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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Lt. Colonel Tupper's Continentals Attack on Sandy Hook by Michael Adelberg Benjamin Tupper commanded the party of Massachusetts Continentals that marched up the Sandy Hook peninsula and unsuccessfully attacked the Lighthouse on June 21, 1776. - June 1776 - As discussed in prior articles, the British Navy secured Sandy Hook in April 1776. But Sandy Hook’s strategic location at the entry point of New York Harbor and the imminent arrival of the British Army made it a tempting target for the Continental Army. In May 1776, Lt. Colonel Benjamin Tupper of Massachusetts commanded a regiment of Continentals stationed at Perth Amboy. In addition to commanding a regiment, he was commodore over a squadron of small sailing vessels and whaleboats in Raritan Bay. Two British frigates, Phoenix and Asia , and their tenders, faced them at Sandy Hook. The disparity in heavy guns between Tupper’s motley flotilla and the British frigates made it impossible to attack Sandy Hook by sea. In early May, Tupper apparently asked George Washington about attacking the British by landing on the Middletown shoreline and marching up Sandy Hook to capture the peninsula and lighthouse. Washington’s aide de camp, Robert Harrison, responded cautiously: "On dislodging the people at the Light House, he [Washington] does not mean to advise an attempt, unless you are certain it will be met with success - a miscarriage would douse the spirits of the men." But Tupper remained focused on Sandy Hook, even as more British ships arrived. On June 4, he wrote: There was two ships arrived within the Hook yesterday, there is now at the Hook eight sail of square wrigd [rigged] vessels and five small craft, besides the Asia & her small Tender. It is thought (but we can’t certainly determine) that three of the vessels which lately arivd [sic] is the Roebuck, the Marcury [sic] & the Liverpool. Tupper also was annoyed by the conduct of the Middletown militia under Colonel George Taylor. The militia received three British deserters and immediately dispatched an officer to interrogate them. But the militia “stupidly let them pass toward Philadelphia without asking them scarcely a question." In mid-June, Tupper moved his men to attack Sandy Hook. On June 17, one of Tupper’s men, Solomon Drowne wrote that "a part of the Artillery Regt and a number of volunteers have gone on an expedition to take ye watering place from ye Asia 's men, or drive ye regulars from their fort at ye Light House and destroy it." It appears that Tupper’s party landed on the Middletown shore on June 18, but did not immediately advance on Sandy Hook due to “inconveniences”. Tupper needed cannon, and waited for them to arrive by barge. Under cover of night, Tupper’s men marched up Sandy Hook during the early hours of June 21. He attacked Sandy Hook before dawn. A public version of his report on the battle was printed in several newspapers: This morning about 4 o'clock, we attacked the Light House with about 300 men; they were strongly reinforced being (as I saw a boat go from Long Island) previously informed of our design. I continued the attack for two hours with field pieces and small arms, all the time being between fires from the shipping and the light house, but could make no impression on the walls. I returned to my camp at the south end of the Cedars, which I have occupied for two days and nights, and sent out 50 men for some game; they have this minute attacked them with small arms, and seven boats are making for land from the ships. My men are in high spirits & well, not one of them either killed or wounded. Additional details on the attack were included in Tupper’s private letter to George Washington. In direct contradiction to the public report, Tupper claimed that the British were surprised by his advance: I advanced within 150 yds. of the Light House in so secret a manner that my party was undiscovered. I advanced with an officer and desired to speak with the commanding officer, and after a few words he fired several shot at me, but as God would have it, he mist [sic] me. I returned to my party and ordered the artillery to play, which continued about an hour, but found the walls [of the light house] so thick as to make no impression. Tupper also noted that he held his ground despite taking fire on two sides: "I occupied the ground about two and a half hours between the smart fires viz. to men of war on the one side & the Light House on the other." Tupper concluded his private letter by again complaining about the Middletown militia: "It is a little strainge [sic], I received no assistance from the Jersies, tho' it was earnestly requested." Local militia might have guided Tupper to a better position from which to launch the attack. Solomon Nash, an artilleryman under Tupper, wrote the attack. He provided additional details in his account. He noted that the cannon needed to be floated to Tupper on barges from Middletown Point [Matawan] on June 20: "This morning at 6 o'clock, landed at Spermacity Cove within four miles of