The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Forman's Additional Regiment Merged into the New Jersey Line by Michael Adelberg Israel Shreve of Burlington County commanded David Forman’s Additional Regiment for part of 1778. Forman’s diminished regiment was eventually integrated into the New Jersey Line. - March 1778 - As noted in prior articles, David Forman was the most powerful man in Monmouth County throughout 1777—he commanded the Monmouth County militia (and the militia of bordering counties) as its Brigadier General and commanded an Additional Regiment of the Continental Army assigned to defend Monmouth County. However, Forman abused his power in a variety of ways. In November, the New Jersey Legislature voided the county elections in which Forman influenced the outcome and then Forman resigned his New Jersey militia commission in a related dispute with the legislature. David Forman Loses His Regiment Shortly after that, the New Jersey Legislative Council, the Upper House, learned that Forman’s troops were being used as a private labor force to construct a salt works at Barnegat. The New Jersey government complained of Forman’s conduct to George Washington. On March 25, 1778, Washington wrote Forman accordingly: The opinion of the Council of your State is so directly opposed to the continuance of the men at the salt works you are erecting that, to avoid the imputation of partiality and remove all cause for censure, both with respect to you and myself, I am induced to direct they may for the present join and act with Colo. Shreve's [Israel Shreve] regiment. Forman followed orders. On March 28, he filled out a list of officers (Major William Harrison; Captains John Burrowes, William Wikoff, Thomas Marsh Forman, John Combs; Lieutenants Gilbert Imlay, William Hall, Robert Pemberton; Ensign William Schenck) and ordered them to join the main body of New Jersey troops (commonly called the “New Jersey Line”} at Valley Forge. The orders included a note that Lt. Hall was a prisoner of the British. Forman recommended that his officers be allowed to maintain their rank (officers were sometimes squeezed out of their commissions when regiments were combined). Forman’s regiment had only four companies, three of which were greatly undersized—a full regiment had eight full-sized companies. Forman’s men marched to Valley Forge, Pennsylvania on April 10 and were likely re-uniformed out of the red coats that had caused them so much trouble at the Battle of Germantown and elsewhere. Immediately after leaving their camp at Manasquan, a Loyalist raiding party razed Forman’s Union Salt Works they had been guarding. Forman and Shreve appealed for help. So, Washington returned the men to New Jersey. An orderly book for the New Jersey Line noted "the detachment from Forman's Regt now in camp to be got in readiness immediately to join their Regiment [4th New Jersey] now in the Jerseys." The New Jersey Line consisted of four under-sized regiments at the time with the 4th Regiment actively recruiting in Monmouth County. The New Jersey government would soon consolidate the four regiments down to two to regiments and implement a draft to fill the ranks in the remaining two. Defending the New Jersey Shore The transfer of Forman’s men to the New Jersey Line left the New Jersey shore undefended, and its salt works were an attractive target for British and Loyalist raiders eager to punish rebels and disrupt the Army’s salt supply (necessary for preserving its food). On April 14, Washington wrote Governor William Livingston regarding the requests from New Jersey to better defend both the Atlantic shore and the western bank of the Delaware River from British raiding parties. I have ordered the few men of Colo. Forman's Regiment who are here, to join Colo. Shreve, which will make a small addition to his force, and it is my intention, if I can do it consistent with the safety of the Army, to send over another of the Jersey Regiments; but as this is a matter of great uncertainty, and will depend entirely upon my reinforcements; I would not wish that the people should count upon it. Washington ordered Colonel Shreve to guard shore from Shrewsbury to Egg Harbor. But also ordered him to be ready to leave the shore on short notice: "You will keep your troops under your command in a most compact order" and rejoin the main body of the Continental Army when the British Army leaves Philadelphia. Washington also took the opportunity to state his philosophy about using a regiment of Continental troops to guard an area—such as Monmouth County—that was vulnerable to British-Loyalist raids. A few hundred Continental troops quiet the minds and give satisfaction to the people of the Country; but considered in the true light, they do rather more harm than good. They draw the attention of the Enemy, and being not able to resist them, are obliged to fly and leave the Country at the mercy of the foe. But as I said before, the people do not view things in the same light, and therefore they must be indulged, tho' to their detriment. Over the next three years, Washington would repeatedly send detachments of Continental troops into Monmouth County—though he was deeply suspicious of the value of stationing troops there. Within days of Forman’s regiment leaving the shore, a punishing British-Loyalist raid destroyed several of the salt works. The Dissipation of Forman’s Former Regiment As for Forman’s regiment, by the summer of 1778, hard service and low morale took its toll and it withered further. Desertion advertisements demonstrate this. Historian John Rees wrote of the strength of Forman’s former regiment in September 1778. While Captain John Burrowes’s Company remained large (roughly 40 men), the other three companies had withered to near-nothing: Thomas Marsh Forman: 1 captain, 1 sergeant, 1 corporal, 1 musician, 4 privates present, 2 privates sick; Capt. John Combs: 1 captain, 1 sergeant, 1 corporal, 13 privates; Capt. William Wikoff: 1 captain, 1 sergeant, 2 corporals, 3 privates present, 3 privates sick, 1 sick absent, 1 on command. William Stryker, who studied New Jersey’s Revolutionary War soldiers in the late 1800s, claimed that Forman’s former regiment was down to 68 men at year’s end. The company of Captain John Burrowes was the only functioning company left of Forman’s regiment. A March 1779 return of that company documents its difficulties. The company included: Lt Gilbert Imlay, Sergeant Michael Erickson (reduced in rank in September 1778) and Corporal Jacob Allen. Several months after being taken away from Forman, the men were still identified as “Forman’s Regt” on some Army documents. The company had raised 36 privates in early 1777. Of these 36 men, half had enlisted for three years and would soon be eligible to leave the Army, and half for the “length of war.” Few of the men served without some type of interruption. By March 1779: 5 had deserted (3 returned), 1 dead, 1 captured (exchanged), 12 missed time due to sickness (many noted as “sick at Freehold”), 9 missed time due to furlough, 2 confined by the Continental Army, 5 sent “on command” to Shrewsbury in September 1778. It appears that the withered Additional Regiment was eventually combined with Monmouth County’s 1778 draftees and other later recruits and consolidated into two companies under Burrowes, who was eventually promoted to Major, and put in command of the two companies. A third company of the New Jersey Line from Monmouth County was commanded by Captain Jonathan Forman and never had a relationship with Forman’s Additional Regiment. The Monmouth men were now integrated into the New Jersey Line. Their service under General John Sullivan in a campaign against the Iroquois is the subject of another article. Related Historic Site : Valley Forge National Historical Park Sources : David Forman, Troop Return, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 48, March 28, 1778; Orderly Book, National Archives, Misc. Numbered Records, 3: 19; George Washington to William Livingston, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 11, pp. 256, 436; Berg, Fred A., Encyclopedia of Continental Army Units: Battalions, Regiments, and Independent Corps (Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1972) p 43; Forman’s Additional Regiment returns, Revolutionary War Rolls, National Archives Microfilm Publication M246, Record Group 93, reels 126-129. Transcribed by John U. Rees; Capt. John Burrowes, Muster Rolls, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 105, p2-33; William S. Stryker, Officers and Men of New Jersey in the American Revolution (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co, 1967); Israel Shreve, Return, The Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 169, 143, Israel Shreve to George Washington, February 25, 1779. Transcribed by John U. Rees. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > British and Loyalist Raid of Tinton Falls and Shoal Harbor by Michael Adelberg On April 26, 1779, a 750-men British-Loyalist raiding party landed at Red Bank and Leonardo. They came from Sandy Hook in flat-bottom boats that landed large numbers of men onto beaches. - April 1779 - On April 12, 1779, thirty Shrewsbury Township Loyalist estates were confiscated and sold at a public auction. As discussed in prior articles, this ensured permanent enmity with Loyalists behind British lines. In addition, a regiment of Maryland Continentals sat exposed in Shrewsbury Township. The confluence of rising Loyalist anger and an attractive military target set the stage for a large and punishing raid. Newspaper Accounts of the Raid The first newspaper of this raid was printed in the Loyalist New York Gazette on April 28. It reported: 650 of the Royal Army under the command of Col. Hyde [West Hyde], fell down to Sandy Hook, the next morning [April 26] at 2 o'clock, the Colonel with one division landing at Shoal Harbor, four miles east of Middletown, pushed to that place, in which a rebel detachment was supposed to be posted, but had been withdrawn the evening before. The other under Capt. Ferguson [Patrick Ferguson] landed the same morning six miles on the opposite side of Middletown, and advanced to Shrewsbury where a battalion of Continental troops were quartered, but from the difficulty of navigation could not land before day, [so] the rebel battalion escaped with the loss of between 20 & 30 prisoners. The report went on to note that provisions were taken by both raiding parties. "In the afternoon, the whole assembled” and marched back to their boats “during which the enemy effected to follow & harass their rear.” The raiders took with them “several deserters…and some obnoxious persecutors of the Loyal subjects.” Casualties were light: one dead, one wounded. On May 5, the New Jersey Gazette printed its version of the raid. It generally corroborated the Loyalist account but offered additional important details. For example, it noted that “Colonel Ford with the Continental troops retired to Colts Neck.” It also described “the constant fire upon” the raiders maintained by Colonel Asher Holmes (with 60 Monmouth militia) and a 12-man party of New Jersey Continentals under Captain John Burrowes. The report also discussed robberies and arson: “they plundered the inhabitants and burnt several houses and barns.” The New Jersey Gazette disagreed with the New York Gazette on the size of the raiding party (800 men vs. 650 men) and the British/Loyalist casualty count (three dead and fifteen wounded vs. one dead and one wounded). The New Jersey Gazette omitted mention of New Jersians going off with the raiders. Versions of the New Jersey Gazette report were re-printed in newspapers as far off as New Hampshire. The complete New Jersey Gazette report is in the appendix of this article. Interestingly, the Maryland Gazette provided a more detailed account of the raid (probably informed by one of Ford’s officers). It noted that Ferguson’s men were discovered landing at Red Bank “by a scouting party of Col. Ford's” who alarmed Tinton Falls in time for Ford to narrowly escape by getting out “about four hundred yards ahead of them [the raiders].” The Maryland account also noted that Ferguson sent a 40-man party into the village of Shrewsbury and listed the owners of the burnt houses at Tinton Falls: Sheriff Nicholas Van Brunt, Colonel Daniel Hendrickson, Captain Richard McKnight, and Magistrate John Little, but McKnight’s and Little’s houses were saved "by the activity of our people." It was also noted: That the enemy plundered all the way to Col. Breeze's [Samuel Breese] whom they robbed of all his money and most of his plate, and at Justice Holmes's [Josiah Holmes] they robbed and plundered everything. The report also mentioned that “the enemy carried off with them Justice Covenhoven [Peter Covenhoven] and son, likewise several others” and “some cattle and horses." Finally, this Maryland account said Asher Holmes resisted with “140 militia who drove them to their boats,” rather than 60, suggested by the New Jersey Gazette . British/Loyalist Accounts of the Raid West Hyde's report on the raid to General Henry Clinton provides important additional details. His party, consisting of 200 Highlanders and 120 New Jersey Volunteers , landed at Shoal Harbor (present-day Leonardo) while “Capt. Ferguson [Patrick Ferguson] with 450 of the detachment… proceeded with utmost expedition for Shrewsbury.” While acknowledging that Ford’s Continentals “made their escape,” Ferguson “came up with their rear guard of which he took between 20 & 30 prisoners & some baggage.” Hyde admitted to burning homes but said his men only “destroyed several houses used as public stores”—it is doubtful that every burned home was a public store. Hyde discussed his march on Middletown. He “landed between 2 and 3 in the morning at Shoal Harbor, 4 miles from Middletown & marched directly hither” in the incorrect belief that a Continental regiment was camped there. He “remained there until one in the afternoon when Capt. Ferguson joined the detachment.” They marched for their boats at the Navesink Highlands “after allowing the men to refresh themselves.” By this time, the parties of Captain Burrowes and Colonel Holmes had arrived: A few of the rebel militia had assembled during our stay in Middletown & followed us on our return & effected to harass our rear, but from the judicious disposition of our rear guard, under Capt. Ferguson, he kept them at so respectful a distance that only one man of the Royal Highland Regiment was killed & one of Barton's Jersey Volunteers wounded. General Clinton summarized the raid on May 5. He wrote that the “exposed position” of Ford’s men prompted the raid and that “a change in the weather” slowed the raid and allowed Ford to escape—a detail not reported elsewhere and probably not fully true. Clinton praised Colonel Hyde for leading the raid "tho' he had the King's permission to return to Europe.” He also praised Ferguson as “a very active & zealous officer." William Smith, a prominent Loyalist attorney in New York, also wrote of the raid: 750 men under Col. Hyde of the guards landed in Monmouth near Middletown, took between 20 and 30 prisoners, and burnt a mill and two or three houses… it was said that they were to take a party of 300 troops posted to prevent access to Monmouth farmers with this town. Continental and New Jersey Accounts of the Raid Two officers, Ford and Burrowes (stationed at Middletown Point with twelve men), wrote accounts of the raid. As might be expected, Ford acquitted himself of any blame. He noted that at 4:30 a.m. “a body of the enemy effected a landing at red bank, about one mile from Shrewsbury, my patrol fired on them but being small did little or no execution.” On learning of the raid, "I immediately detached Capt Beale with 30 men to observe their movements & retard them in their march towards Tinton Falls.” Ford wrote that he planned to make a stand at Tinton Falls: We guarded the bridge before them, where I intended to have made a stand, but for the superiority of their numbers, which was as near as I could judge three to one, and on apprehension of their sending a party on my left flank which was by no means secure, I judged it expedient to retreat till a body of militia could be collected. After falling back six miles to Colts Neck, Ford blamed low militia turnout for not counterattacking. He wrote: “the militia have by no means answered my hopes or wishes, not more than 150 if so many has collected.” So, he stayed at Tinton Falls even while detailing considerable destruction: They burnt two dwelling houses belonging to officers of the militia, destroyed everything they could in others, not leaving a single pane of glass in any windows belonging to the people, after committing every wanton act they could, plundered and destroying all the furniture they found. The raiders also drove “all the stock of horses, sheep and cattle they could collect before them.” Ford noted that resistance was offered by a party of his men under Captain Beale and “a few of the militia” which limited the loss of livestock “as the principal part was again retaken.” He acknowledged that Colonel Holmes “collected a party and is hanging on their flanks.” Ford “estimated at 1000 men” as the raiding party’s size. He incorrectly reported that the party was commanded by Courtland Skinner, General of the New Jersey Volunteers. He also suggested that “the party at Shrewsbury amounted to 6 or 700 [under Ferguson],” more than twice the size reported in other sources. Ford downplayed his losses which “does not amount to more than a dozen men missing” – he would later admit to losing 25 men. He picked up two British deserters. John Burrowes wrote Lord Stirling (General William Alexander) of the raid: They got in the village of Middletown at daybreak - another party of them landed at Shrewsbury, near the same time, which went to surprise Coll Ford's command of Continental troops, but he happily got off. I mustered twelve men at 8 o'clock & gave them to understand we were about them - they continued in the village till 3 o'clock, when they began their retreat. Burrowes wrote that he “kept a constant fire for two miles, when Coll Holmes of the militia, with about sixty of his men, reinforced us, then their retreat was somewhat precipitate.” It is improbable that the Burrowes-Holmes party (70-80 men) would have hastened the retreat of the 750-man combined raiding party. Burrowes claimed the raiders had “three dead and fourteen wounded carried on board.” The raiders “wounded one of our men slitely [sic] and taken eight of the inhabitants of