for the Army. But New Jersey troops soon went west into Pennsylvania to fight in the Iroquois Campaign . Provisions likely flowed into camp prior to that assignment. There is no record of Forman complaining in the later years of the war. Jonathan Forman’s Military Service, 1780-1783 If there was a taint on Forman’s reputation for complaining, it was temporary. On November 20, 1781, he was promoted to major in the 1st Regiment of the New Jersey Line. He was stationed at King’s Bridge in Westchester County, New York where he married Mary Ledyard on March 5, 1782. In August, Forman was at Newburgh where he became commander of a combined New York-New Jersey battalion. General Edward Hand wrote him: “You are appointed to the command of a battalion of infantry to be composed of New Jersey and York flank companies.” His four-company command stretched as far as Peekskill. Forman was entrusted to determine who could and could not pass enemy lines. He was at Dobbs Ferry on September 11, 1782, when he forwarded George Washington letters intercepted from a Loyalist and passports from men seeking to go to New York: I do myself the honor to enclose for your Excellency the receipt for a letter sent the 8th inst. address’d for Sir Guy Carleton, together with eleven private letters receiv’d last evening… Also a passport from Brigadier Genrl. [Moses] Hazen for Mr. Garosens passing to New York who I have ordered to remain att Mr. Lawrence’s near this post untill I am informed of your Excellency’s pleasure. On December 11, Forman wrote George Washington again: Mr J. Odle who I permitted yesterday to go between the lines has just returned and informs that Sir Guy Carleton with about 5,000 of the Enemy at New York were preparing to embark; that the transports for their reception were haul’d to the wharfs on Saturday last but waited for a fair wind. The 17th Dragoons was said to compose a part tho’ he could not learn the particular Corps, or given destination for the troops; for this purpose I shall permit him again in two or three days, when he says he will be able to obtain a better account, of the whole. Forman might have indicated a desire to finally leave service at this point. A December 26 order notes discharge from the Continental Army. However, Forman did not leave the Army and he was, in fact, promoted to Lt. Colonel and given a short-lived regimental command on February 11, 1783. In April, when Washington’s Army downsized, Forman was furloughed home. He remained commissioned in the Army until November 13. Three other Monmouth Countians—David Forman, David Brearley, and David Rhea—were also colonels in the Continental Army. The former lost his command in early 1778 and the latter two left the army in 1778 and 1779 respectively. Jonathan Forman was younger than David Forman, Brearley and Rhea and started the war at a more junior rank than these men. Despite Forman’s discontent in 1779, he endured the many battlefield defeats, late pay, scant supplies, and many other privations to serve all the way through the war. He was a true patriot. Jonathan Forman was a founding member of the Society of Cincinnati in 1783 and remained active in the New Jersey militia after the war. He was colonel and led a regiment of federalized New Jersey militia into Pennsylvania to suppress the so-called “Whiskey Rebels” in 1794. Forman was living in New York State by 1800, and became a Brigadier General in that state’s militia on April 14, 1800. Related Historic Site : Valley Forge National Historical Park Sources : Richard Harrison, Princetonians: 1769-1775: A Biographical Dictionary (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014) vol. 1, pp. 377-8; Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army during The War of the Revolution April 1775 to December 1783 (Washington DC: The Rare Book Shop Publishing Company, Inc., 1914) pp. 110, 179, 216; Some muster rolls from Jonathan Forman’s company are mistakenly included in Muster Rolls of New York Provincial Troops, 1755-1764, Collections of the New-York Historical Society for the Year 1891 (New York: New York Historical Society, 1892), pp. 324-33; Captain Jonathan Forman’s Muster Rolls, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 48, p44, 47, 48 & Coll. 11, p6; John Rees, 'They Answered Him with Three Cheers': New Jersey Brigade Losses in the Monmouth Campaign, www.revwar75.com/library/rees/Njlosses.htm ; Munn, David, Battles and Skirmishes of the American Revolution in New Jersey, (Trenton: Bureau of Geology and Topography, New Jersey Geological Survey, 1976) p 132; Jonathan Forman, Anonymous Revolutionary War Diary, Fellows Papers, box 2, Special Collections, Rush-Rhees Library, University of Rochester; transcribed by John Rees; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 16, 1 July–14 September 1778, ed. David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006, pp. 94–95; Lord Stirling to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 300–301; Orders to from William Maxwell to Capt. Jonathan Forman, Library of Congress, Peter Force Collection, 7E, reel 1, William Alexander, #70; William S. Stryker, Officers and Men of New Jersey in the American Revolution (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co, 1967); Jonathan Forman to George Washington, Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 13, 2018, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-10176 ; New York Historical Society, Fairchild Collection, item: Jonathan Forman; Selections from the Correspondence of the Executive of New Jersey, From 1776 to 1786 (Newark, NJ: Newark Daily Advertiser, 1848) p 146; Dennis Ryan, A Salute To Courage The American Revolution as Seen through Wartime Writings (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979) p 151; New Jersey Historical Society, Jonathan Forman, Account Book; National Archives, Numbered Record Books, Records of Military Operations and Service, Orderly Books 60, Apr 27, 1782-Aug 9, 1782, p145; Forman’s discharge is mentioned in John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 24, p 474; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 20, 8 April–31 May 1779, ed. Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010, pp. 439–441; Berg, Fred A., Encyclopedia of Continental Army Units: Battalions, Regiments, and Independent Corps (Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1972) p 82. Daniel Morgan essay David Brearley leaves Army Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Henry "Light Horse Harry" Lee's Dragoons in Monmouth County by Michael Adelberg The bold cavalryman, Henry Lee, was twice court-martialed for ignoring rules, but never convicted. He camped in Monmouth County and performed well, but made enemies and was removed. - February 1779 - As noted in a prior article , in January 1779, George Washington, after resisting calls to do so, sent a regiment of troops into Monmouth County to increase the county’s security. That assignment fell to Colonel Caleb North of Pennsylvania , though North’s regiment would be replaced by deployments led by Mordecai Gist (Maryland ) and Benjamin Ford (Maryland ). These men camped close to the British base at Sandy Hook. They sought to block illegal trade and shield the county from Loyalist raiding parties . Parallel to these troop deployments, the cavalry regiment of Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee was intermittently stationed at Freehold for the purpose of establishing contact with and relaying communications with the French fleet —if it appeared off the New Jersey shore. Lee was apparently ordered to Monmouth County in late January 1779. On the 31st, Washington wrote Governor William Livingston about his decision to send troops into Monmouth County, including this note on Lee’s corps: No Corps of Cavalry remains in Jersey except Major Lee's, which is quartered in the lower part of the Country where the Quarter Master informed me there would be a sufficient supply of forage with least inconvenience to the Inhabitants. However, Lee had not yet arrived in Monmouth County by February 12. That day, David Rhea, the Army’s quartermaster officer for Monmouth County, wrote of Lee’s dragoons, "the light horse have not made their appearance, pray do not send them to these parts as yet.” Rhea went on to describe his difficulties in raising forage for the Army, including the controversy from the seizure of Benjamin Van Cleaf’s grain. Rhea did not want the added burden of finding forage for Lee’s men. Determining Lee’s arrival in Monmouth County is muddied further by a brief report in the New Jersey Gazette on February 15, "We hear that the Continental troops that were for some time stationed at Freehold, in New Jersey, are ordered away by Congress, and to be replaced by some Light Horse." This is a reference to the pending arrival of Lee’s men at Freehold, but it is unclear who they were replacing. While the date of Lee’s arrival at Freehold is unknown, there is no doubt that he arrived and operated out of Freehold by spring. According to a veteran’s pension application filed after the war, James Chambers of Freehold Township, only 15 years old at the time, enlisted in Lee’s dragoons in spring 1779. (Another Monmouth Countian, William Van Mater, enlisted on September 23.) It is probable that Lee was in Monmouth County intermittently through the summer. Lee’s Cavalry Camps at Freehold In September 1779, Lee re-established quarters at Freehold. On September 12, General Nathanael Greene noted ordering Lee to Monmouth County "in hopes that Lee might deliver the letter if D'Estaing should appear off the coast." George Washington sent further orders to Lee: “I desire that you will, with the remainder of your corps, [go] to the County of Monmouth and take a position as near the coast as you can, without making yourself liable to a surprise." Lee was directed to monitor the coast for the arrival of the French Fleet and report on British movements at Sandy Hook. He was also asked to “suppress” illegal trade between Monmouth County and the British to the degree he could do so without risking his men. In another note that day, Washington alluded to sending Lee to nearby Englishtown. At about this time, a sergeant’s guard of Lee’s men patrolling near the Shrewsbury shore killed Lewis Fenton, a notorious Pine Robber . A New Jersey Gazette report on September 23 noted that the men were alerted to Fenton’s presence: The Sergeant immediately impressed a wagon and horse and ordered three of them to secret themselves under some hay... on the approach of the wagon, Fenton (his companion being gone) rushed out to plunder it, while advancing toward the wagon, one of the soldiers shot him through the head, which killed him instantly on the spot. The killing of Fenton is the subject of another article. In October, with the French fleet again expected on the Jersey shore, Washington wrote Livingston about sending pilots to the shore. He wrote on October 4 that “good pilots should be ready to go on Board the French fleet.” Livingston was asked to send the pilot, Wiliam Van Driil, “to go down to Monmouth and join Major Lee at English Town." Two days later, Washington asked Lee to be more vigilant in receiving and conveying intelligence reports from the shore. He wrote: I presume that you constantly keep an intelligent officer to observe the arrival or casting of the enemy's vessels. I wish to have his diary transmitted from time to time, say once a week, and more especially when anything more extraordinary occurs. Later that month, the Continental Congress’ Marine Committee wrote Lee about the pilot, Patrick Dennis, being sent to the Shrewsbury shore to come aboard the French fleet. Congress instructed Lee that: "Captain Patrick Dennis, being