the Light House, we got our field pieces ashore and there til about 9 o'clock p.m.” Nash’s account blames his own cannon for the failed attack: “The Light House being so strong that we could make no impression on it.” In July, Massachusetts newspapers, informed by letters home from Tupper’s men, offered some additional information on the battle. The Freeman's Journal reported that the attack failed because Tupper’s cannon were too small to damage light house. "Our men… not having heavy cannon sufficient to make any breach in the Light House." The American Gazette suggested it was heavy fire from the British frigates that “poured in a heavy fire on our men on our flank” that drove off Tupper’s men. British accounts of Tupper’s attack on Sandy Hook largely corroborate American sources. Captain Hyde Parker of the HMS Phoenix recorded his ship’s role, “kept up Constant Fire, for an Hour and a Half to Disperse them.” A British officer who arrived at Sandy Hook four days later reported on the battle from a British vantage point (note the exaggerated figures on the size of Tupper’s force and resulting casualties): Five hundred rebels with two brass field pieces, six pounders, were driven off by a Sergeant and Corporal of the 57th Regiment, with five of Governor Tryon's men; they killed 14 of the rebels, one of whom we hear is a Major; we expect it will be attacked again soon, but we are well prepared for them. Immediately after the attack, the British had an engineer, Lawrence Hartwick, survey Sandy Hook and recommend improvements. Hartwick noted the thickness of the lighthouse and the need for artillery around it. He measured that the lighthouse was 735 yards from the nearest cedar trees (presumably a safe distance) but there was a need to clear tall meadow grass within 525 yards of the light house. The fortification of the Hook was noticed. A Middletown militiaman, Richard Sutphin, looked over at Sandy Hook and later recalled that “the British troops took the light-house and converted it into a fort." Regardless of the steps taken, Sandy Hook remained an attractive target for Americans throughout the war. Tupper’s attack would not be the last attempt to capture it. Related Historic Sites : Sandy Hook Lighthouse Sources : Bruce Bliven, Under the Guns, New York 1775-1776 (New York: Harper & Row, 1972) p 236-7; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 2, Letterbooks; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 4, 1 April 1776 – 15 June 1776, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991, pp. 323–325; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 4, 1 April 1776 – 15 June 1776, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991, pp. 436–437; New York City During the American Revolution: Being a Collection of Original Papers (NY: New York Mercantile Association, 1861) p98-99; Library of Congress, NY Gaz & Weekly Mercury, reel 2904; The Library Company, Pennsylvania Ledger, vol. 1, Jan. 1775-Nov. 1776; The Library Company, Pennsylvania Evening Post; Bruce Bliven, Under the Guns, New York 1775-1776 (New York: Harper & Row, 1972) p 314-5; William James Morgan, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1969) vol. 5, p 663. New Jersey Archives, "Newspaper Extracts," 1st. series, vol. 1, p 132; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 36, June 21, 1776; Solomon Nash, Journal of Solomon Nash, A Revolutionary Soldier (New York: Privately Printed, 1861) pp. 20-1; Margaret Willard, Letters on the American Revolution 1774-1776 (Associated Faculty Press, 1968) p 326; Pennsylvania Journal, June 21, 1776 Freeman's Journal, July 6, 1776; Henry P. Johnston, The Campaign of 1776 Around New York and Brooklyn, (Brooklyn: Long Island Historical Society, 1878) v3, p91; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Thomas Cummings of Massachusetts, National Archives, p30; Journal of H.M.S. Phoenix, Captain Hyde Parker, June 21, 1776, Great Britain Public Record Office, Admiralty 51/693. Accessed via https://navydocs.org/ ; "Extract of a Letter from on Board His Majesty's Ship Swan, Sandy Hook, New York,” London Chronicle, August 22, 1776. Accessed via https://navydocs.org/ ; Lopez, John. “Sandy Hook Lighthouse.” The Keeper's Log, Winter, 1986, pp. 5-6; David C. Munn, comp., Battles and Skirmishes of the American Revolution in New Jersey (Trenton, N.J.: Department of Environmental Protection, Bureau of Geology, 1976) pp. 91-3; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Richard Sutphin. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Raising David Forman's Additional Continental Army Regiment by Michael Adelberg Captain Thomas Marsh Forman of Cecil County, Maryland, raised a company of Maryland men to defend Monmouth County in David Forman’s Additional Regiment of the Continental Army. - January 1777 - In spring 1776, David Forman raised four companies of Flying Camp for the Monmouth – Middlesex Counties regiment that he would soon command. He suffered through the summer and fall of 1776 with the Continental Army. With enlistments expiring on December 1, Forman led his men back into Monmouth County on November 24 and rounded up 100 Loyalists. A few weeks later, during the Freehold-Middletown Loyalist insurrection, Forman was robbed twice. He left New Jersey for Maryland and started recruiting a new regiment for the Continental Army. Recruiting for Forman’s Additional Regiment It is unclear if Forman had been formally authorized to recruit this new Continental regiment when he started recruiting. It was not until January 11, 1777, that George Washington officially authorized him to do so. In that letter, Washington encouraged Forman to select either David Brearley or Thomas Henderson as his Lt Colonel and Richard Howell as his first major. Washington also set out a few recruiting parameters. Specifically, the recruits: Must be free men between ages of 17 and 50, May not be British Army deserters or people convicted of disaffection, Must enlist for either 3yrs or the length of war, All mustering must conform to the rules set by the Continental Congress’s Board of War, Inducements may be offered including a uniform, equipment, and help-pay pensions for the wounded. There was no mention of a cash or land recruitment bounty. On January 13, Washington followed up with more formal and detailed “recruiting instructions” and authorization to offer recruiting bounties: They shall receive a Bounty of Twenty Dollars and a Suit of Cloaths; the Cloaths to be given annually, as long as they continue in the Service. And at the end of the War, or the term of three Years, every private and Non-Commissioned Officer that shall complete his Service, agreeable to his engagement, shall be entitled to One hundred Acres of Land. Those that die, or are killed in the Service, their legal representatives are to be entitled to the same. Forman’s was not an ordinary Continental Army regiment. It was an “Additional Regiment”—meaning a regiment of the Continental Army raised for a special purpose outside the Continental Line, the main body of the Army. In Forman’s case, his Additional Regiment would be stationed in Monmouth County for the dual purposes of defeating local Loyalists and breaking up illegal trade between Monmouth County and the British camps on Sandy Hook and Staten Island. Whether recruiting in Maryland in December or home in Monmouth County in January, raising men for the Additional Regiment proved difficult. During the American Revolution, few regiments maintained their full strength of near 500 men, but Forman’s Additional Regiment never reached half that size. As originally conceived, four companies of Forman’s regiment were supposed to be raised from Maryland and Delaware, but it appears that only one Maryland-Delaware company, captained by Forman’s nephew, Thomas Marsh Forman, raised an appreciable number of men. After the war, Thomas Marsh Forman would boast that he “recruited the largest company in the Regiment” but it appears that his company reached a peak strength of 33 men (slightly more than half of a full company). The majority of Forman's recruits were raised in Monmouth County in early 1777. Two Monmouth County captains, John Combs and William Wikoff, raised 18 and 10 men respectively in January. John Burrowes, Jr., son of the County Committee Chair, would ultimately raise the largest company. He raised 26 men in February and 22 more men between March and June. A document compiled later in the war suggests that Forman’s Additional Regiment raised only 90 men, of whom ten are listed as deserted; eight captured; five dead; and one invalid. However, this document is likely incomplete. It is probable that the actual number of men recruited into Forman’s Additional regiment was somewhat higher, as immediate desertions and deaths seem to have been left off this retrospectively-compiled roll. Additional evidence is of incompleteness is offered by the “casualty book” for John Burrowes’s company. It lists eight deserters in his company. If Burrowes’s one company had eight deserters, but Forman’s regiment had four functioning companies, it is improbable that the regiment had only ten deserters. One of Forman’s recruits, Samuel Bennett, discussed his enlistment into Forman’s regiment in his postwar veteran’s pension application: Enlisted at Toms River in the County of Monmouth in the month of May 1777 in the company of William Wikoff for the term of three years -- that the said Captain Wikoff did not fill up his company and sometime after he joined the company of Captain John Burrowes. Silas Crane further noted: “The regiment [Forman’s Additional Regiment] was not completed, upon which Capt. Wikoff left the Army & Bennett was put in the company of John Burrowes.” Monmouth men who wished to support the Continental cause in 1777 had a number of options . The State of New Jersey authorized a company of State Troops under Joshua Huddy to defend Monmouth County for a six-month term (Huddy would command similar companies later in the war as well). Huddy and Forman not only had overlapping missions, they likely competed for the same recruits. And Forman’s distant relative, Captain Jonathan Forman of Middletown, commanded a company raised from Monmouth County