this place." Captain William Beatty, serving under Ford at Tinton Falls, wrote briefly about the raid: In the morning before sunrise, we were very near cut off by a party of the British under Major Ferguson, but having a little notice of the enemy's approach, we retreated about 7 miles toward Monmouth Court House [Colts Neck]. I lost all my clothes except what I had on, several other officers shared the same fate. Our loss in men was 22. The enemy left Shrewsbury at 9 o'clock, and the next day we took our posts again. George Washington received Ford’s and Burrowes’ reports and summarized them in two reports to Congress. Beyond facts offered by Ford and Burrowes, Washington suggested that the raiders sought “probably to cut off Colonel Ford's detachment, [and] obtain supplies and plunder the inhabitants.” But Washington also believed that northeast Monmouth County was vulnerable to British occupation: They [the British] may, however, possibly have it in mind to establish a post in that quarter for purposes of encouraging the disaffected, drawing provisions and forage from the adjacent country, and encouraging recruits to their corps of levies. Governor William Livingston also received reports on the raid. He wrote Washington that the raiders behaved “in the most dastardly manner” and retreated “to their very boats before less than one quarter of their number." Livingston continued the narrative that the Burrowes-Holme party vanquished the much larger raiding party in a letter to Anthony Bleeker a few days later: About 70 of our militia have drove between six and 800 British troops from Middletown quite to their boats, & the latter never pretended to take a stand except by just facing about on every advantageous spot & giving one volley, and prosecuting their flight. New Jersey’s Chief Justice, Robert Morris went to Tinton Falls shortly after the raid to rally the locals. He wrote Stirling on May 5 that Ferguson’s raiders were successful because they passed Black Point “under cover of darkness and thickness of fog” without detection. He also noted that Capt. Beale’s 40 men and Asher Holmes's militia did all the fighting during the raid because Ford "was unable to find any ground advantageous” for taking a stand. For his apparent timidity, Morris wrote that "Col Ford is censured by some of the inhabitants for his conduct." No doubt, Morris was understating sentiments about Ford. Morris also wrote of the incomplete damage to the village: On the one hand, "the enemy left the commissary's stores at the Falls inconsiderably injured,” on the other “they burnt every dwelling house within a few yards on each side of them, and committed the most wanton acts of destruction I ever beheld." Benjamin White, a storekeeper at Tinton Falls, wrote of the raiders’ conduct that day: So enraged that they lost their prey, they set fire to the houses and burned and plundered many on their return. I hid most of our dry goods but they broke open the store, robbed us of what they could, filled their canteens with spirits and let the rest run to waste. They had my mare out and were going with her, and while I was tussling with the soldiers, others were plundering my house. The guns left by our troops were broken on a fence, they seemed like wild or mad men. Eliza Chadwick Roberts, daughter of militia captain Thomas Chadwick also described the village: The houses that they had the preceding day left in the peaceable possession of their wives and children now displayed a column of fire... My father saw his habitation tumbling in a mass of flaming ruins... He beheld at a small distance the house of Colonel Hendrickson on fire. All through 1778, George Washington resisted requests to station a regiment of soldiers in northeast Monmouth County. He worried that the regiment might “do rather more harm than good” by serving as an attractive target to larger raiding parties without having the strength to resist them. That is exactly what happened on April 26, even if the raid was likely sparked by the Loyalist estate auctions two weeks earlier. After this raid, Ford’s men stayed in Monmouth County for another month before withdrawing on May 31. When they left, they were not replaced. This left Tinton Falls vulnerable to a smaller but even more punishing raid on June 9. Related Historic Site : Old Mill Inn Appendix New Jersey Gazette, May 5, 1779 : "On the 26th ult the enemy in two divisions landed in the county of Monmouth, one party at Shoal Harbor, which marched to Middletown and got into the village at daybreak; the other went in flat-bottomed boats into the Shrewsbury River, landed at Red Bank, and then proceeded to Tenton [Tinton] Falls. Colonel Ford with the Continental troops retired to Colts Neck. Near the middle of the day the party, which had landed at Shrewsbury, crossed the river and went to Middletown, where both divisions formed a junction. They sent their boats round the bay shore to near Harbert’s plantation, where they had thirteen sloops waiting to take them off. At eight o’clock, Captain Burrows, who had mustered twelve men, gave them to understand that they were surrounded by the militia; they continued in the village until three o’clock, when they began their retreat. Capt. Burrows was then joined by three more men, and kept a constant fire upon them for two miles, when Colonel Holmes of the militia with about 60 of his men, reinforced Capt. Burrows, and then the enemy’s retreat was precipitate; they were drove on board at sun-set and immediately set sail for New York. Their numbers were about 800, commanded by Col. Hyde. We had but two men but slightly wounded. The enemy left three dead behind them, their wounded they carried off as their rear made a stand at every hill, house, and barn in their route. One of our inhabitants says 15 wounded were carried on board. In their progress, or rather flight, they plundered the inhabitants and burnt several houses and barns. Had they landed in the day, or till our militia could be collected to half their numbers (which we reckon sufficient to drub them) they would doubtless have repented their invasion. But ever choosing, like their brother thieves, the hours of darkness, they generally land in the night and before the militia can be collected, flee to their vessels with precipitation, snatching up in their flight what plunder they can, and then blazon away in their lying Gazettes; turning one of their sheep stealing nocturnal robberies into one of the Duke of Marlborough’s victories at Flanders." Sources : Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Frank Moore, The Diary of the American Revolution, 1775-1781 (New York: Washington Square Press, 1967) pp. 356-7; Howard Peckham, The Toll of Independence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974) p 59; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) pp. 97-8; John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 14, pp. 443, 456, 462, 465; Judith M. Olsen, Lippincott, Five Generations of the Descendants of Richard and Abigail Lippincott (Woodbury, N.J.: Gloucester County Historical Society, 1982) pp. 159-61; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 168, item 152, vol. 7, #275-7; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 169, item 152, vol. 7, #283-4; Henry Clinton to Lord Germain, William Clements Library, Henry Clinton Papers, vol. 57; George Washington to Congress, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 57, April 26, 1779; David C. Munn, comp., Battles and Skirmishes of the American Revolution in New Jersey (Trenton, N.J.: Department of Environmental Protection, Bureau of Geology, 1976) pp. 91-3; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 57, April 26, 1779; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 87; William Beatty, "Journal of Captain Wiliam Beatty of the Maryland Line, 1776-1781", Historical Magazine, 2nd Series, 1867, pp 117; Henry Clinton, The American Rebellion; Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative of His Campaigns, 1775-1782, with an Appendix of Original Documents (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1971) p 123; Maryland Gazette, Library of Congress, May 7, 1779; William Livingston to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 20, 8 April–31 May 1779, ed. Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010, pp. 281–282; William Livingston to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 20, 8 April–31 May 1779, ed. Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010, pp. 281–282; William Livingston to Anthony Bleeker, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, p 78; Henry Laurens to John Laurens, Paul Smith, et al, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1970) vol. 12, p 428; Autobiography of Eliza Chadwick Roberts, coll. 215, Monmouth County Historical Association; Morris, Robert, “Letters of Chief Justice Morris, 1777–1779,” Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 38 (1920), pp. 172-4. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Mission to Disable the Sandy Hook Lighthouse by Michael Adelberg Maj. William Malcolm of New York was dispatched to Monmouth County to disable the Sandy Hook Lighthouse. He was accompanied by Col. George Taylor of Middletown. - March 1776 - In early 1776, American leaders learned that the British were preparing to invade New York. The lighthouse at Sandy Hook, including its keeper, Adam Dobbs, and its pilot, William Dobbs (brothers), played important roles in guiding British ships into New York Harbor. They had already stopped at least one British ship from reaching New York. While the Sandy Hook lighthouse was a great source of pride for Americans, sober leaders understood that it now had to be disabled. On March 4, the New York Provincial Congress dispatched Major William Malcolm to New Jersey to disable the lighthouse. His orders read: You will endeavor to take the glass out of the lantern, and save it if possible; but if you find it impracticable, you will break the glass. You will endeavor to pump the oil out of the cisterns into the casks and bring it off; if you should be obstructed in your task by the enemy, you will pump it on the ground. In short, you will use your best discretion to render the Light House entirely useless. Malcolm’s complete order is in the appendix of this article. He landed at Middletown on March 7 and met with Middletown’s Committee of Observation. He was soon joined by Colonel George Taylor, the township’s senior militia officer. Malcolm and Taylor reached the light house on March 8 and acted. The New York Provincial Congress recorded: Mr. Hobert informed the Congress that Major [William] Malcom, who was sent to dismantle the light-house, was returned and had executed that matter effectually, with the assistance of Col. George Taylor and some of his men; that Major Malcom found it impossible to take out and save the glass, as well as for want of tools as by reason of the time necessary for that purpose, and was therefore obliged to break it; that Major Malcom had delivered the lamps and oil, two tacklet falls and blocks, removed from the light-house to Col. George Taylor and taken receipt for the same, which was read and file. Colonel Taylor was left with the taken items, and he provided Major Malcolm with a receipt: Received from William Malcom eight copper lamps, two tackle falls and blocks and three casks, and a part of a cask of oil, being articles brought from the light-house on Sandy; Hook;, and which I will deliver to him, or to the order of the Provincial Congress of the Colony of New- York, when called for. – George Taylor, Colonel On March 12, the New York Provincial Congress reported to George Washington about the Malcolm-Taylor mission: Major Malcolm, who was sent to dismantle the Light-House, he was returned and had executed the matter effectively, with the assistance of Col. George Taylor and some of his men; that Maj. Malcolm found it impossible to take out and save the glass, for want of tools and by reason of the time necessary for that purpose, and was therefore obliged to break it; that Major Malcolm had delivered the lamps and oil, two tackle falls and blocks, removed from the Light House, to Col. George Taylor and taken receipt of the same. A week later, the New York Provincial Congress asked Taylor to deliver the oil to Malcolm, which was presumably done. But Taylor remained in possession of the hardware taken from the lighthouse. Curiously, no surviving document about this action mentions Sandy Hook’s resident pilot, William Dobbs, his brother and lighthouse keeper, Adam Dobbs, their servant, or the boats at Sandy Hook maintained to row out to ocean-going vessels in need of his guidance. At first blush, the Malcolm-Taylor expedition achieved its objective without any difficulties. But, based on future events, the expedition can only be regarded as a failure. While they had the chance to truly cripple the lighthouse, Malcolm and Taylor only removed a handful of replaceable parts and supplies, and they apparently did nothing to the pilot house, outbuildings, or boats that were all necessary to stationing men on Sandy Hook. Perhaps the timidness was because the Americans envisioned using Sandy Hook for their own purposes soon again or perhaps they were reluctant to destroy American property. Either way, the Malcolm-Taylor mission was not sufficiently destructive. Only one month later, the British Navy landed on Sandy Hook and occupied it for the rest of the war—the British would hold Sandy Hook into 1784, longer than any other piece of the rebelling Thirteen Colonies. The light house remained unusable at least through the end of April. The British constructed a beacon 1,000 yards from the lighthouse and burned fires nightly until the light house was repaired. A naval officer at Sandy Hook wrote on April 29 that "the lantern was totally destroyed by the Rebels on the 10th of March, which rendered the Light House useless to navigation." The lighthouse was in reasonable repair by the time the British invasion fleet arrived at the end of June. An attempt to drive the British from Sandy Hook failed . George Taylor, who would turn Loyalist toward the end of 1776, returned the taken hardware to Sandy Hook later that year. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Appendix: William Malcolm’s Orders to Disable the Sandy Hook Lighthouse To Major Malcolm: SIR-The Provincial Congress of this Colony having appointed us a committee to concert measures for carrying into execution their resolve of the 5th inst. for the dis- mantling the light-house at Sandy-Hook; we, reposing especial trust and confidence in your abilities and zeal in the common cause, have made choice of you for the execution of that important enterprise. We enclose you a certified copy of the resolve for the purpose, and desire you will conform, as nearly as may be, to the strict letter thereof. You will please call upon the committee of Middletown, or such other place in New Jersey as you shall judge proper, for the assistance you think necessary. Upon your arrival at Sandy Hook, you will endeavour to take the glass out of the lantern and save it if possible; but if you find it impracticable you will break all the glass. You will also endeavour to pump the oil out of the cisterns into casks and bring it off; but you should be obstructed by the enemy, or not be able to procure casks, you will pump it on the ground. In short, you will use your best discretion to render the light-house entirely useless. –Pierre Van Cortlandt, Abraham Lott, John Sloss Hobart Sources : Anonymous, "Sandy Hook Light-House," American Historical Record, vol. 3, 1874, p 510-1; William James Morgan, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1969) vol. 4, pp. 194-5; William James Morgan, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1969) vol. 4, pp. 307-8; Convention, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the state of New-York : 1775-1777, 2 vols., (Albany : Thurlow Weed, printer to the State, 1842) v. 1, item 348, 354, and 367; Lopez, John. “Sandy Hook Lighthouse.” The Keeper's Log, Winter, 1986, p 5; Peter Force, American Archives, v6: 1416. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Preparations Made for the Return of the French Fleet by Michael Adelberg Captain William Dobbs was the resident pilot at Sandy Hook before the war. Gen. Washington ordered his return to Sandy Hook in July 1778, October 1779, and June 1780 to help the French fleet. - May 1780 - In July 1778, a large French fleet anchored just south of Sandy Hook. The French outgunned the British fleet inside Sandy Hook, but their largest ships—when loaded for battle—sat too deep in the water to cross the channel into lower New York Harbor. Continental and state authorities attempted to supply the French, but provisions arrived slowly. After a two-week stand-off, the French sailed for Rhode Island. In October 1779, the French fleet was again expected to anchor off Sandy Hook and new preparations were made to provision the French, but the French steered for Savannah, Georgia instead. In April 1780, there were new rumors about the French fleet’s arrival at Sandy Hook. The French officer, Francois Louis de Fleury, wrote John Adams on May 1, 1780, that his fleet was headed for New York, but might not attack. The fleet "will in the mean time cruise before Sandy Hook to starve the British in their inexpungible lines." British Moves to Defend Sandy Hook As they had in July 1778 and October 1779, the British moved to defend the entrance of New York Harbor and block the channel above Sandy Hook . On April 27, the prominent Loyalist, William Smith, wrote about preparations for the French arrival: "The project of sinking 20 hulks in the channel at the Hook, which is about 800 yards wide. The expense of the hulks about £1000, not to be sunk until the moment of the enemy's approach." A few weeks later, Governor General James Robertson wrote of preparations to defend New York against the French Fleet: "twenty five vessels lye loaded with stones at the Hook, ready to occupy their places on the bar at the approach of the enemy's fleet." Also in May, General James Pattison wrote Lord George Germain about the expected French fleet and the defense of New York: Everything is preparing a vigorous defence on both the land and sea sides. Batteries are made and guns placed on them where ever they can most effectually damage the enemy's ships, but these can only annoy, a fleet with a favorable wind & tide can't be prevented by any number of cannon from coming up to our wharfs, to prevent this, twenty five small vessels are ready loaded with stones, they lye at the hook [Sandy Hook], and on notice will be taken out to the bar and sunk there according to a plan formed with exactness, a few anchors are sufficient to render the inner channel impracticable even for frigates. The bar will not be spoiled nor the vessels be sunk till the enemy's approach makes it absolutely necessary. Pattison noted that fortifying Sandy Hook was not a priority: No part of Sandy Hook is within three miles of the bar, guns placed there could not annoy a fleet in passing so well as they could on places nearer at hand and which we can better support, there is no time to make a work that could stand a siege—a fascine work that can contain one hundred men is all that is constructed, and this is round the light house. British moves in New York Harbor and at Sandy Hook were known within Continental lines. On May 25, the Connecticut Journal , reported: "They [New York Loyalists] are under so much fear of a visit from our allies [the French navy] that they have laden large ships with stones, ready to sink in the channel way at Sandy Hook, on the shortest notice of a fleet appearing." On June 17, two privateer sailors, prisoners in New York, escaped and landed on the Monmouth shore. They were examined by David Forman and provided a detailed report on the small British squadron in New York Harbor: Naval forces at New York and cruising about Sandy Hook -- Iris, frigate, a mere wreck now docked; two frigates, the names they had forgot; Galatea -- twenty gun ship; Delight -- sloop, 18 guns; Sloop - 14 guns; 30 sail of old vessels, brigs, schooners and sloops lay at Sandy Hook loaded with stone for the purpose of stopping the channel on the appearance of a French fleet. Lt. James Home, an officer on one of those frigates, the Europe , wrote about the British squadron on June 28. He wrote that his vessel and others were expected to sail but were detained at Sandy Hook because of the expected French fleet. Horne "was disappointed.” He noted, “We had heard of a French fleet sailed for this coast, which I believe was the cause of our not leaving." He concluded: "There is now nothing new going on here, for we are waiting for the French fleet, which I dare say will not come here." Continental and Local Authorities Prepare for French Fleet George Washington was well aware of the French fleet’s potential to attack on the weakened British fleet at New York. On May 16, he wrote the Marquis de Lafayette: I observed that the French Squadron would find no difficulty in entering the Port of New York, with the present naval force of the enemy there. The only possible obstacle to this is the obstructions the enemy are preparing; but I am inclined to hope these will be ineffectual and will be easily removed. They last fall made an attempt of the kind on the expectation of Count D'Estaing, but it failed from the depth of the water and rapidity of the current. Pilots for the harbor can be ready at Black Point from which they can go on Board the fleet at its first appearance. A week later, Washington wrote General William Maxwell, commanding the New Jersey Line, about the need to verify rumors that the French fleet had anchored on the Monmouth shoreline: “We have had repeated accounts that a considerable Fleet has been seen off the Coast of Monmouth, but as none of them have been sufficiently accurate to determine whether it is really so.” Washington was sending a French officer to the shore and ordered Maxwell to send a New Jersey officer with local knowledge: You will therefore be pleased to make a choice of an intelligent Officer of your Brigade, well acquainted in the County of Monmouth, to meet and accompany Colo. Jimat, and that they may be secure against the disaffected , you will be pleased to order a party of eight or ten Dragoons from Bedkins Corps, if he can mount so many, and if not, to take some of the Militia Horse to make up the number. Washington enclosed an order to the selected officer: You are to accompany Colo. Jimat to the County of Monmouth and to such parts of the coast as he may find occasion to visit. You are, I imagine, well apprized of the disaffection of many of the inhabitants in that Quarter and of the necessity which there will be of guarding against any attempts of theirs to take you off. It may perhaps add to your security if you can prevail upon some of the well affected Gentlemen of the Country to accompany you whenever you ride towards the shore. While Washington was not convinced that the French fleet was on the Monmouth shore, others were. On May 24, the New Jersey Journal reported that the French fleet was on the Monmouth shore and several "officers have been ashore." The next day, Robert Morris, the former Chief Justice of New Jersey, wrote of the arrival of the French fleet. He wrote Colonel Asher Holmes: “I congratulate you on the arrival of a fleet that I hear is off Toms River… this we heard yesterday, & I believe is true.” Morris was mostly incorrect. The French fleet had not arrived off Toms River—though a single French frigate had. On June 6, the 36-gun Hermione cruised the Jersey shore and mauled the British frigate, Iris , outside of Sandy Hook, killing seven and wounding nine more British sailors. On June 11, Washington made preparations for the arrival of the French fleet. He wrote Captain William Dobbs, the resident pilot at Sandy Hook before the Revolution: The French fleet have been in route and hourly expected. You will be pleased to repair to this place with all practical dispatch and bringing with you such pilots as may be acquainted with the navigation into the Harbour of New York. If these are not at hand or in perfect readiness, you will not delay on their account but direct them to follow up. A month later, Washington was still seeking pilots. He wrote Captain Patrick Dennis on July 11: Upon receipt, you will repair to the station of rendezvous for the pilots in Monmouth, to which place Major Lee [Henry Lee] is ordered with his horse. Perhaps you may fall in with him. It is essential that no time be lost, as it comes from New-York, from tolerable authority, that the French fleet is near the coast. You will take with you the pilots which are near you. David Forman Provides Intelligence In 1777, David Forman was a Brigadier General of the New Jersey Militia and the Colonel of the Regiment of Continentals defending Monmouth County. However, a string of scandals pressured him to resign his militia commission and Washington stripped him of his regiment. Afterward, Forman largely receded from public life, but the French fleet’s expected arrival was Forman’s opportunity to again raise his profile. As noted above, Forman interrogated two privateer sailors who escaped from New York, gathered intelligence from them on the strength of the British squadron, and sent it forward to Washington. Forman sent another report on June 30 after interrogating a British deserter. Forman discussed British plans to sink hulls off Sandy Hook: "They should sink their store vessels in the place they now lay, which will, I apprehend, for a time render the passage of large ships up to the Narrows impracticable." Forman wrote Washington again on July 9. He was receiving reports from Captain Joseph Stillwell, watching British movements from the Highlands. Forman worried that the British might block the French from entering New York Harbor "by interrupting the channel way at the point of the Hook [by sinking hulls] & at the same time taking possession of the Hook with a body of troops and heavy cannon, they would make the passage almost impossible.” Forman wanted to attack Sandy Hook. If the Army could "take possession of the Hook, every difficulty would be removed in a very short time - by landing a few pieces of heavy cannon, the troops could cover the French ships while they drew the sunk vessels out of the channel or until they could wrap their ships through them.” Forman believed that Sandy Hook was weak, guarded by only “a Lieut and twenty of the new raised troops at the Light House - in the cedars are about 60 or 70 refugees, white and black.” He wrote about the battery built for the French in 1778, “The enemy erected a battery at the point of the Hook... the works are now entirely out of repair, the cannon has long since been removed.” Forman also complained about the lack of men to menace Sandy Hook and the lack of horses to carry intelligence: "There is so few militia horse ordered out and so much use for them that in many instance I cannot be furnished with one in twenty horses, and never until I send 15 or 20 miles for them." The next day, a frustrated Forman wrote Washington again. On the expected French fleet, he wrote: “It would give me great pleasure to give our allies assistance - [but] in the present situation of officers in the county I fear little will be in my power.” Forman was referring to the “mansteaing” raids that took a dozen militia officers out of Monmouth County that spring and drove other militia officers into inactivity. He also spoke of seizing provisions from the largely disaffected Monmouth shoreline: I imagine that a very pointed order from your Excellency to impress provisions and teams will be abundantly necessary - when Count D'Estaing lay off Shrewsbury, he was exceedingly imposed on in point of price & could draw but little supply - the disaffection in Shrewsbury is since that time greatly increased... yet I am convinced that several hundred sheep and some cattle might be taken from some people who at several times withheld supplies from the American army & are strongly suspected of sending supplies to the enemy. That same day Washington wrote Forman. He acknowledged Forman’s report and request for men. In consequence, "Major Henry Lee moved down yesterday to Monmouth with his corps of horse to protect the pilots and keep open the communication between me and the French Admiral and the General [Forman] upon their arrival. This will render the hiring of the persons you mention unnecessary." The French Fleet Does Not Arrive Just as Washington was sending in Lee, the need to do so was fading. On July 12, Nathaniel Scudder, Monmouth County’s top political leader, wrote his son about British moves at: “Something troubles them much - it is supposed they have sunk their vessels to obstruct the channel - we presume it probable that the French fleet is near.” But just five days later, Scudder doubted the French arrival: We have been for some days past, amused with accounts of the appearance of the French fleet near Sandy Hook - indeed the day before yesterday the account seemed to be so well authenticated that for a few hours we believed it - but they prove to be a British squadron. That same day, Washington wrote Forman: "We have an account of the arrival of the French Fleet at Rhode Island, which may render the collection of any considerable quantity of stock unnecessary." On July 21, the Loyalist, Wiliam Smith, wrote that the hulks brought to Sandy Hook (to be sunk on the arrival of the French fleet) were returned to New York. The British had apparently learned that the French fleet was not bound for New York. On July 31, Washington wrote Forman that he “desired Capt. Dobbs to assemble at Capt. Dennis's at Basken Ridge as soon as possible.” Washington gave Forman the ability to summon the pilots back to Black Point if the French came: “You will please to give order to the Pilots to repair down, where they [the French] may be at hand.” July 1780 would be the last time that Monmouth County leaders scrambled to accommodate a French fleet that would disappoint them. But the false alarm was still consequential because it returned David Forman to an active role in local affairs. This, combined with the crisis posed by Loyalist manstealing raids, enabled Forman establish the Association for Retaliation , a vigilante group that Forman and allies likely promoted while traversing the county on behalf of the French fleet. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources: William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) p 257; Francois Louis DeFluery to John Adams, Massachusetts Historical Society, Online Collections, John Adams Papers; Robert Morris to Asher Holmes, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; James Robertson, The Twilight of British Rule in Revolutionary America: The New York Letter Book of General James Robertson, 1780-1783 (New York: New York State Historical Association, 1983) p 113; The attack on the HMS Iris is discussed in The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events, 1780, p148; George Washington to William Dobbs, July 11, 1780, https://www.sethkaller.com/slideshow.php?id=1983&t=t-1983-001-21195_p1_w.jpg ; George Washington to Marquis de Lafayette, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw180426)) ; James Pattison to George Germain, Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York (Albany: John R. Broadhead, 1857), vol. 8, p791-2; Connecticut Journal, May 25, 1780; George Washington to William Maxwell, 23 May 1780,” Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-01839, ver. 2013-09-28; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 4, pp. 386, 395; American Journal (Providence), June 7, 178; Monmouth County Historical Association, Diaries Collection, box 2, John Stillwell's Diary (photocopy); James Home, letter, June 28, 1780; NYHS, Gilder-Lehrman Collection; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 67, June 30, 1780; David Forman to George Washington, Monmouth County Historical Association, Diaries Collection, box 2, John Stillwell's Diary (photocopy); George Washington to Patrick Dennis, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw190184)) ; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 68, July 12, 1780.; Nathaniel Scudder to John Scudder, New Jersey Historical Society, Letters: Nathaniel Scudder; George Washington to David Forman, in John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 19, p 183; George Washington to David Forman, Monmouth County Historical Association, Collections Alphabetical, Letters 1770-1780; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 68, July 12, 1780; Nathaniel Scudder to Henry Laurens, Pennsylvania History Society, Dreer Collection, Nathaniel Scudder, August 17, 1780; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw220484)) . 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth County's Ill-Fated Loyalist Militia and the Fall of George Taylor by Michael Adelberg From his home-in-exile on Staten Island, Gen. Courtland Skinner directed the actions of George Taylor, including his futile attempts to raise a Loyalist militia in Monmouth County. - January 1777 - As discussed in a prior article, the newly-mustered Loyalist militia of Monmouth County was defeated outside of Freehold by Pennsylvania Flying Camp under Lt. Colonel Francis Gurney, January 2, 1777. Throughout January 1777, the Pennsylvanians scattered groups of armed Loyalists at Middletown and Shrewsbury. But this did not end British attempts to marshal Loyalists and disaffected in Monmouth County into a militia. George Taylor Attempts to Build a Loyalist Militia On January 10, as Gurney was moving against Loyalists in Middletown, Courtland Skinner, the General of New Jersey Volunteers , assigned George Taylor to lead Monmouth County’s Loyalist militia: I have ordered Coll. Morris [John Morris] and Coll. Lawrence [Elisha Lawrence] to advance towards this place [Amboy] directly and bring the Volunteers here; You are therefore to muster the militia and take such part as will prevent small parties from entering the County and distressing the people. George Taylor was the former senior Colonel of the Monmouth County militia. In November 1776, his cousin, William Taylor, led a Loyalist association that was discovered and rounded up . His uncle, John Taylor, served as a Commissioner for administering British loyalty oaths . When George Taylor was pressured to sign a Continental loyalty oath, he refused and went behind British lines. With the order above, Skinner pulled his troops out of Monmouth County and sent Taylor into Monmouth County. However, there is no evidence that Taylor re-entered Monmouth County as a consequence of Skinner’s order. It is probable that Taylor had few, if any, men. And Gurney’s troops were proving themselves superior to any armed Loyalist resistance inside the county. Taylor also lacked a formal officer’s commission and may have been reluctant to re-enter Monmouth County without one. Skinner addressed this concern on February 26: It will give me great pleasure to enable you to enter the County of Monmouth once more, [but] all I can do at present is to give you the authority, which I cheerfully do by a commission which I enclose. It will be very proper, upon entering the County, to summon the inhabitants without distinction to renew their oaths and fidelity, and form them into such companies for the purpose of expelling the enemy and afterwards keeping the County. Still, Taylor hesitated. He may have been deterred by the capture of Robert Morris of Shrewsbury. Morris was a Loyalist who helped recruit for the New Jersey Volunteers during the Loyalist insurrection of December 1776. Morris left Shrewsbury with the New Jersey Volunteers in January and returned in February. On February 19, Morris’s band of Loyalist recruits, while waiting for a ship to carry them off, was attacked and captured by a Stafford and Dover township militia force led by Captain Reuben Randolph. Morris was jailed in the overcrowded Philadelphia prison. In April 1777, small armed parties of Monmouth Loyalist refugees began returning to the county. On April 2, the Middletown militia skirmished with Loyalists. One militiaman, Elijah Clayton, was captured. On April 14, Colonel David Forman reported to Governor William Livingston that his men had skirmished with and chased off a different Loyalist recruiting party. Forman called for depriving the Loyalists of recruits by drafting the disaffected into the Continental Army. These early Loyalist recruiting activities soon gave way to violent raids . George Taylor was involved in some of these activities, and led at least two early incursions, though it is impossible to know the connection between these actions and Taylor’s Loyalist militia. As for the Loyalist militia, there is no reason to believe that many men mustered for it. Taylor spent much of 1777 at Sandy Hook seeking to recruit and organize the Loyalist refugees and London traders who arrived there. But Taylor continued to have