employed to wait on the arrival of Count D'Estaing's fleet off the Hook, and being a Gentleman for whom we have the greatest confidence, we request you will afford him every assistance." This likely led to Lee’s men patrolling the shore more vigorously, which created new demands for forage for the horses. Quartermaster officer, David Rhea, was aggrieved. On October 12, he wrote that "Major Lee's dragoons have done as they please since they have been in this county.” Rhea refused Lee’s request for wagons and horse teams to supply his men and worried that Lee would negotiate purchases on his own with local farmers. He further wrote: I have put him off in such a manner that I believe he will not ask again -- I think I shall have no more of it -- those horse consume a large quantity of forage, and at a very high price, I know not what to do --I hope they will not stay long. Rhea’s complete grievances with Lee are the subject of another article . Whatever his problems with forage, Lee went to the Navesink Highlands to observe the British fleet. He sent a report to Alexander Hamilton, Washington’s aide-de-camp, on October 22: The enemy’s strength at the hook consists in two 64, the Europa & Russell—the Raisonable, Renown, Roebuck & Romulus. Besides these they have a few frigates & some armed Schooners. They have sunk ten hulks in the outer channel & have more ready to be sunk, some of those sunk have got afloat & reached shore. They have also two fire ships. A few days later, Lee wrote Washington from Freehold: "My spies have not given us their report for the last week, none of them having returned." But Lee believed the French fleet was not coming to Sandy Hook based on British actions, "The heavy cannon placed in the batteries at the Hook, to secure the channel, was taken off." Lee’s Cavalry Winters in Monmouth County Despite this report, Washington, not knowing the location of the French fleet, kept Lee in Monmouth County through the winter. That month, he issued general orders for the Army’s winter quarters. Washington ordered a regiment of New Jersey Continentals into Monmouth County to disrupt the illegal trade between disaffected farmers and Sandy Hook. Lee would stay in Monmouth County as well. Washington wrote that a New Jersey regiment would be "aided by a party of Lee's Light Dragoons, endeavor to stop the communication from New York, from that quarter." As weather grew colder, travel to the Navesink Highlands became unpleasant. Lee wrote Washington on November 30: "It is utterly impossible to execute your Excellency's orders as the source of intelligence without enduring great personal trouble from the civil government of this State." Lee wrote Washington again two weeks later regarding his men lacking winter coats: "The season is getting cold & my men are perfectly bare of clothing, having not received the annual allowance for '79." In addition to his “trouble” with “civil government,” Lee was feuding with Judge John Imlay. Imlay complained to Governor Livingston about Lee issuing passports to locals in the interest of having spies in New York. Livingston wrote back on December 18 that Lee had exceeded his authority in granting the passports, “but I have lately so fully explained to him the dangerous tendency of such a practice & his want of authority for that purpose, that I flatter myself he will for the future cause no further complaint on the subject." Livingston wrote Lee on the subject that same day. In a letter to Washington, Lee also noted a slow-down in intelligence from his “spies” in New York, "my last account from New York mentions no appearance of emissaries or embarkation of troops." Washington, who had received a letter from Livingston complaining of Lee issuing passports, cautioned Lee: The practice of [illegal] trading under the cover of procuring intelligence has grown to such a height that there is an absolute necessity of putting a stop to it. To avoid giving any umbrage to the Government of the State, I would have you confine your observations to the sailing of the fleets from New York, and whenever any capital movement takes place communicate it immediately to the president of Congress as well as to me. Washington offered to send more men to winter in Monmouth County if forage was available for them: “If the Country where you are will afford Forage for more than your own Corps, I can reinforce you with some detached troops of Horse." Washington then ordered Col. Armand to Monmouth County on December 23. You will proceed with your corps to Monmouth County and take such a station as will best accommodate your men and horses and enable you to communicate with Major Lee for the purposes of mutual security, covering the country and preventing all intercourse between the inhabitants and the enemy. Washington told Armand that he should rest his men, but also asked him to support Lee’s patrols of the shore: “I am persuaded you will wish to be as useful as you can. You will immediately open a correspondence with Major Lee." On December 29, Lee reported that the cavalry of Colonel Charles Armand “has reached this place." But Armand did not stay more than a few days, prompting Washington to express disappointment: I should have been glad had it been possible for your corps and Col Armand's to have found a position in Monmouth County capable of supporting both cavalry with hay & forage, as it would in my opinion, have answered the object which I have principally had in view, that of covering the county and preventing intercourse with the enemy. Because of the apparent lack of forage for the two cavalry units, particularly near the shore, Washington gave Lee permission to pull his scout parties inland. He advised Lee to have his men make “their quarters at a distance from the shore, far enough to prevent surprises, but still able to send patrols toward those places at which the enemy