for the 4th Regiment of the New Jersey Line . Jonathan Forman recruited twelve new recruits from Monmouth County in the first half of 1777, placing him in competition with David Forman. The frustrations of recruiting in competition with other state and Continental units forced Forman to complain. On May 28, 1777, Forman and his senior officers wrote the Continental Congress about the difficulties of recruiting with a Continental Congress bounty when richer bounties were being offered by the New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland legislatures: By the laws of such State Legislatures, we have too much reason to fear the recruiting service as it respects a certain part of the Army of the United States will be much impeded... We are sorry to find that certain laws passed by the Legislatures of Maryland, Delaware and New Jersey, that we are by no means considered to be on equal footing with the other Regiments, but we are laid under such restrictions as amounting, in all its consequences, to an entire prohibition. Forman concluded, "We therefore hope your Honorable House will consider our situation and put us on a respectable footing, by establishing our authority to equality in the different States.” Forman’s memorial was referred to Congress’s Board of War; there is no evidence that it was acted upon. Forman’s recruiting problems had previously led him to propose drafting Loyalist insurrectionaries into his regiment. This plan was not approved, but he was given permission to recruit jailed Loyalists into his regiment—the Loyalists receiving a pardon if they voluntarily enlisted into Forman’s regiment for the length of the war. This topic is discussed in a later article. Beyond recruiting troubles, Forman’s men lacked uniforms until they captured a British ship with hundreds of British uniforms. The weak results of this initiative is the subject of another article. The Performance of Forman’s Additional Regiment Though undersized, Forman’s men were active in Monmouth County’s local war over the next year, but the record of the regiment was generally disappointing. The regiment’s existence helped Monmouth County’s Whigs restore Continental rule after the collapse of the Loyalist insurrections in January 1777. And Forman’s regiment, more or less, replaced Francis Gurney’s Pennsylvania regiment when Gurney left the county on February 5. But Forman’s regiment was not on the front lines in Middletown when the Monmouth militia was routed by British regulars at the Battle of the Navesink and the regiment’s first battle, a doomed attack on Sandy Hook , was quickly repulsed by the heavy guns of a British frigate. Over the next half year, Forman’s regiment participated in the defense of the county from the first Loyalist raids , and the regiment was Forman’s de facto muscle when Forman was commissioned a General of the New Jersey militia and flirted with martial law in Monmouth County. By the summer of 1777, Forman’s men were stationed at Manasquan , ostensibly to guard the salt works of the Monmouth shore. But with Forman’s men serving at a salt works that he co-owned, credible charges of conflicts of interest soon emerged. This and other abuses would lead to a dispute between Forman and the New Jersey Legislature, climaxing with Forman losing his militia commission and command of his regiment in early 1778. Related Historic Site : Rogers Tavern Museum (Perryville, Maryland) Sources : National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 108, p34-60; National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 105-8; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Thomas Marsh Forman of Maryland, National Archives, p19; National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 106, p32-76; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Marsh Forman of MD, www.fold3.com/image/#19575180 ; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3777; Robert K. Wright, Jr., The Continental Army (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1983), pp. 100, 321; New Jersey State Archives, Dept of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #2528; George Washington to David Forman, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 8, 6 January 1777 – 27 March 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1998, pp. 44–45; John Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, US Govt Printing Office, Washington DC, vol 6, p 494. Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Neilson Family Papers; Pennsylvania Archives, Series I, v5, p209; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 49; “List of New Jersey Troops”, Numbered Records, National Archive; Casualty Book, Capt. John Burrowes, New Jersey State Archives, Dept of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3777; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Samuel Bennett; William Harrison to David Forman, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 49, item 41, vol. 3, #179-80; Library of Congress, Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. 