no effective fighting force under his command. In October 1777, while at Sandy Hook, he observed boats gathering at Point Comfort (Keansburg). Lacking his own force, he wrote Courtland Skinner to request a force to attack the boats. Skinner declined: I have for some time had intelligence that a number of [rebel] boats were at the Point [Comfort], and of their designs, but I believe they will hardly amount to anything. I wish I could send you the reinforcement you wish for; I am sure if it could be effected it would be worth attempting, but at present I cannot. In April 1778, Taylor was again at Sandy Hook. Courtland Skinner directed him to circulate pamphlets among the people of Monmouth County and deliver sealed letters to specific disaffected men living inside the county. You will endeavor to have them circulated as much as you can. Those sealed [letters] you may direct to such as you think will be best... let those in opposition have a good share, by this means we will be more at liberty. Spreading the literature did not lead to new Loyalist insurrections or a surge of Loyalist recruits. George Taylor’s Later Military Career By the middle years of the war, the Loyalist militia of Monmouth County ceased to exist. The British understood this and, in June 1779, commissioned Taylor to raise a company of Loyalist partisans that would, effectively, compete for recruits with the New Jersey Volunteers. Taylor’s order read: I do hereby authorize and empower you to raise for his Majesty's service a company of able bodied men, to consist of one Captain, one Lieutenant, one Ensign, three Sergeants, three Corporals, one Drummer, and fifty three privates, who will engage for two years, or the continuance of the rebellion in North America, in the defence of Sandy Hook and places adjacent, to receive the same pay, bounty and every other emolument, and to be under the same discipline as his Majesty's other Provincial Corps. With respect to your pay & appointment by Commission as Captain, these depend upon your success recruiting. The first will be issued to you as General Orders direct, and the latter you will be entitled to when you raise thirty two able-bodied men. Taylor’s company never reached 32 men; by his own account he raised only twenty. Despite continued setbacks, Taylor remained active at Sandy Hook. A note from Major John Andre that October gave him permission to board British vessels back and forth to Sandy Hook without needing to state his purpose. In 1780, Taylor and Andrew Skinner prepared a map for the British titled "the Refugee Posts: July 21, 1780", showing 21 Loyalist bases throughout New York and New Jersey. In fall 1780, Taylor and a handful of other prominent Monmouth County Loyalists were captured after landing in Monmouth County with a large quantity of counterfeit Continental money. Taylor described his service this way: Your memorialist, in December 1776, received a commission from Brigadier General Skinner, by authority of Governor Franklin, to command the militia of the County of Monmouth, and did actually prevent that part of the country from espousing the cause of rebellion until the arrival of the King's troops in 1777, when your memorialist joined them with a number of other active Loyalists, at the head of whom he frequently made excursions into rebel country, and captured a great number of officers and soldiers, who were exchanged for British of the same rank. That your memorialist in June 1779 did actually raise twenty effective men, and would have soon embodied many more had he not been taken prisoner and kept a long time in captivity. Taylor petitioned the British for a captain’s pension after the war. It was not granted. However, the Loyalist general, Oliver DeLancey, summed up his service: "Mr. George Taylor rendered very essential services to the Army in America, but I do not think they were of a nature to entitle him to Provincial half-pay." Taylor’s wartime trajectory—from leading the county militia, to leading an ill-fated Loyalist militia, to raising a single company, to performing ad hoc partisan activities—well illustrates the fall of a pre-war leader who chose the losing side. Even within the Loyalist ranks, Taylor’s restraint was increasingly anachronistic as the local war grew brutal. By the middle years of the war, bolder and crueler Loyalist raiders based at Sandy Hook were taking actions that likely made Taylor look mild-mannered and ineffectual. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources : Cortland Skinner to George Taylor, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 186; Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 186; Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), pp. 357-8. Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Application Claims, D96, AO 13/110, reel 10; David Forman to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #4097; Hendrick Smock, Note, National Archives, Collection 881, R 593; David Forman to William Livingston, Mark Lender, “The Enlisted Line: The Continental Soldiers of New Jersey”(Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1975) p 94; Courtland Skinner to George Taylor, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 186; Courtland Skinner to George Taylor, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 187; General H. Rooke to George Taylor, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 187; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) p 308 note. Harlow McMillen, “Green and Red, and a Little Blue: The Story of Staten Island in the American Revolution, Part 5,” Staten Island History, 1st ser., vol. 32 (1976), p 49; George Taylor’s petition, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Treasury, Class 1, vol 634, folio 184-5 Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Baptists Reset Their Congregations by Michael Adelberg The Upper Freehold Baptists met at the Old Yellow Meeting House. Despite a succession of ministers, they were unwavering in their support of the Revolution throughout the war. - March 1777 - On the eve of the American Revolution, Monmouth County had a large Baptist congregation in Middletown (248 congregants) and a smaller one at Imlaystown in Upper Freehold (78 congregants). The two meetings were served by a single minister, Abel Morgan. He lived and preached in Middletown, but preached at Imlaystown one Sunday a month. The prior minister for the Upper Freehold meeting, David Jones, was an outspoken supporter of independence. While visiting Chester, Pennsylvania, in 1775, Jones preached, “Defensive War in a Just Cause, Sinless.” His sermon was published and widely distributed. After this, Jones was unable to safely return to Upper Freehold—which would soon be the scene of a Loyalist insurrection . Jones served as a chaplain in the Continental Army during the war and never returned to Monmouth County. When Upper Freehold was rocked by a second and more severe Loyalist insurrection in December 1776, the Baptist meeting suspended operations. After a period of irregular entries, on March 1, 1777, the congregation’s Deacon, Thomas Farr, recorded, “No meetings—these are troublesome times indeed.” The war years were hard on the congregation—it admitted twelve new members in 1776 and eleven new members at war’s end in 1783, but it only admitted a total of fifteen new members in the six years in between. Baptist Meeting Purges Loyalists While the Upper Freehold congregation was pro-independence from the start, the Middletown congregation only supported the Revolution after a “purging time” in 1777. On May 10, the meeting moved against its active Loyalist members. The church book recorded three votes: 1. In the first place was to consider whether we believe it justifiable, in sight of Holy God, to joyn [sic] the free States of America, to the utmost of our power, in defense of our rights and privileges, against our cruel enemies, who is now fighting against us with fire and sword, to deprive us of them. – Agreed. 2. Whether the standing of our Church does not call for a purging time, when we are so divided in judgment and in practice, and further, whether or not those members have standing in our church, that do side with the enemy, ought to be laid under censure. – Agreed. 3. Whether or not David Burdge and Elias Baly [Elias Bailey], who have left this State and gone over to the enemy ought to be debarred from communion in our church, yea or nay. – yea. The meeting took other acts as well. John Taylor and James Grover were summoned to answer for their roles in administering British loyalty oaths. Edward Taylor and Mary Bailey were warned to “forebare talking so much against the present state, and in behalf of the enemy.” James Mott, Richard Crawford, John Walling, and Samuel Bray were appointed to counsel and monitor the disaffected congregants. Sixteen other congregants signed on to support them. The Middletown Baptists met again on May 24 to consider removing John Taylor and James Grover: The church laid before said Taylor and said Grover the charge, which was that they had sworn so many of their brethren and neighbors to swear true obedience to King George; the church then asked them whether they justified themselves in acting that part - they answered they did justify themselves, but was sorry they had done it because things had not turned out as they expected - upon hearing the whole affair, the church agreed to a man, except Edward Taylor, and then told said Taylor and said Grover they was disbarred from communion with the church. The congregation’s minister, Abel Morgan, was initially cautious toward disaffected members. As late as December 1777 he warned of "dispersion among the churches” and “discord and contention among neighbors" without directly criticizing Loyalists. But Morgan’s voice grew stronger after the British Army passed through Middletown following the Battle of Monmouth. They occupied and vandalized the Baptist meeting house and forced Morgan to preach in the woods. A year later, Morgan preached: “Our continent is filled with tears and blood, ravages and desolations abound, perpetrated by the English troops and, if possible, by the more wicked combinations of traitors among ourselves." Other Disturbances in the Congregations The Baptists of Upper Freehold never needed to purge the meeting of Loyalists, but the congregation did discipline several members. On June 16, 1777, it suspended “Candice, a Black woman… disguised with liquor” from the congregation. In December 1778, the meeting again moved against three members for poor attendance and acting with “no sense of guilt.” Another round of suspension in 1781 was meted out for non-attendance and drinking. The congregation never needed to punish any of its members for Loyalism. However, the Upper Freehold Baptists needed to find a new minister. In June 1777, they invited John Pittman, “a very promising young man," to be the congregation’s minister. It appears that Pittman relocated from Philadelphia to Imlaystown in September (as the British Army was threatening invasion of that city). Pittman co-served the Baptist meetings at Imlaystown and Cranbury. In March 1780, Pittman received luxury goods from Boston. This caused an argument with Joseph Cox, from one of the meeting’s leading families. The bad feelings escalated when Pittman insulted Joseph’s brother, Thomas Cox: Thomas Cox entered the following complaint or charge against him, that Mr. Pittman had represented him [Thomas Cox] as his worst enemy, and Mr. Pittman not giving him satisfaction was forbid preaching in the meeting house & warned to go out of the dwelling house. Pittman returned to Philadelphia in 1781. The next minister, John Blackwell, was not found until late 1782. As for Abel Morgan, he grew ill in 1784. The Middletown congregation recognized him as an “infirm” and hired a servant to tend to him. Morgan died in 1785. Related Historic Site : Old Yellow Meeting House Sources : Upper Freehold Baptist Records, Rutgers University Special Collections, reel 1; David Jones, Journal of Two Visits to Some Indian Nations on the West Side of the Ohio River, 1772-3 (Burlington, NJ: Isaac Collins, 1774) p V-VIII, 11; Defensive war in a just cause sinless. A sermon , preached on the day of the continental fast, at Tredyffryn, in Chester County, https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/evans/N11160.0001.001/1:2?rgn=div1;view=fulltext ; Jones, David, 1736-1820.Baptist Meeting Minutes, John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) v2, p 273; John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) v2, p 273; Upper Freehold Baptist Records, Rutgers University Special Collections, reel 1; R.T. Middletditch, "Abel Morgan of Middletown", The Baptist Quarterly, 1874, vol. 8, p331-2; American Baptist Magazine and Missionary Intelligencer (Boston: James Lording, 1829) vol. 3, p443-444; Upper Freehold Baptist Records, Rutgers University Special Collections, reel 1; R.T. Middletditch, "Abel Morgan of Middletown", The Baptist Quarterly, 1874, vol. 8, p332; Norman H. Maring, Baptists in New Jersey: A Study in Transition (Valley Forge, Penn.; Judson Press, 1964) pp. 57-8, 69, 74; Upper Freehold Baptist Records, Rutgers University Special Collections, reel 1; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County, (Peck: Philadelphia, 1885) p 635; Upper Freehold Baptist Records, Rutgers University Special Collections, reel 1; Monmouth County Historical Association, Church Book, Upper Freehold Baptists (typescript); R.T. Middletditch, "Abel Morgan of Middletown", The Baptist Quarterly, 1874, vol. 8, p334. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Disaffection of Edward Taylor by Michael Adelberg With the exception of six months of confinement in Princeton, Edward Taylor lived at his home, Marlpit Hall, throughout the Revolution. Taylor was often punished for opposing the Revolution. - April 1777 - In 1774 and 1775, Edward Taylor was a leader in resisting British policies in Monmouth County. He was a committeeman who was so important to the county’s drive to raise food for the suffering people of Boston that when a thank you note came back from Boston it was addressed to him. In early 1776, Taylor concurrently served in the New Jersey Assembly (aligned with the British government) and the Provincial Congress (aligned with the Continental Congress). Taylor was one of several pre-Revolutionary leaders who historian William Benton labeled “Whig-Loyalists” – men who, like the Whigs of England, who believed the British government needed reform, but remained loyal to the British government and crown. Taylor was a key member of committees that took actions against Loyalists . When his neighbors moved toward supporting a New Jersey Constitution separate from British authority, Edward Taylor broke from them. On June 26, the week before the New Provincial Congress voted to adopt a new constitution, Colonel Abraham Ten Eyck was ordered to apprehend Edward Taylor, his brother, John Taylor, and 24 other New Jerseyans of suspect loyalty. Ten Eyck was further ordered to “keep them under strong guard, and bring before this Congress" and further "deliver them to the keeper of the common gaol at Trenton." At this time, Edward’s nephew, William Taylor, was getting signatures for a petition opposing independence, and Edward’s son, George Taylor, was commanding the militia opposite the British base at Sandy Hook. Edward Taylor laid low for the next several months. There is no evidence that he supported the new Revolutionary government, but also no evidence that he participated in the Loyalist insurrections (though he apparently did not sign a British loyalty oath). When George Taylor switched sides and became the Colonel of Monmouth County’s Loyalist militia and started raiding the county, it became impossible for Edward to lay low. In April, 1777, David Forman, the highest-ranking officer in Monmouth County (concurrently a colonel in the Continental Army and a Brigadier General of the New Jersey Militia) took an interest in Edward Taylor. He visited Taylor in early April and offered him a Loyalty oath to the New Jersey government. Forman gave a deposition on April 14 detailing Taylor’s response: Heard said Edward Taylor say that he had, at two different times, taken the oath of allegiance to the King of Great Britain and he still thinks himself bound by them, and absolutely refused to take on the oaths to the State of New Jersey. That same day, Zephaniah Morris gave a deposition against Edward Taylor regarding a £50 debt: Said deponent, being at work at Edward Taylor 's house in the month of December last, he [Morris] pulled out a sum of Continental money (more than sufficient to have paid the debt to sd Edward Taylor) and this deponent asked said Taylor if he would take the money due to him, to which said Taylor replied he would take the money in the month of March. When Morris returned in March to again pay off the debt in Continental money, "said Taylor replied that he would only take money that would pass in [British occupied] New York." The next day, William Bostwick gave a deposition against Taylor. Bostwick heard Taylor complain in the fall of 1776 "that the mortgage is daily increasing on his estate because two persons from morning to night [are employed] to print Continental money, and he should have only a penny to give his sons.” Henry Segollets also gave a deposition with respect to a debt owed to Taylor: On or about the beginning of December last, this deponent did proffer to Edward Taylor for the full sum owed above, executed by the said Henry Segollets Jr., in Continental currency, and that the said Edward Taylor did refuse to take said money, and that this deponent did a few days after, in the presence of two witnesses, again proffer to said Edward Taylor the money due to said Taylor on the aforesaid note, who still refused to take the money due. Taylor was brought before the New Jersey Council of Safety on April 19 and the evidence against him was heard. Two friends posted £300 bonds for his good conduct and he was released; Taylor also posted bonds for the release of others brought before the New Jersey Council of Safety. He was the lone vote against “purging” Loyalists from the Middletown Baptist meeting . All of these actions demonstrate that Edward Taylor was disaffected from the new government, but not necessarily hostile. However, Taylor would edge closer to participating in hostilities. On May 25, Thomas Seabrook, a major in the militia, learned that Edward Taylor was removing the fence rails from part of his land near the