most commonly land, and to which the country people usually carry their produce." The opportunity to pull back did not stop Lee from opportunistically attacking British assets. On January 5, Lee reported a raid on Sandy Hook. "I have heard from one of my officers on the shore, who has taken a British officer with five others, & 80,000 counterfeit dollars, I hope this capture will lead to some useful discoveries." Lee sent the money and prisoners to Philadelphia. Washington acknowledged and praised the attack in a brief response. This action is the subject of another article . Washington abruptly ordered Lee out of Monmouth County on January 8. Caleb North would return to Monmouth County as a replacement. The abrupt order was likely sparked by Lee’s proposal to impound cattle from the Monmouth shore. On January 7, Washington skeptically wrote Lee: "I take it for granted that measures you mean to pursue for cutting off intercourse between the country and the Enemy will be justified by circumstances and not incompatible with the laws of the State." He asked Lee to further consider New Jersey’s law. As Lee moved toward impound cattle from locals living along Monmouth's shores, it is likely that Lee’s enemies in Monmouth County (Rhea and Imlay) protested. They finally had what they needed to rid themselves of Lee in January 1780 and hastened his departure. When Lee returned to Monmouth County in July 1780— to establish contact with the expected French fleet —he and Rhea promptly feuded again. Perspective By any measure, Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee was among the Continental Army’s most energetic officers. But he was frequently at odds with authority and twice court-martialed for disobeying orders or ignoring rules (never convicted). While in Monmouth County, Lee’s men killed a hated Pine Robber leader and successfully raided Sandy Hook. But Lee’s vigorous prosecution of the war put him at odds with local officials charged upholding rules of which Lee was either unknowing or indifferent. This tension created local enemies and likely led to Lee’s abrupt removal from Monmouth County. Related Historic Site : Moland House (Bucks County, Pennsylvania) Sources : George Washington to William Livingston, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw140058)); Marine Committee to Henry Lee, National Archives, Collection 332, reel 6, #230; David Rhea to Clement Biddle, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, I173, Letters from Nathanael Greene, v3, p37; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 136; William Nelson, Austin Scott, et al., ed., New Jersey Archives (Newark, Trenton, Somerville, 1901-1917) vol. 3, p 77; Contained in: National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John Wyley of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# NJ 28231283; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - James Chambers; Library of Virginia, Archives, Revolutionary War (Land) Bounty Warrants, William Van Mater, reels 1-29; National Archives, revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - William Van Mater; Nathanael Greene, The Papers of General Nathanael Greene (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1976) vol. 4, p 366 note; George Washington to Henry Lee, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 16, pp. 279, 367; David Rhea to Moore Furman, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #5599; George Washington to William Livingston, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw160418)); New Jersey Gazette report on death of Lewis Fenton in Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p198; George Washington to Henry Lee, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 61, September 25, 1779; Henry Lee quoted in Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 1899, v 7, p 177; Henry Lee to Alexander Hamilton, The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vol. 2, 1779–1781, ed. Harold C. Syrett. New York: Columbia University Press, 1961, pp. 208–209; George Washington to Henry Lee, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 62, October 25, 1779; Marine Committee of Congress to Henry Lee, Charles Paulin, Out-Letters of the Marine Committee and Board of Admiralty (New York: Navy History Society, 1914) vol. 2, pp. 124-5; Winter Orders, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 17, p 211; Henry Lee to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 62, November 3, 1779; Henry Lee to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/mss/mgw/mgw4/062/1000/1046.jpg ; Henry Lee to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 63, December 16, 1779; George Washington to Henry Lee, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw170339)); Nathanael Green, Report, Nathanael Greene, The Papers of General Nathanael Greene (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1976) vol. 5, p 85 note; Henry Lee, note, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, General Correspondence; Henry Lee to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 63, January 5, 1780; Henry Lee to John Simcoe in John Simcoe, A JOURNAL OF THE OPERATIONS OF THE QUEEN'S RANGERS, APPENDIX, p267, p270; George Washington to Henry Lee, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 63, December 28, 1779; William Livingston to John Imlay, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, p 271; George Washington to Henry Lee, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 63, December 23, 1779; George Washington to Charles Armand, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw170362)) ; General Orders in John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 17, p 362; George Washington to Henry Lee, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, General Correspondence. 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