8, p 394; Muster Rolls, John Burrowes’s Company, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 105, p35, 36, 38, 41, 44, 46. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Captain Thomas Creigher Sails the Monmouth Coast by Michael Adelberg The New York State Navy’s General Putnam, captained by Thomas Creigher cruised the New Jersey shore and attempted to provide security for American vessels in the summer of 1776. - June 1776 - As discussed in a prior articles, the British Navy took Sandy Hook in April 1776. They also set up a blockade of the now-rebelling colonies and sent ships down the Jersey Shore. The British Navy took at least six prizes on the Jersey shore in the spring-summer 1776: a May 23 list of 24 prizes taken by British ships in American waters includes four taken off New Jersey; in early June, the British navy convened hearings at Sandy Hook to establish the legality of two prizes taken by HMS Phoenix and Amazon . Eleven of the thirteen colonies responded to the British navy’s blockade by establishing state navies. While New Jersey did not establish a state navy, New York did and its government quickly focused on the Jersey shore. On March 12, the New Provincial Congress wrote of two British vessels patrolling the Jersey shore. They were “Barmuda, brig of 8 or 10 carriage guns, and a small schooner 4 carriage guns and 40 men for the purpose of intercepting vessels between the Capes of Delaware and Sandy Hook.” Two weeks later, New York’s government acted: Resolved and Ordered, That the armed schooner, [General] Schuyler, whereof James Smith is commander, lately fitted out by order of this Congress, be ordered to cruise on the southern shore, between Egg Harbour and Sandy; Hook; to protect all vessels coming into this port; and that the sloop Bishop, belonging to the Provincial Congress of this Colony, now in Egg Harbour, or supposed to be there, be fitted out for the like purpose. On April 12, the New York Committee of Safety reported on another state navy vessel, Montgomery , being “completely fitted in a warlike manner.” The ship’s captain was ordered to sail from Cape May to Sandy Hook, and then Sandy Hook to Long Island. He was instructed to “send [British] prizes as you may take into some place of safety” and to assist friendly ships. Knowing the remoteness of many Jersey shore inlets, the captain was advised “to have a good pilot on board” who is “acquainted with the coast.” Historian Donald Shomette noted that, in addition to the New York vessels, the Continental Army ordered the sloop Hester to patrol Raritan Bay and the Continental Navy sent Lexington to patrol Cape May and the Delaware Bay. In comparison to British frigates, the Continental and New York ships were small. For example, General Putnam was "lightly armed, carrying only a dozen swivel guns" and only 30 men. On April 16, General Alexander MacDougall about the need to protect Little Egg Harbor. “You know that Egg Harbour is not in our colony, but it is frequented by the trade of Pennsylvania, New York and New Jersey, and should therefore be secured.” Three days later, Captain William Rogers was ordered to sail the Jersey shore: You are to cruise along shore on our coasts, any where between Sandy Hook and Cape May, or from Sandy Hook lo the east end of Long island. You are always too keep some inlet under your lee, so that you may secure a retreat from a superior force. Be careful to send such prizes as you may take, into some place of safety in the United Colonies. It is very necessary to have a good pilot on board, and also that you make yourself well acquainted on the coast. You are to assist any of the friends of the United Colonies by every means in your power, and assist to carry them into some place of safety; and where different objects for assistance offer at the same time, you are to give the preference to the vessels and inhabitants of this Colony. You are always and by every opportunity, to advise the Provincial Congress, or Committee of Safety of this Colony, of your proceedings. There appears to be only one record of Rogers sailing the Jersey shore. On May 22, Rogers reported to the New York Provincial Congress on his cruise a few days earlier: The 18th, we were off Sandy-Hook; saw but two ships in the bay; they did not send anything out after us, which we expected they would. I expected to find the schooner Putnam on this coast, but have not seen or heard anything of her; we have not seen a sail of any kind since we left cruising off Montauk but the ships we saw in at Sandy-Hook. It would be two other New York State Navy vessels—the General Schuyler and the General Putnam —that first engaged the enemy on the Jersey shore. Letters from Captain Thomas Creigher, commanding the General Putnam , in particular, document the difficult position of a single, midsized ship in protecting a long coastline menaced by large British warships. The Voyages of Captain Thomas Creigher on the Jersey Shore On June 20, Creigher recorded needing to avoid a larger British vessel during his first cruise of the Jersey shore: I am to inform you that on my passage here from Barnegat, I saw three sail of vessels plying to