shore. Seabrook presumed that this was being done to allow raiding parties led by his son, George Taylor to penetrate Middletown and escape via Taylor’s land. Thomas Seabrook's son, Stephen Seabrook, confronted Edward Taylor. He reported: I went in company with James Kelsey & we came upon the fence Edward Taylor had cut with the axe [still] in his hand. Upon our coming to him, a conversation began, me & sd Taylor, about the fence and land. I told him it was poor business. Taylor acknowledged he had cut 20 or 30 panel & he would be damned to put it up again. George Taylor's Loyalist party attacked Seabrook's home two weeks later hoping to capture Thomas Seabrook; during the raid, the Loyalists bayoneted Stephen by mistake. For this and perhaps other actions, David Forman moved against Edward Taylor on July 2: Several complaints having been made to me respecting your conduct, particularly acting as a spy amongst us… giving aid to a party of Tories and British, commanded by your son, the late militia Coll. in this county, now a refugee, by which means the party escaped the pursuit of a party of militia sent to attack them. I do therefore enjoin you for the future to confine yourself to your farm at Middletown, and do not attempt re-attempt to travel the road more than crossing it to go to your land on the north side of said town. It is unclear if Forman, who held only military commissions, had authority to impose house-arrest on Edward Taylor, especially when the New Jersey Council of Safety was actively trying and punishing New Jerseyans for similar offenses. Perhaps Forman, who had battled George Taylor’s raiding parties at least twice, was seeking revenge on the Taylor family. Aggrieved, Edward Taylor protested his treatment to the New Jersey Legislative Council (the Upper House of Legislature) later that July: I was sent for to appear before the commanding officer, Mr. Forman, and made a prisoner, which charges made against are entirely unjust. I am as innocent as an unborn child.... Tho' innocent I strictly obey the orders of confinement which is a considerable damage to me in my business, having a grist mill two or three miles from where I live, and nobody but the servants of my own house to attend her, who I cannot trust without being there, which occasions my mills to stand idle the chief part of the time. There is no evidence that the New Jersey Legislative Council acted on Taylor’s petition. Meanwhile, Taylor suffered harassment from neighbors. In 1778, he testified that in November, 1777: Daniel Bray, John Bray and George Johnson came to my house… to take the horse, which Daniel Bray broke the lock and not finding the horse in the stable, went to the field and took the horse from the Negro, where he was at work. When Taylor protested the confiscation of his horse, "said George Johnson abused me very much.” That same month, the New Jersey Council considered Taylor’s disaffection and compelled him to post a £1,000 bond and accept confinement in Princeton until the Monmouth County courts could convene and consider his offenses (the county courts had stopped meeting in 1776): Edward Taylor shall continue within one mile of the City of Princeton & not to go beyond the said limits without leave of the Council of Safety, therein (excepting that sd Edward Taylor shall have leave to appear at the next Court of Oyer & Terminer to be held in the County of Monmouth) and shall during sd time, neither do nor say anything to the prejudice of American liberty, nor give any intelligence to the elements of America. Taylor’s confinement was as much an act of political retribution as a punishment for his own actions. The order placing him under confinement in Princeton noted Taylor “shall be set at liberty when Thomas Canfield, a prisoner in New York, shall be discharged by the enemy.” With the exception of a brief return to Monmouth County in January 1778 to appear in court, Taylor remained in Princeton for five months. On May 27, Council of Safety, let him return home to seek a prisoner exchange: Agreed, that Edward Taylor be discharged from bond… and have leave to return home for 3 weeks upon entering into another bond, to return within that time to this place & remain there until further order of this Council of Safety, unless he shall in the mean time procure the releasement of John Willett, now a prisoner in New York. Taylor was successful in procuring Willett’s release on June 13. He was allowed to remain at his home in Middletown upon “pledging his faith and honor not to do or say anything contrary to the interest of the state or United States." The remaining war years were hard on him. He was indicted for trespass, two misdemeanors, and perjury in the county courts and his estate shrunk from 1200 acres of land, two slaves, and 42 head of livestock to 420 acres of land, no slaves, and 20 head of livestock at war’s end. He also signed a petition claiming that he was subject to abuses from the vigilante pro-Revolution group, the Retaliators . With his health in decline, Edward Taylor finalized his will. He disinherited his son, George. Any assets given to George would have been confiscated by the New Jersey government. Edward Taylor died shortly before the end of the war. Related Historical Site : Marlpit Hall Sources : Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009) p 478; Deposition of David Forman, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #39; Deposition of William Bostwick, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #19; William H. Richardson's "Washington and the New Jersey Campaign of 1776," Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 50, no. 2 (1952) p 144. Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 2, pp. 1093, 1192; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, Henry Segollets; John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany, 4 vols, Genealogical Publishing Co, 1970, v4, p237; Deposition, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #21; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 29; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 37; Jones, E. Alfred. The Loyalists of New Jersey, Daniel Hendrickson of Middletown, (Newark, N. J. Historical Society, 1927); Deposition, Edward Taylor, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #39; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p202-3; Monmouth County Historical Association, The Grover Taylor House, (Freehold: MCHA) p 22-4; Order/Bond, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 6, November 6, 1777; Monmouth County Archives, Loose Common Pleas, box: CP 1776-1777, folder: 1777; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) pp. 164, 168; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 242; Monmouth County Historical Association, The Grover Taylor House, (Freehold: MCHA) p 22-4; Michael Adelberg, Biographical File , Edward Taylor, on file at the Monmouth County Historical Association. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Loyalists Join British Army at Sandy Hook by Michael Adelberg The Monmouth County Loyalists who joined the British Army in July 1776 would serve in the New Jersey Volunteers, led by Courtland Skinner, the former Attorney General of New Jersey. - July 1776 - The British invasion fleet, carrying 25,000 soldiers, arrived at Sandy Hook on June 29. As discussed in a prior article, some British soldiers landed on Sandy Hook that day. But even before the British Army landed on the peninsula, Monmouth County Loyalists were coming to Sandy Hook to join them. The arrival of the Monmouth Loyalists was gratifying to British leadership. On June 29, on his arrival at Sandy Hook, the British Army’s commander-in-chief, William Howe, thought the arrival of Loyalists from Monmouth County was important enough to include in his first report back to England. He reported that on June 27 "many Gentlemen, fast friends of the Government” had met with New York’s Royal Governor William Tryon and provided “the fullest information on the State of the rebels." Howe further noted that "sixty men came over, two days ago, from the neighborhood of Shrewsbury, with a few arms, who are all desirous to serve, and I understand there are 500 more in that quarter ready to follow their example." Monmouth Loyalists Join the British Army The men to whom Howe was referring had crossed over from Shrewsbury, but were actually from Upper Freehold township. This first party of Loyalists to join the British was led by Elisha Lawrence, the former sheriff of Monmouth County and son of John Lawrence, a leader of the Loyalist insurrection that was underway in Upper Freehold. Lawrence noted that he “joined his Excellency Gen. Howe on his arrival at Sandy Hook, with a party of 60 men, and came aboard the Greyhound .” On June 30, Lawrence wrote a letter home to William Montgomery, a militia major from Upper Freehold, predicting his imminent return: I hope you will wait with patience for my return, which I expect won't exceed three weeks at the farthest, and [I] shall return with a power sufficient to show my head in public & do my business - how dreadful is my situation, drove from my house, separated from my family & for my protection obliged to fly on board the man of war. Lawrence predicted that 45,000 British troops would soon land (the actual number was 25,000) and pledged to conduct his affairs honorably on his return: "Don't fear any losses from me, I am determined to do every man justice... You need not fear any action against you." On July 1, Elisha Lawrence was named the Lt. Colonel of the 1st Battalion of the embryonic New Jersey Volunteers, which would become the largest Provincial Corps of the British Army. Just a few days later, he was joined at Sandy Hook by another party of Monmouth Loyalists led by John Morris of Manasquan (in Shrewsbury Township). Morris had served as a Lieutenant in the British Army during the Seven Years War before settling near Manasquan. He recalled joining the British Army at Sandy Hook this way: I exposed myself to every kind of ill treatment in order to support his Majesty and the British Government, and joined the Royal Army on the 6th of July 1776, with a number of men, I brought from New Jersey, as a volunteer without pay, either for myself or for them. British officer, Stephen Kemble, said Morris brought 58 men with him. Morris would be named the Lt. Colonel of the 2nd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers. At least two other parties of Monmouth Loyalists joined the British Army in July. A small party of Shrewsbury Township Loyalists, led by John Taylor of Colts Neck, "joined the British Army the day they landed at Staten Island (July 7)." He was commissioned as a company commander under Morris. And John Longstreet of Freehold, who commanded the so-called “Tory Company ” of the Monmouth militia, joined the British on July 15. He noted that most of his militia company "were afterward of the British forces." He became a Captain in Lawrence’s battalion. Other Loyalist associations would continue to form in Monmouth County, though at least one, led by Samuel Wright of Long Branch, would be discovered and foiled before going off to the British. Finally, a Tinton Falls Loyalist, Thomas Okerson, brought supplies to the British Navy at Sandy Hook and then returned to Monmouth County. He was captured by the militia on July 6 and “was committed to the common Jail of Burlington County.” Okerson would become a Lieutenant in the New Jersey Volunteers. Perceptions of Monmouth Loyalists Joining the British Army Continental leaders in Monmouth County watched the Loyalist defections with concern. David Brearley, the first Colonel of the Upper Freehold militia, reported about this to Samuel Tucker, the President of the New Jersey Convention. Tucker summarized Brearley’s report on July 6: He [Brearley] supposes that not more than 100 have been over [to Sandy Hook]… 30 more are flying on board the enemy's fleet; our militia is in pursuit & numbers of lesser offenders are coming back to their duty, upon encouragement we have to give, as all appear to have been deluded. The leaders, if they can be apprehended, will be punished. News of the Monmouth Loyalists joining the British Army reached George Washington, who wrote New Jersey’s new Governor, William Livingston, on July 8, that "Capt. Morris and Elisha Lawrence of Monmouth County came down to the Hook a few days ago with 60 men & are now on Staten Island." A number of British officers wrote about the arrival of the Monmouth Loyalists as a harbinger of the thousands more Loyalist recruits who would soon flock to them. William Howe’s report on July 6 is a good example: I have satisfaction to inform your Lordship that there is great reason to expect a numerous body of inhabitants from New York, Jersey & Connecticut, who in this time of universal oppression, only wait to give proof of their loyalty and zeal to the Government; sixty men came over a few days ago with some arms from the neighborhood of Shrewsbury, all desirous to serve, and I understand there are five hundred more in that quarter ready to follow their example. The Royal Navy’s Captain Marion Bowater on the Centurion wrote from Sandy Hook on July 7: They desert to us hourly, and what is still better, they bring their arms with them, as Gen'l Howe let them know that ten dollars reward for rifle guns. All the principal people are with us; five Gentlemen & sixty private men & a stand of colors came over in a vessel from the Jerseys yesterday. [John Morris and his Shrewsbury Loyalists.] The New Jersey Volunteers would eventually become the largest Provincial Corps of the British Army. Both Lawrence and Morris would return with their troops to Monmouth County to lead a countywide insurrection before the end of the year. However, the New Jersey Volunteers would have an unhappy history; both Lawrence and Morris lost their regiments by the middle of the war. Related Historic Site : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources : John Almon, The Rembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events for the Year 1776 (John Almon: London, 1776), 228-9; Monmouth County Historical Association, Haskell Collection, box 15, folder 8; John Morris Loyalist Claim, Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Application Claims, D96, AO 13/19, reel 6; Elisha Lawrence Loyalist Claim, Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/110, reel 10; Loyalist Claim of John Taylor, Rutgers University Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, D96, AO 13/112, reel 10; American Archives, 4th Series, excerpted on Http://www.stanklos.net ; Peter Force, American Archives, v1:41; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 82, item 68, #179-81; Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v93, reel 2, #404; Stephen A. Kemble, “The Kemble Papers,” in Collections of the New York Historical Society (New York: Printed for the Society, 1883), vol. 1, p 79; New York Constitutional Gazette, July 6, 1776; Orderly Book, Col. Samuel Miles’ Regt., MG 224, New Jersey Historical Society; Marion Balderston, The Lost war : Letters from British Officers during the American Revolution (New York : Horizon Press, 1975) p 88; William Howe, Narrative of Lieut. General Sir William Howe (London: H. Baldwin, 1780) p50; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, pp. 80-1; John Longstreet, Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), p 12. Jones, E. Alfred. The Loyalists of New Jersey, (Newark, N. J. Historical Society, 1927) p 132. Gregory Palmer, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. and London, 1984) p 501. Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Application Claims, D96, AO 13/18, reel 6; Smith, Paul H., “New Jersey Loyalists and the British Provincial Corps in the War for Independence,” New Jersey History, vol. 87 (1969), p 72. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > John Van Kirk Infiltrates Pine Robber Gang by Michael Adelberg Quartermaster officer Moore Furman was asked to hire John Van Kirk after he infiltrated a Pine Robber gang and relocated inland for safety. Furman declined to do so and Van Kirk fell into debt. - January 1779 - As discussed in a prior article, the first notorious Pine Robber gang, led by Jacob Fagan, came together in the summer of 1778. From a lair in the swamps of Shrewsbury Township, they committed a number of robberies, most famously that of Captain Benjamin Dennis’ family. They nearly hanged Mrs. Dennis. Fagan’s return to the Dennis house (to search for stashed money) was spoiled when an informer alerted Dennis. Dennis and the militia laid in wait and shot Fagan. But while Fagan met a bloody end, his outlaw gang remained at large. John Van Kirk Infiltrates Pine Robber Gang On February 3, 1779, the New Jersey Gazette printed “A Letter from Monmouth” dated January 29. The letter discussed how Captain Dennis and his militia “went in pursuit of three of the most noted of the Pine Banditti, and was so fortunate as to fall in with them and killed them on the spot.