the northeast — they appeared to be three ships. I immediately hauled my wind to speak to them, the wind about north by west. After standing for them some time, I found one of them to be a very large ship, and was soon convinced she was a ship of war [probably the British frigate Lively] of about fifty guns. I then bore away for this harbor [Little Egg Harbor]. Creigher reported his next encounter with a ship, which came after cruising off Barnegat for five days: A sloop that was driven on shore by the Lively frigate, on the 11th of June. She came from the West-Indies, having on board about three hundred bushels of salt, with other goods. The owners were one Schenck & Vanvechten. The [Lively’s] ship' s boats, after she struck the beach, immediately boarded her, but the inhabitants coming to them, acquitted her without plundering. They [the British sailors] endeavored to set fire to her, but to no effect, as timely assistance prevented their scheme. Captain Creigher’s next letter was authored on July 9. He was at Shrewsbury; the General Putnam was being repaired at Shrewsbury Inlet (a waterway at present-day Seabright that connected the Shrewsbury River to the ocean). This followed a battle with a larger British vessel off Manasquan that drove the General Putnam into the beach. Creigher recorded what transpired after he was beached: I got all my arms and ammunition on the beach as the Enemy began a heavy firing on us; at last she hoisted out two barges and manned them with about 50 men; but as they approached the shore, we handled them so roughly that they were obliged to make a scandalous retreat. She [the British] continued her fire on the boat until after dark. At nightfall, the British ship captain apparently grew tired of firing on Creigher’s beached vessel and sailed away. The larger British vessel probably lacked a local pilot who could bring the ship close enough to finish off the General Putnam . Captain Creigher’s final letter was written from Cranberry Inlet (near Toms River) on August 23. Creigher noted that three days earlier he “fell in with a ship and sloop tender, about ten guns, the frigate being about a mile and a half from the sloop, and was determined to give the sloop battle, but could not bring her to battle.” Creigher broke off his pursuit and, instead, assisted “2 prizes taken from the West Indies by 2 different privateers.” One of the vessels, lacking a local pilot, “lay aground on the bar of Egg Harbour.” It took three days to float the vessel and bring it into port. But the valuable cargo of sugar, rum, and molasses validated the effort. Historian Shomette examined New York documents that narrate the demise of the New York Navy’s schooners on the Jersey Shore. On September 21, Thomas Quigley, serving under Captain Creigher, wrote a letter from Cranberry Inlet. General Putnam was out of supplies and the crew had quit the vessel. Creigher returned to New York without his ship. He reported to the New York Convention (the state’s legislature) on September 26: My vessel being very small and low in the water, my greatest ordinance being swivel guns, the shrouds very old and not trustworthy, the vessel very weak and leaky, which weakness proceeded from her lying on a bar and heavy surf breaking over her when I was run on shore by a [British] man of war, the people much exposed when under sail... which prevents them from lying in their beds, daily complaints being made by my people in this regard to the vessel's condition, and the season of the year advancing toward cold and story weather - This, gentlemen, is certainly the condition of the vessel. On October 7, the Convention ordered that the officers of the ship should be paid back wages. It also ordered the sale of General Putnam (presumably still beached at Cranberry Inlet). There is no record of the New York Navy sending additional vessels to patrol the Jersey Shore. The mediocre results of Creigher’s voyages did not dissuade Continental authorities from seeking to protect the Jersey shore with their own midsized vessels. On November 1, the Continental Congress's Marine Committee issued orders to the Captains of the Continental Navy sloops Fly and Wasp to cruise the Jersey shore. Informed by the experience of the New York vessels, the Continental ship captains were ordered to stay in shallow waters when facing a larger British vessel: You must be careful not to let any British frigate get in between you and the land… for they cannot pursue in shore and they have no boats and tenders that can take you; besides, the country people will assist you in driving them from the shore, if they [British] should attempt to follow you in. On the other hand, the captains were encouraged to risk their vessels for a good prize: "We should deem it more praiseworthy in an officer to lose a vessel in a bold enterprise than to lose a good prize by too timid a conduct." The voyages of the Continental Navy on the Jersey shore are discussed in another article . Related Historic Sites : National Museum of the U.S. Navy (Hampton Roads, VA) Sources : "An Account of Vessels Seized or Taken by His Majesty's Ships and Vessels in North America Received since the Last Account Was Transmitted," Great Britain, Public Record Office, Admiralty 1/484. Accessed via https://navydocs.org/ ; Admiralty Court Proceedings, Vice Admiralty Register, vol. 5, 1769-1777, N. S. Arch. Accessed via https://navydocs.org/ ; New York Provincial Congress to John Hancock, President, Continental Congress, Convention, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the state of New-York : 1775-1777, 2 vols., (Albany : Thurlow Weed, printer to the State, 1842) v. 1, item 366; NY Prov Congress, 3/27/76, -- Convention, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the state of New-York : 1775-1777, 2 vols., (Albany : Thurlow Weed, printer to the State, 1842) v. 1, item 354; NY Committee of Safety, 4/12/76, -- Convention, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the state of New-York : 1775-1777, 2 vols., (Albany : Thurlow Weed, printer to the State, 1842) v. 1, item 426; John Jay Papers, Columbia U., digitized, http://wwwapp.cc.columbia.edu/ldpd/jay/image?key=columbia.jay.01088&p=3&level=2&originx=0&orginy=0&fullheight=2768&fullwidth=2133ℑ.x=129ℑ.y=20 ; Journals of the Provincial Congress, Provincial Convention, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the state of New-York (Albany: Thurlow Weed, printer to the State, 1842) vol. 1, p414; Donald Shomette, Privateers of the Revolution: War on the New Jersey Coast (Shiffer: Atglen, PA, 2015); William James Morgan, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1969) vol. 4, p 204; Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v6, p 992-3; Journals of the Provincial Congress, Provincial Convention, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the state of New-York (Albany: Thurlow Weed, printer to the State, 1842) vol. 2, p279; Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v6, p 992-3"; Journals of the Provincial Congress, Provincial Convention, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the state of New-York (Albany: Thurlow Weed, printer to the State, 1842) vol. 2, p241; William James Morgan, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1969) vol. 5, pp. 991-2; Journals of the Provincial Congress, Provincial Convention, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the state of New-York (Albany: Thurlow Weed, printer to the State, 1842) vol. 2, p279; Gardner W. Allen, A Naval History of the American Revolution (1912, 1940, reprinted New York: Russell & Russell, Inc., 1962), pp. 128-9. Previous Next

This exhibition is the first major development stemming from the Living and Breathing initiative, started in late 2019 as a means of reinterpreting MCHA’s colonial-era historic houses to include the stories of the enslaved African Americans who once resided within them. The exhibition will offer a better understanding of how slavery took root in early Monmouth County, as well as the complex dynamics of daily life and relationships among the enslaved.  Exhibits New Exhibit Storm of Revolution: Monmouth at War Opening April 29th 70 Court Street, Freehold NJ 07728 Wed-Friday 1-4 1st, 3rd, and 5th Saturday of the month from 1-4 Using archival records and objects from our world-class collection, this exhibit explores the drama, glory, and impact of the American Revolution in Monmouth County, as well the divided loyalties that engulfed Monmouth in chaos and civil warfare. Click here to watch a presentation by MCHA Senior Curator, Joe Zemla, highlighting some of the exhibit's touchstone display pieces such as township petitions, relics from the Battle of Monmouth, and one of the nation’s earliest flags, now on display at MCHA. Anchor Choices Choices: The Covenhoven Family and the Battle of Monmouth 150 W. Main St. Freehold, NJ 07728 Visit the historic 1752 home of William and Elizabeth Covenhoven, which was used as a makeshift headquarters by British General Sir Henry Clinton and his officers in the days before the Battle of Monmouth. Discover the choices that were available to the Revolutionary-era residents of Freehold as the British came through on their way to Sandy Hook. Covenhoven House is open to the public Fridays from 1-4, and on the 2nd and 4th Saturdays of the month. Call-ahead appointments are available as well - email here to schedule a visit. Explore our volunteer tab if you would like to be a guide for this beautiful historic house museum! Open Fridays from 1-4 and from 1-4 on the 2nd and 4th Saturdays of the month Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall 127 Kings Hwy. Middletown, NJ 07748 Visit this two-time award-winning exhibit now at Marlpit Hall, a c. 1762 farmhouse once owned by the Taylor family of Middletown. The exhibit interprets the home from the perspective of seven of the twelve known enslaved men, women and children who once lived and worked there, exploring the often-overlooked topic of slavery in the North. Open Friday-Sunday from 1-4