—Their names are Stephen Emmons, alias Burke, Stephen West and Ezekiel Williams.” As with the hated Fagan, the bodies of the dead outlaws would suffer, “two of them, it is said, will be hanged in chains.” According to the letter, the Pine Robbers were infiltrated by John Van Kirk who informed the militia of the Pine Robbers’ intended journey to New York “to make sale of their plunder.” Of Van Kirk, the report read: He conducted himself with so much address that the robbers, and especially the three above named, who were the leading villains, looked upon him as one of their body, kept him constantly with him and entrusted him with all of their designs. Van Kirk's identity was revealed. The letter discussed his need to flee: The secret is out and of course he must fly the county, for the Tories are so highly exasperated against him that death will certainly be his fate if he does not speedily leave Monmouth. The Whigs are soliciting contributions on his behalf and from what I have already seen have no doubt that they will present him with a handsome sum. The demise of the Pine Robbers was big news and reported as far away as Maryland, where the state’s Journal , reported on February 16: A desperate gang of marauders, chiefly refugees, deserters from New York, were lately brought to condign punishment in a most striking manner. For months past, these miscreants had plundered Monmouth County with impunity, all measured to curb their excesses by their vigilance & sudden retreats into the Pine forests. The shootings of Emmons, West, and Williams effectively ended Fagan’s gang. This was celebrated. The New Jersey Gazette reported: “I question whether the destruction of the British fleet could diffuse more universal joy through the inhabitants of Monmouth than has the death of the above three egregious villains.” The New Jersey Gazette reports were printed as far away as New Hampshire. The complete letter is in Appendix 1 of this article. Another perspective on the death of the Pine Robbers was offered by Wiliam Corlies. Corlies was a Shrewsbury Quaker who had been captured, presumably while illegally trading with the British at Sandy Hook. He was jailed in Freehold when the bodies of the Pine Robbers were brought in; Corlies was asked to identify the bodies. He would testify about the incident three years later: He saw a Captain Dennis of the Rebel Service bring to Freehold Court House three dead bodies; that Captain Dennis being a Neighbor of his (the Deponent), he asked where those Men were killed; he replied they were killed on the Shore. Corlies testified on the brutal death of the Pine Robbers: That on coming to the spot, he (Dennis) surrounded them [the Pine Robbers] with his party; that the Men...begged for quarter, and claimed the benefit of being prisoners of War; he ordered them to be fired on, and one of them by the Name of Williams fell; that they were all Bayonetted by the Party and brought to Monmouth, and that he (Dennis) received a sum of Money for that Action. In a related incident, the Pine Robber, John Giberson, was killed a few weeks earlier: “John Giberson of the same group of villains, was killed about three weeks ago by a party of the militia near Toms River." A discussion of Giberson’s infamous career is in Appendix 2 of this article. The Pine Robbers outlasted these defeats. Lewis Fenton, a likely associate of Fagan, would soon prove far more dangerous than Fagan, at least until his death in 1779 . Jacob Van Note, “a noted Tory and horse thief” was killed by militia in 1780 after having a bounty on his head for more than two years. Another member of the gang, Jonathan West (brother of Stephen) would lose his arm, but remain an infamous partisan until he was finally killed near the end of the war. Other Pine Robber gangs—including those of William Davenport, and John Bacon would rise up in 1781. Their gangs would prove more prolific than Fagan’s. Van Kirk’s Difficulties after Gaining Notoriety On February 7, Governor William Livingston wrote Deputy Quartermaster Moore Furman, a senior officer charged with raising provisions for the Continental Army, about the death of the Pine Robbers: Sometime last month, Captain Dennis, who lately killed the infamous robber Fagan, with a party of militia, went in pursuit of the three of the most noted Pine-Banditti, and was so fortunate as to fall in with them and kill them on the spot. The Governor noted the role of Van Kirk in setting up the event: "The robbers looked upon him as one of their party... kept him constantly with him, and entrusted him with all of their designs." But Van Kirk was now exposed, "He must flee the country. The Tories are so exasperated against him that death will certainly be his fate unless he speedily quits Monmouth." Livingston asked Furman to employ Van Kirk as a teamster for the Army because "he has formerly been in the forage & wagon department... I take the liberty to recommend him to you." It appears that Van Kirk was not hired. On April 23, Van Kirk petitioned the New Jersey Legislature for assistance. He described why he was needed to bring down the Pine Robbers: Robberies committed by the miscreants being so frequent and their outrages against persons and property of many respectable lives of this county, became so insupportable that the petitioner determined to have the said Tory banditti extracted, or lose his life in the attempt - he accordingly consulted with Colonel Hendrickson [Daniel Hendrickson] of the Shrewsbury militia, who greatly approved and offered all assistance. Van Kirk then described infiltrating the outlaw gang: [He] put his scheme so effectually into execution that three of the principal ring leaders were shot dead & a list of 15 or 16 names of others given to the grand jury at Monmouth court house. In all this petitioner has done little more than any true friend and lover of his country - but has by his action rendered himself obnoxious to the disaffected citizens of Monmouth County, so that his life is in danger by residing among them, & not only so obliged for his personal safety to relinquish his property at the salt works which was to him considerable. As noted in a prior article , dozens of Monmouth County Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) from the shore moved inland for safety during the war. The actions that forced Van Kirk’s move were unique, but the decision to move inland was fairly common. Finally, Van Kirk noted splitting the $500 bounty for the death of Emmons with Captain Dennis, but it was inadequate: This contribution of 500 dollars which were equally divided between Captain Dennis and your petitioner will be far from indemnifying your petitioner for what he has suffered already in his property & absence from his father's family.... - he therefore humbly prays your Honorable board to take this case under consideration & make such further provision. Van Kirk was allowed to present himself before the legislature’s upper house, the Legislative Council, on May 24. The Council’s minutes recorded hearing "from John Van Kirk praying a consideration for assisting in destroying the Monmouth robbers." Van Kirk’s status continued to be a concern to Governor Livingston. On May 1, Livingston proposed a plan to George Washington in which twenty deserters of Count Kasimir Pulaski’s Legion would be embodied and turned into a posse to hunt down Pine Robbers: They [the deserters] offer to surrender themselves on condition of being under the Major [former commanding officer Burchardt] & serving in New Jersey... They are well-acquainted with the County of Monmouth and would be of great use in taking the Robbers of the Pines, especially with the guidance of Mr. Van Kirk, who with great address lately took a party of them, & has deserved public notice. Washington denied the request and the deserters were forced to return to the Continental Army. Likely with the help of the New Jersey government, Van Kirk was finally set up with a job. On August 11, the New Jersey Gazette advertised that John Van Kirk, at Cranbury, will "carry the papers from the printing office [in Trenton] on every Wednesday for the following terms" which included a nominal fee for delivery to nearby and safe Allentown and a large fee for delivery to far off and dangerous Middletown and Shrewsbury. Van Kirk was likely unsuccessful in this venture. That same month, William Barton, a Lieutenant in the Continental Army, wrote his father, Gilbert Barton, the influential tavern owner at Allentown: “I should be glad if you inquire to know what Van Kirk did with all of the money I sent in a letter directed to you for Able Ivins’ wife, was twenty dollars.” The following year, on August 22, Van Kirk, still at Cranbury, advertised for the return of a set of silver spoons taken from him in June. In February 1782, Van Kirk enlisted for one year in the New Jersey State Troops under Captain John Walton. He was one of 33 privates—a low status, low pay position for someone who had been a hero three years earlier. While serving, the Middlesex County Sheriff seized his farm outside of Cranbury. The 150-acre estate was advertised for sale on June 5, 1782. The Sheriff would use the sale to settle Van Kirk’s debts on June 24. Van Kirk was still living at Cranbury in 1789. That year he submitted a claim to the state for goods taken from him by Loyalists in January 1777. He claimed that he lost: 1 1/2 bushels of corn, 150 "sheaves of rye," and 2 barrels of cider. The value of the taken goods was less than L3. Van Kirk noted that "he never received any satisfaction" for these losses. He probably would have offered similar sentiments regarding his service in breaking up the Pine Robber gang. Related Historic Site : Shark River Park Appendix 1: New Jersey Gazette Report on the Death of Pine Robbers Extract of a Letter from Monmouth dated January 29, 1779 "The Tory freebooters who have their haunts and caves in this place, and have for some past been a terror to the inhabitants of this county, have, in the present week, met with a very eminent disaster. On Tuesday evening last, Captain Benjamin Dennis who late killed the infamous robber Fagan, with a party of militia, went in pursuit of three of the most noted of the Pine Banditti, and was so fortunate as to fall in with them and killed them on the spot.—Their names are Stephen Emmons, alias Emmons, Stephen West and Ezekiel Williams. Yesterday they were brought up to this place and two of them, it is said, will be hanged in chains. This signal piece of service was effected through the instrumentality of one John Van Kirk, who was prevailed upon to associate with them on purpose to discover their practices and to lead them into our hands. He conducted himself with so much address that the robbers, and especially the three above named, who were the leading villains, looked upon him as one of their body, kept him constantly with him and entrusted him with all of their designs. Van Kirk, of proper reasons, gave intelligence of their movements to Capt. Dennis, who conducted himself accordingly.—They were on the eve of setting off for New York to make sale of their plunder, when Van Kirk informed Capt. Dennis of the time of their intended departure, (which was to have been on Tuesday night last) and of the course they would take to their boats in consequence of which, and agreeable to the directions of Van Kirk, the Captain and a small party of militia planted themselves at Rock Pond near the shore, and shot Burke, West, and Williams in the manner above related. We were in hopes at first of keeping Van Kirk under the rose, but the secret is out and of course he must fly the county, for the Tories are so highly exasperated against him that death will certainly be his fate if he does not speedily leave Monmouth. The Whigs are soliciting contributions on his behalf and from what I have already seen have no doubt that they will present him with a handsome sum.—I question whether the destruction of the British fleet could diffuse more universal joy through the inhabitants of Monmouth than has the death of the above three egregious villains.—A certain John Giberson of the same group of villains, was killed about three weeks ago by a party of the militia near Toms River." Appendix 2: The Pine Robbers John and William Giberson Historian David Fowler researched the Giberson family of Upper Freehold. John and William Giberson, and many in their family, were Loyalists. John Giberson joined New Jersey Volunteers but, as with Jacob Fagan, he apparently deserted. John and William Giberson were apparently leading a Pine Robber gang along the Jersey shore by late 1778. John Giberson was killed near Toms River in early 1779. The New Jersey Gazette reported: “A certain John Giberson of the same group of villains, was killed about three weeks ago by a party of the militia near Toms River." William Giberson became infamous in December 1780 when he led twelve Loyalists across the state in an attempt to capture a New Jersey leader, likely William Livingston or Chief Justice David Brearley (also of Upper Freehold). He was indicted for horse stealing (a capital offense) shortly thereafter, but apparently remained an active horse thief through the first half of 1781 and he may have worked with William Clark and the Raritan Bay horse thieves. In August 1781, Silas Deane of the Continental Congress complained that "the trade of horse stealing flourishes amazingly" and called for a bounty on the head of "one Giberson of Monmouth." Governor Livingston responded on August 31 by placing a $200 bounty on the head of Giberson for "diverse thefts, robberies and felonies." By now, Giberson was operating from Clamtown (Tuckerton) in Burlington County, just south of Monmouth County. He was indicted in the Burlington County Courts that December for "waging war against the State." Antiquarian sources offer colorful stories of Giberson clashing with militia and narrowly escaping capture in two separate incidents in 1781. In July 1782, Giberson robbed the Burlington County collector, prompting another militia campaign to capture him. Militiaman Benjamin Bates described the capture of Giberson in his postwar veteran’s pension application. He also described Giberson’s remarkable escape in December: I found a villain by the name of Giberson, who was a noted refugee. He made his escape from the house and got into the woods. After searching a long time for him, I gave up and returned to our quarters. When I told Captain Davis that I had seen Giberson, he sent me back again to look for him, whilst engaged in searching for him, he suddenly jumped from behind a large black oak, he presented his gun and fired at me. As he presented, I drop down upon my knees and the load passed over me without hurting me. He then ran, I fired upon him and wounded him so that he fell and then went up to him and took him prisoner. He was afterwards taken to Burlington County Gaol where effected his escape, his sister having been permitted to visit him, they exchanged clothes. He went out and she remained in prison and the plot was not discovered until he had got too far to be overtaken. Bates’s story is corroborated by two other militiamen who remembered taking Giberson. John Pease recalled skirmishing "with a party of Tories at Clam Town, Little Egg Harbor, in Burlington County, when his party captured a Tory, one William Giberson, who was badly wounded in the skirmish, and was shot through his hip, and was carried and lodged in Burlington jail." Enoch Young recalled that he “was engaged with a party of refugees at Little Egg Harbor near Tuckerton in which the enemy was beaten and in which they broke the thigh of their captain, William Giberson, of the refugee company, took him prisoner, together with three of his men, and took the prisoners to Burlington jail.” Sources : Damages by British, Middlesex County Ledger, p 237, New Jersey State Archives Damages by British, Middlesex County Ledger, p 237, New Jersey State Archives; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Maryland Journal, February 16, 1779; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p197; New Hampshire Gazette report in Frank Moore, Diary of the American Revolution (New York: Charles Scribner, 1865) v2, p125; Transcript of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, http://personal.nbnet.nb.ca/halew/Lippincott.html; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 37; William Livingston, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, pp. 30-1; Petition, Monmouth County Historical Association, Haskell Collection, folder 22, document B; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, April 23, 1779, p 72; William Livingston to George Washington, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, pp. 80-1; Journals of the Legislative Council of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: State of New Jersey, 1779) p56; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Letters of Lt. William Barton, son of Gilbert Barton, 1777-1779, American Revolution Institute, Society of the Cincinnati, 13 A.LL.S., Washington, DC; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Muster Roll, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 89, p2, 6, 9, 11; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 169; Edwin Salter and George C. Beekman, Old Times in Old Monmouth ( Freehold, NJ: Monmouth Democrat, 1887) p 38; Lorenzo Sabine, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1864) vol 2 p 413; E. Alfred Jones, The Loyalists of New Jersey (Coll. of New Jersey Historical Society, Vol. X, 1927) p 264; Van Note’s death discussed in Nathaniel Scudder to John Scudder, New Jersey Historical Society, Letters: Nathaniel Scudder. Appendix 2 Sources : David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 120-135 and note 27; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, February 3, 1779, reel 1930; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 174-80; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Benjamin Bates of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# NJ 11027010; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Pease; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Enoch Young of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# 24155756. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Lt. Colonel Gurney's Campaign Against Monmouth Loyalists by Michael Adelberg Francis Gurney led a regiment of Pennsylvanians on a month-long campaign during which he scattered Loyalists and seized large amounts of provisions intended for the British Army. - January 1777 - On January 2, 1777, Pennsylvania troops, under Lt. Colonel Francis Gurney, routed the newly-raised Loyalist militia of Monmouth County in a short battle just east of Freehold. Yet even with the Loyalist militia scattered, other aspects of the embryonic Loyalist regime remained in place in Middletown and Shrewsbury —at least until Gurney toppled them. Dispersing the Remaining Armed Loyalists A week after the battle near Freehold, a group of armed Loyalists caught the attention of the Continental Army. On January 9, General Israel Putnam, stationed at Crosswicks, wrote: “The Tories of Monmouth County are again in arms, Col. Gurney marched today to suppress them; the militia of the neighborhood of Cranbury are embodied and impatient to join and assist them." Two days later, Putnam reported to Congress on the continued Loyalist threat: The Tories of Monmouth are making great head, ravaging and plundering and disarming the well-affected inhabitants. I have sent off 200 men with Colonel Gurney, he will be joining some of the militia. I have no doubt of hearing of his success in a day or two. The location of the armed Loyalists is not stated but it is probable that they were based near present-day Matawan. A Loyalist association led by the wealthy merchant Thomas Kearney was operating there. This part of Monmouth County was near the British Army base at Perth Amboy and there are mentions in antiquarian sources of a stockyard there for supplying the British. One of Gurney’s soldiers, Robert Strain, recalled seizing a ship, presumably near the stockyard. “They went to Middletown NJ where they took a prize supposed to be worth 100,000 pounds, and which supplied the whole army all winter." Gurney likely scattered the Loyalists near Matawan and then moved on. By January 14, he was in Shrewsbury where he scattered another Loyalist party. He then wrote to Putnam to request a cannon and wagons: I must beg you Immediately send me one field piece. I find the enemy have not got their vessels out of the creek [Shrewsbury River], and should the Artillery come in time have no doubt of taking them. We have more plunder or rather King’s stores than we can get wagons to carry off. I wish you would send forward all the wagons you can collect. I would advise a company to be sent to the Court House in order to press wagons and bring them down. Gurney also warned about a future confrontation with Loyalists: “I am just now Informed that the Enemy have landed a party at Red Bank to the northward of Black Point, and am determined to march that way immediately with about one hundred men.” The next day, a party of Pennsylvanians under Colonel Richard Humpton chased a Loyalist group into a waiting boat. The Loyalists “were obliged to make a precipitate retreat on board the English men of war.” The Curious Case of the Good Intent Gurney also wrote the Pennsylvania Court of Admiralty (New Jersey lacked an Admiralty Court until 1778) a lengthy letter about the schooner, Good Intent , commanded by Captain Sands. The vessel was “employed to transport supplies to the Fleet and Army of the King of Great Britain” until it beached near Black Point. Gurney took possession of the vessel and claimed its cargo of sugar, spirits, and clothing as a “lawful Prize & Booty of War.” He asked the court to consider the capture so that it “may be adjudged and condemned as forfeited and a lawful Prize." According to depositions taken by Gurney, the Good Intent went from Jamaica to Sandy Hook and communicated with the Light House. But it was too far away to be protected when a French privateer under Captain Morderet chased it. The Good Intent beached at Black Point. A sailor from the Good Intent testified: That after landing they all went up to a small house & there slept that Night. That the next Day they applied to the Inhabitants for assistance and about eighty or a hundred came down for that Purpose & got on Shore a very considerable Part of the Cargo. From Sandy Hook, the British saw the activity. They “sent a Tender & two armed Boats to prevent the same means from saving any more of the Cargo & Destroy the Vessel.” But the crew of the Good Intent and locals (many of whom were likely disaffected from Continental cause) now fought the British in order to preserve the valuable cargo and vessel. The sailor testified that the British “were beat off by the Americans. This deponent & two of the Crew took arms to assist in beating off the Enemy.” With his vessel in the hands of Whigs, the owner of the Good Intent , D. Chenier, issued a public notice: To all Persons whom it may or shall concern in the Monmouth County in the Jerseys, Be pleased to deliver Capt. Sands the sundry articles saved from the Schooner Good Intent cast on Shore from Jamaica as he commanded that Vessel. The status of the Good Intent was not quickly decided. As late as 1779, the Pennsylvania Court of Admiralty was seeking to determine who was entitled to the vessel and its cargo. Benjamin Randolph, a merchant from Toms River, testified that he was releasing his claim to the vessel’s cargo, some of which was stored with him. Randolph suggested that he was the one who told Gurney of the vessel and Loyalist stores at Shrewsbury. Randolph also said he “went to Black Point, took some Prisoners & returning found some stores at the House of one Hartshorne [probably Esek Hartshorne].” Randolph suggested that the French privateer did not have a valid claim to the vessel because he accepted a lesser payment: ”While the wagons were loading, Morderet asked leave to put a little box of his on the wagons and go to Philadelphia and had leave.” It is unknown whether the Good Intent and its cargo were condemned to Gurney, Sands, or Morderet. It is unlikely that Chenier received any compensation for the lost vessel. Like the Betsy , profiled in an earlier article, the Good Intent shows how complicated it was to determine ownership of captured vessels. Capturing Loyalist Stores While Gurney was at Shrewsbury, Col. Humpton’s Pennsylvania soldiers entered Monmouth County and seized Loyalist stores on January 15. The Pennsylvania Journal & Weekly Advertiser reported: “A party of Col. Humpton's Regiment… went to Shrewsbury in Monmouth, where they took a large quantity of cloth and other stores collected by a sett of Tories, who infest that county.” Sergeant William Young, a prisoner of the British at Perth Amboy, reported on January 18: “Colonel Gurney has taken 90 baggage Wagons… 9 of the 90 wagons taken from the Enemy by Colonel Gurney are ammunition wagons.” General Putnam also wrote of Gurney’s windfall on the same day: He has taken a good quantity of stores that were sent there for the Tories enlisted under Morris [John Morris] and Lawrence [Elisha Lawerence] – thirty-five wagon loads of which have arrived at Crosswicks, and the Col supposes that about one hundred wagon loads still remaining; he discovers more daily -- they chiefly consist of rum, wine, pork and broad cloth. I have thought it best to let Lt. Col. Gurney stay down where he is, until the militia of that county are well-embodied, so as to be able to defend themselves. On January 20, Putnam noted receiving three prisoners from Shrewsbury – two were junior officers in the New Jersey Volunteers , John Throckmorton and Charles Cook. The third was none other than Colonel Charles Read. Read was the Burlington County militia colonel who led campaigns against Upper Freehold Loyalists in July and Shrewsbury Loyalists in November. After being confronted by Monmouth County’s Colonel David Forman and refusing to take a loyalty oath to the Continental government, Read sought to go over to the British. But he was taken by the Continental Army and detained. Read had been “discharged on giving his word not to quit Phila without leave.” Caesar Rodney at Trenton wrote on January 23 that Gurney had taken "a very large quantity of stores that were lodged there [Shrewsbury] and guarded by Skinner's Jersey Volunteers. Forty wagon loads of them arrived at Princetown, a great quantity of clothes and other English goods." The next day, General Putnam wrote Gurney about "Mr. Crane at Toms River” who “has collected a number of men and seized a quantity of wine.” Putnam asked Gurney to coordinate with Crane on the seizure. The enthusiasm with which the Pennsylvanians confiscated goods placed them at odds with leading local Whigs at least once. On January 29, Gurney wrote Daniel Hendrickson, the colonel of the Shrewsbury militia: "I am sorry that your man did not stay by the wagon; there is not the least foundation for us keeping the wagon, and let it be found where it will; you shall not only have it and the horses, but be paid for the hire of the team." Gurney, it appears, seized Hendrickson's wagon and team by accident. Gurney’s campaign was important enough to be reported in the newspapers of far-away cities. The Providence Gazette reported that “a party of our men under the command of General Putnam have taken 96 wagons at Monmouth, in New Jersey, loaded with baggage and belonging to the parcel of Tories." The Virginia Gazette half-correctly reported that Gurney “has retaken all the Hessian plunder which was stored at Shrewsbury meeting-house, with their clothes and necessaries, to the amount of 120 wagon loads." This report reveals that the Christ Church in Shrewsbury, a focal point of Loyalism before the war, remained so during the Loyalist insurrection. An inventory of one of Gurney’s wagon trains was compiled by Captain Francis Wade, the newly-installed Continental Commissary at Allentown. The caravan carried: “55 barrels of fresh pork, 59 sacks of peas, 3 turces of rice, 1 half-pipe of wine, 7 casks of rum, 3 barrels of sugar, 1 cask of limes, 17 hatchets, 2 iron pots, 3 iron kettles, and a half cask of oil.” Its total value was £905. Wade also noted that 20 casks of rum had already "went forward by Colo. Humpton to Morristown" and one pipe of wine and sugar was sent ahead to Philadelphia. The End of the Campaign By the end of January, Gurney was back in Freehold. General Putnam wrote to Congress about the improved conditions in Monmouth County: "The affairs in Monmouth wears a favorable aspect. The people of that County will again return to their duties. Col. Forman is sent there to command and put them in proper state of defence." Gurney’s campaign occurred without the Monmouth County militia, which had dissolved during the December Loyalist insurrections. But one Monmouth Countian, Dr. Nathaniel Scudder, was an important guide for Gurney. Scudder described his role: I myself marched with them until the enemy was entirely dispersed & their stores at Middletown seized, when I was obliged to attend at Freehold, on both account of furnishing a team to haul them [Tory stores] off & endeavor to rally the militia of the county. When Gurney left Monmouth County on February 5, Scudder wrote a thank you note that was printed in the Pennsylvania Gazette “expressing my gratitude to Col. Gurney” for his service in “a country where so many of the inhabitants were inimical to the cause.” Scudder continued: I have the greatest reason to think the salvation of the property and security of the persons of many friends of freedom [are]… owed to the spirited exertions of the two detachments which marched into Monmouth. In short, those detachments have rescued the county from the tyranny of the Tories and put it in the power of their own militia to recover and embody themselves in such a manner as to be able to stand on their own defence. Indeed, Gurney’s campaign was a great success. Monmouth County would never again have a Loyalist association capable of governing. Whether, as Scudder suggests, the Monmouth militia was ready to defend the county is another matter; the newly-reconstituted Monmouth militia would suffer its worst defeat of the war only a week later, at the Battle of the Navesink . Related Historic Site : Christ Church Sources : Letter, General Israel Putnam, January 9, 17777, viewed at http://www.fold3.com/image/#18947576 (original at the National Archives); National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Brewer of PA, www.fold3.com/image/#10976408 ; Samuel Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives (Harrisburg: State of Pennsylvania, 1902) First Series, vol. 4, p 771; Francis Gurney vs. The Schooner Good Intent, Tam Ploy Claimant, Register of the Court of the Admiralty of State of Pennsylvania, Jan. 28, 1779, transcribed by Michael White; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 386; Pennsylvania Archives, Papers Relating to the War of the Revolution,1859, v 3, p89; Pennsylvania Archives, Series 1, Vol V, p186; Francis Gurney vs. The Schooner Good Intent, Tam Ploy Claimant, Register of the Court of the Admiralty of State of Pennsylvania, Jan. 28, 1779, transcribed by Michael White; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 1, p 277; Letters of William Young, The Pennsylvanian Magazine of History And Biography. Vol.VIII, 1884, p269; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 178, item 159, #35; Pennsylvania Archives, Series 2, Vol I, pg 496; Caesar Rodney, Letters to and from Caesar Rodney 1756–1784, ed. George Herbert Ryden (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1933), pp. 170-1; Israel Putnam to Francis Gurney, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections; Rutgers University Special Collections, Francis Gurney to Daniel Hendrickson, Hendrickson Papers, box 2; Providence Gazette, February 1, 1777; Virginia Gazette, February 7, 1777; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 8, 6 January 1777 – 27 March 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1998, pp. 185–186; Francis Wade, Inventory, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/P?mgw:7:./temp/~ammem_XXqo ::; Pennsylvania Archives, Series I, v5, p209; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 49; Gaillard Hunt, Fragments of Revolutionary History (Brooklyn: Historical Publishing Club, 1892) pp. 112-5; Pennsylvania Gazette, February 17, 1777 (CD-ROM at the David Library, #23302). Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Upper Freehold's First Loyalist Insurrection by Michael Adelberg John Lawrence was a respected political leader, attorney, and surveyor. He was entrusted to draw the line that split East New Jersey and West New Jersey. - June 1776 - In June 1776, the debate over independence forced Americans to take sides. In Monmouth County, large numbers of people were opposed . As noted in prior articles, Monmouth Countians authored nine anti-independence petitions and refused to turn out for the militia in much of eastern Monmouth County. But it was in the westernmost township of Upper Freehold where hostility to independence first came to a head. The first evidence of exceptional disaffection in Upper Freehold was recorded by the New Jersey Provincial Congress. On June 24, it received "a letter enclosed by the Committee of Monmouth, enclosing an association signed by certain Disaffected persons." The same day the Congress received a second letter, “that Coll. Forman [Samuel Forman of Upper Freehold], and his minute men seizing several disaffected persons... without the express command of that Committee, though approved by them afterwards." The next day, the Provincial Congress received a memorial from Moses Ivins and Richard Robins of Upper Freehold. They were vocal opponents of independence. Two weeks earlier, they were summoned to appear before the Provincial Congress. The memorial offered “reasons for their refusal of the summons." Ivins, who was apparently being detained, soon sent another letter "praying a hearing, confessing their faults, offering to make discoveries and praying discharge." Ivins likely appeared and revealed information about a budding Loyalist insurrection. The day after his confession, the New Jersey Provincial Congress, declared: It appears, from undoubted intelligence, that there are several Insurgents in the County of Monmouth, who take every measure in their power to contravene the Regulations of Congress, and to oppose the cause of American freedom; and as it is highly necessary that an immediate check be given to so daring a spirit of disaffection: It is therefore Resolved, unanimously, that Colonel Charles Read take to his aid two companies of the militia of the County of Burlington, properly officered and armed, and proceed without delay to the County of Monmouth, in order to apprehend such Insurgents and disaffected persons. Due to dysfunction in the Monmouth militia, the Provincial Congress turned to a neighboring county to restore order. The order also specially named a number of persons to be arrested, at least three of whom would become hostile Loyalists later in the war: Richard Robins, Anthony Woodward, Guisebert Giberson. Read’s men were not immediately effective. On June 29, the Provincial Congress received: Two Memorials, the one from the County Committee of Monmouth, the other from the Committee of Safety of that County, respecting certain disaffected persons in said County, and requesting that this Congress would take some decisive order therein. Three days later, on the same day that the Provincial Congress approved a new constitution that severed ties to Royal authority, additional action was ordered against the Monmouth insurgents: Resolved that Colonel Charles Read and Lt. Col. Samuel Forman... take two hundred Burlington County militia, and proceed without delay, in order to quell the aforesaid insurrection, and to disarm and take prisoner whomsoever they shall find assembled with the intent to oppose the friends of American freedom... and the said officers are empowered to take such measures as they shall think necessary for this service. Read and Forman were further ordered to bring the men they took to the Burlington jail, likely because the Monmouth jail was deemed insufficiently secure for holding Loyalist prisoners. That same day, John Covenhoven of Freehold, a delegate in the Provincial Congress, warned the Provincial Congress that some Loyalist insurrectionaries were “embodying themselves, and a considerable number encamped at the Cedar Swamps” near Sandy Hook. From here, they were expected to join the British Army. He asked Congress to "send forward all the assistance in your power." The New Jersey Provincial Congress, now renamed the New Jersey Convention, reported the troubles in Monmouth County to the Continental Congress. On July 3, the day before adopting the Declaration of Independence, the Continental Congress considered affairs in Monmouth County: The Congress took into consideration the letter from the Convention of New Jersey, whereupon: Resolved, that the Committee of Safety of Pennsylvania be requested to send as many troops of their Colony as they can spare to Monmouth County, in New Jersey, to the assistance of the inhabitants. John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress, promptly requested help from Pennsylvania: The Congress being informed by an express from the Convention of New Jersey that a number of Tories are embodying themselves in the County of Monmouth, and a considerable number are already encamped in the cedar swamps, and as the power of the militia in that County have marched to New York for the defense of that important place ...I apply to you and request that you would immediately send as many troops as your colony can spare to Monmouth County, for the defense and the assistance of the militia and inhabitants. The same day, the New Jersey Convention revised its orders to Colonels Read and Forman: Take two hundred of the Militia of Burlington County and two hundred of the Militia of Monmouth, and proceed, without delay, in order to quell the aforesaid insurrection, and to disarm and take prisoners whomsoever they shall find assembled with intent to oppose the friends of American freedom. The troubles in Monmouth County were also noticed by George Washington in New York. On July 4, he wrote about “the disaffection of the people at that place and others not far distant… unless it is checked and overawed, it may become more general, and be very alarming." Also on July 4, Samuel Forman, the militia Colonel for Upper Freehold, wrote to Colonel Charles Read, "I have ordered 200 men to meet at the Court House tomorrow morning at 6 o'clock, to be taken out of the company of Lower Freehold. The notice was so short that I could not send to Shrewsbury & Middletown in time to get their assistance without delaying you." Forman said he would march his men to Imlaystown and link up with Read. Forman also suggested that John Lawrence, one of Monmouth County’s most prominent citizens, was at the head of “the Tory party.” Forman had interrogated a man named Foster, “who they [the Tories] pressed in their service & forced him to take their oath.” Foster named a number of men in the Tory party, including Anthony Woodward (who would lead a subsequent Loyalist insurrection) and Elisha Lawrence (the former county sheriff who would soon become a Lt. Colonel in the Loyalist New Jersey Volunteers ). He said that "sundry others to the amount of about 30 went on board of Thomas Chadwick's boat, said to be bound for the British fleet." As Forman was mustering the Monmouth militia, the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety acted on John Hancock’s request: It ordered 150 men under Col. Broadhead to go to Bordentown, get provisions, and march to Monmouth County. However, on July 6 Broadhead was still in Philadelphia. In a letter, he acknowledged his orders "but as no particular part of sd county is mentioned & every man in the detachment strangers to that county." Broadhead claimed needing a guide before deploying. Meanwhile, Read’s men made their first arrests and some of whom went before the New Jersey Convention on July 4. The Convention recorded that: Numbers have expressed willingness to return to their duty upon assurances of pardon, alleging that they have been seduced by the false and malicious reports of others...It is therefore resolved that all such persons as shall without delay return peaceably to their homes, and conform with the orders of Congress, shall be treated with lenity and indulgence; and upon their good behavior, shall be restored to the favor of their Country. The Convention also ordered that supplies be brought to Bordentown for Col. Broadhead. Two days later, Col. Charles Read was at Imlaystown with Samuel Forman. They had captured John Lawrence “on information of his qualifying men to join the insurgents” and four other men. Read estimated the strength of the remaining insurgents at “50 or 60 men.” He concluded, however, that the most ardent Loyalists had escaped: “I am afraid the principals are flown." The Pennsylvanians were unhelpful. It is unclear when Col. Broadhead made it to Monmouth County, but another Pennsylvania regiment, under Colonel Samuel Miles, was already in New Jersey. He was ordered to “disperse and disarm” the Loyalists on July 8. But the orders apparently did not reach Miles quickly. He had marched into eastern New Jersey before returning to Upper Freehold. He later recorded: Sent a body of men to suppress an insurrection in Monmouth County, N. Jersey, and Lt. Col. Broadhead was sent with a detachment of 400 men, but the Whigs in that State had completed the business before his arrival. By the end of July, it appears that the Loyalist insurrection was quelled, but not crushed. The insurrection’s apparent leader, John Lawrence, was detained and the New Jersey Convention would soon fine four of the more prominent insurrectionaries: Richard Robins, John Leonard, Thomas Woodward and Ezekiel Forman. As for the less strident Loyalists, Charles Read understood that they would remain a problem . He frankly apprised the situation in Upper Freehold on August 4: "We have no doubt that there are persons, some of them of note, who are acting a very improper part, but we do not really know what to do with them.” As for the party of strident Loyalists now with the British, they would be heard from again. Related Historic Site : Historic Walnford Sources : Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p136-43; Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 6, pp. 1628-9; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornel University Press, 2009) p 474; "Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v6: p 1629-30; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornel University Press, 2009) pp. 475, 482-4; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p136; Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 6, p 1630-1; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornel University Press, 2009) p 478; Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v6: p 1630; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p136-43; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey, 1775-1776 (Trenton, NJ: Naar, Day, Naar, 1879) pp. 482-484; Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 6, p 1663; Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v6: p 1632, 1635; Journal of Col Samuel Miles, Pennslyvania Archives, Series II, Journal of Col. Samuel Miles, v 1, p519; John Covenhoven to Continental Congress, "Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v1: p 1-2; Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 1, p 1165; Library of Congress, Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. 5, p 508; John Hancock to Pennsylvania Convention, Pennslyvania Archives, Series 1, v 4, p781-2; Journals of the Continental Congress, p508 ( www.ammem/amlaw/lwdg.html ); Paul Smith, et al, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1970) vol. 4, pp. 377-8; Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v6: p 1637; George Washington, Official Letters to the Honorable American Congress Written During the War between the United Colonies and Great Britain (Boston: Manning & Loring, 1795) v 1, p181; Samuel Forman, "Tory Movements in New Jersey on Howe's Arrival at Staten Island", Historical Magaizine, vol. 5, 1861, p 7; Historical Society of Pennsylvania, New Jersey Papers, Historical MSS, 1654-1853, p 201, 203; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p137; Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 6, p 1636; "Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v6: p 1638-9; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p138; Samuel Forman, "Tory Movements in New Jersey on Howe's Arrival at Staten Island", Historical Magazine, vol. 5, 1861, pp. 7-8; Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 6, p 1665. Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Council of Safety of New Jersey (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009) p 545; Joseph Reed, Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, Philadelphia: Lindsay & Blankston, 1847, p 212; The Library Company, Pennsylvania Evening Post, July 9, 1776. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Caleb North's Continentals in Monmouth County by Michael Adelberg Col. Caleb North of Pennsylvania commanded a regiment of Continentals sent into Monmouth County in January 1779 to curb illegal trade and again in January 1780 to raise provisions for the Army. - January 1779 - All through 1778, George Washington resisted requests to send troops to protect Monmouth County despite large and punishing raids against the county (Manasquan in April, Middletown Point in May, Little Egg Harbor/Osborn Island in October) and several smaller actions. Following the Battle of Monmouth , the British fortified Sandy Hook into a fortress and stoked illegal trade with the county's disaffected farmers. By July, Pine Robber gangs and growing disaffection made much of the shore effectively enemy territory . Pressure built on Washington to act. Finally, in January 1779, Washington replaced a 30-man scout at Black Point (Rumson) with a regiment of Continentals who would attempt to bring security to Monmouth County. Caleb North’s Deployment in Monmouth County On January 13, Lord Stirling (General William Alexander) ordered Colonel Caleb North, and his regiment of 250 Pennsylvanians into Monmouth County, to be based at Tinton Falls. North was ordered to: Prevent any intercourse between that county and the city of New York, or any other place in possession of the enemy. it is certain that great quantities of provision of various species have during the last fall and winter been carried from that county into N. York, and that great quantities of merchandize have been received from thence in return; this trade so far as lyeth [sic] in the power of your utmost vigilance must be stopped. North was given broad discretion to impound property: In case you detect any person attempting to carry any provisions or any other necessaries to the enemy, you are to seize the property and have it condemned or adjudged by a magistrate for the benefit of yourself and party. The person or persons attempting to carry it on is to be secured if possible, and inform the commander in chief of this state thereof, who will get the attorney general to prosecute; one half of the fines will be for the benefit of yourself and party. North was instructed to seek information from Major Richard Howell, head of the 30-man scout, who would “stay & advise a day or two with you.” North could also seek counsel from Captain John Burrowes at Middletown Point who had recently successfully raided Sandy Hook. North was advised to post his troops cautiously and not trust the locals “for you must remember that you will be a troublesome neighbor to some of them, you may expect they will endeavor to get rid of you." Similarly, "you are not to suffer any flag of truce to go to the enemy without the commander in chief's order, nor are you to suffer any flag to be received in that county from them.” North was warned against plundering or seizing private property. However, his men could act as privateers against vulnerable British ships: If you have reason to apprehend any danger to the vessel falling into the hands of the enemy, you are, after taking and securing the sails and rigging, to set fire to her, a proper gratuity will be given to any party concerned in seizing and saving such vessels & the like encouragements may be given to any of the people of the country who assist therein. In a second order a few days later, Stirling noted to his regimental commanders that: "The men on detachment at Monmouth to be omitted in the return as they will be drawn for separately." In other words, North’s men would not be supplied by the commissary at Morristown. They would make their own arrangements for provisions in Monmouth County. A report from Stirling to Washington states that North’s men turned around a Loyalist raiding party on January 17: A detachment of the enemy (of about two hundred men) from New York effected a landing on the Middletown shore (near one Thomas Brewer's)—But re-imbarked in the night, without penetrating the country, or venturing to attempt what may be supposed the purpose of their expedition. The detachment under the command of Col. North… gave this sudden turn to their expedition. North’s first surviving letter from Tinton Falls is dated January 22. [He] stationed them [his men] in the following manner - one company at Shrewsbury, two at Eatontown, about a mile distant at the Falls one company... The fifth company I have detached up the Middletown shore with orders to remove their quarters once every three days or oftener; patrolling the shores by night and keep out a guard by day. The three last companies at Shrewsbury are employed in like manner keeping guard by day and patrolling by night. He reported that “the enemy were landing, about 500 men, on the Middletown shore (at Thomas Brown's)” and his men marched in pursuit. But "the enemy was gone without doing the least damage." Two days later North questioned the size of the enemy landing because "the fellow who was said to have saw them landing is not to be found." He also noted that one of his companies "are unfit for duty for want of shoes." The averted raid likely concerned Captain Burrowes at Middletown Point. On February 3, he wrote Stirling to request a Continental guard there. He requested “to have sixty Continental troops stationed where I am” for “stopping trade with the enemy.” Burrowes did not want North’s men, however: It is not in Coll. North's power to spare any of his troops, as they are wanted at Shrewsbury and the lower parts of Middletown, and there is nine miles of Middletown & part of South Amboy shores that lay destitute of men. Burrowes requested “the men that belonged to Collo. [David] Forman's late regiment ” whom Burrowes commanded in 1777. Word of the averted raid may have reached Governor William Livingston who wrote Washington in early February to thank him for sending North’s men into Monmouth County and inform him of attempts to call up militia from other counties to serve alongside the Continentals. On February 12, Washington replied to a recent letter from Colonel North regarding “the French Snow, Mary retaken from the Enemy” and now in North’s hands. North had apparently inquired about selling the vessel as a prize of war. Washington cautioned him: The Subject of an Ally in these cases is entitled to the equal privileges with a fellow Citizen. And his property recovered in this way is to be preserved and restored to him or his representatives; a reasonable allowance being made to the recaptures for Salvage. The Conduct to be observed by you therefore is to secure whatever you can of the Cargo, Rigging &c. taking an inventory of the whole… Transmit an account of the whole with the name of the Owners &ca. that the French Consul at Philadelphia may be notified and take order in the matter. Your success in baffling the Enemy's attempt to destroy the Snow justifies the dispositions made for that purpose and your Conduct Claims my thanks. Washington also informed North that his service in Monmouth would soon be over: “As the nature of the Service your detachment is employed in requires frequent relief, I have directed the Adjutant Genl. to order a party to relieve you." In March, North’s regiment rotated out of Monmouth County; they were replaced by a collection of Maryland, Delaware, and Pennsylvania companies under the command of Colonel Mordecai Gist. North’s Continentals were not especially energetic during their time in Monmouth County—averting a raid and taking a stranded French ship from the British are his only documented accomplishments. But North’s time in Monmouth County was also without dysfunction and, in this way, North was far more successful that the two colonels who would follow him—Gist and Benjamin Ford. Caleb North’s Second Monmouth County Deployment Washington was apparently happy with North’s record in Monmouth County because, on January 8, 1780, North was sent back in. North was replacing the dragoons of Maj. Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee. While the purpose of North’s first stay in Monmouth was, according to Washington, was to “restrain the malpractices which prevailed there” and “lighten the service of the militia” the purpose of this second deployment was to raise provisions at a time of particularly dire need for the Army. On January 27, North wrote Washington from Freehold. He had delivered Washington’s letter to the magistrates of Monmouth County "to furnish the quantity of provision required, provided I would assist them with a guard.” North reported further that: [I] accompanied them myself for several days, during which time we procured by purchase and impressed the following quantity of provision: forty seven barrels of beef and pork, fifty barrels of Tory bread which was taken aboard a brig near Middletown, the full quantity of grains, which is sent to the neighboring militia, with orders to be prepared for immediate use, and one hundred six head of good cattle (chiefly from the townships of Middletown and Shrewsbury) as being most in the power of the enemy. North noted working with John Lloyd, the Army’s commissary officer for the county: “The Magistrates thought it proper to invite Mr. Lloyd, formerly a purchasing commissary in sd County, to execute the business - he being well acquainted with the stock and disposition of the people and this place.” With Lloyd’s help, “Ninety barrels of flour is already manufactured and came on to camp with the cattle, beef, pork & biscuit." However, all was not well in North’s command. One of his men, Robert Abraham, deserted and was interrogated in New York by William Smith, the attorney general of the Loyalist government. Smith wrote that he "thinks 100 men might bring off the whole 300 in Monmouth. They have 40 horse there, but keep only 16 shod to prevent desertions." When North’s men left Monmouth County at the end of January, they were not replaced. Related Historic Site : The Burrowes Mansion Sources : George Washington to Lord Stirling, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 5, p 388; Lord Stirling to Caleb North, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 55, January 13, 1779; William Livingston to Asher Holmes, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 9, January 15, 1779; James McHenry to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 19, 15 January–7 April 1779, ed. Philander D. Chase and William M. Ferraro. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2009, pp. 63–64; Lord Stirling, General Order, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw140033)) ; Caleb North to Lord Stirling, New York Historical Society, William Alexander Papers, vol. 1, p. 279, 285; Andrew Brown to Asher Holmes, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; David C. Munn, comp., Battles and Skirmishes of the American Revolution in New Jersey (Trenton, N.J.: Department of Environmental Protection, Bureau of Geology, 1976) p 55; John Burrowes to Lord Stirling, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 55, February 3, 1779; William Livingston to George Washington, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, p 34; George Washington to Caleb North, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 14, pp. 103-4; Asher Holmes, letter, Monmouth County Historical Association, Articles File: "Letter from Freehold"; George Washington’s General Orders, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 17, p 362; George Washington to Lord Stirling, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 5, p 388.Caleb North to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 63, January 27, 1780; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) pp. 229-30. 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