DONATE NOW PLANNED GIVING MATCHING GIFTS SPONSORS & SUPPORTERS DONATE ARTIFACTS Donate Now Anchor 1 The Monmouth County Historical Association is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. We rely on the generosity of our amazing donors to help us do the work of making history relevant and accessible for all ages, from award-winning exhibits to digitally accessible programs to engaging K-12 education. The Association is committed to preserving its outstanding collection. Your gift of any size is greatly appreciated! DONATE 3rd Annual Farm to Fork Honoring Carol Stillwell of Stillwell-Hansen Saturday, October 4th, 2025 We had another phenomenal event this year - thank you to all of our sponsors and supporters. We could not do it without your help! Please click here for the ad journal video. Many Thanks to Our Garden Party Supporters! The 50th anniversary celebration of this MCHA tradition was a wonderful success thanks to all who donated to help us protect and preserve Monmouth County History. Click here to view the ad journal of our supporters. Planned Giving Planned Giving As we look to grow and increase the number of services and programs in our community, we need to build upon our strong base of support through estate and planned gifts. Many loyal donors have included Monmouth County Historical Association in their wills or named the Association a beneficiary of their IRA or other retirement plan. Those who have included the Association in their estate plans can receive recognition today by sending in a simple one-page, non-binding form, located here . For more information regarding bequest intentions or other planned gifts, please contact us at (732) 462-1466 x10 or at seadon@monmouthhistory.org . Please consider including Monmouth County Historical Association in your estate plan. Thank you for your commitment to the Association. Matching Gifts Matcing Gift Did you know many companies offer a matching gift program to encourage philanthropy among their employees? And that some companies will even match to spouses and retirees? By simply completing a matching gift form (on-line or paper), you may be able to double, or even triple, the impact of your gift! Please check with your company’s Human Resources department to see if your compa ny offers a matching gift program. For additional information about Matching Gifts, please email finance@monmouthhistory.org Already have your matching form? Please mail it to: MCHA Attn: Matching Gifts Department 70 Court Street Freehold, NJ 07728 MCHA is a public charity classified as exempt under section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. The tax ID number is 21-6000082. Sponsors and Supporters Sponsors Your corporate support helps MCHA collect, preserve, and interpret Monmouth County’s rich history and culture while making its resources available to the widest possible audience. Event Sponsorship and Underwriting Be recognized as a community leader through your company’s sponsorship or underwriting of one of the many signature events hosted by MCHA throughout the year. Historic House Museum Sponsorship Your support will help MCHA to preserve and interpret the county’s vanishing architectural heritage through sponsorship of an Historic House Museum. Please contact us at seadon@monmouthhistory.org or (732) 462-1466 for further information. Education Sponsorships Is your organization interested in aligning itself with the education of thousands of students and lifelong learners in Monmouth and Ocean counties? Become an education sponsor today. Contact seadon@monmouthhistory.org or (732) 462-1466 for further information. Corporate Volunteers Help MCHA as a corporate volunteer team. We have numerous opportunities for corporate volunteers. Donate Artifacts Artfacts To schedule an appointment, please contact: Bernadette Rogoff, Director of Collections (732) 462-1466 x17 Email below: We welcome new pieces into our extensive collection! Mail

Hear history in their own voices - Monmouth County as told by the people who have lived here and made a difference MCHA Oral History Project History... in Their Own Voice This collection has been created and curated by MCHA staff to document the stories of Monmouth County, both past and present. Check back often as new categories are added! To play, press and hold the enter key. To stop, release the enter key. Select a Collection to Meet Our Narrators: Digital Diversity MCHA presents fascinating stories from some of our underrepresented communities. The collections will expand as we continue to capture Monmouth County not only as it was, but as it is today - and as it should be remembered in the future. LGBTQ African American / Black History/ Memories of Old Freehold Freehold has been historic from the start. From the Revolution to its reflection of small town America, this place has always been special. It will forever be His Hometown, and that's just fine with us. Hear the stories of those who call Freehold home as well. Memories of Old Freehold Do you have a story to contribute or know someone we should interview? Contact us: Dana Howell: dhowell@monmouthhistory.org Joe Zemla: jzemla@monmouthhistory.org We'd love to hear what you have to say!

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Court Martial of Richard Lippincott by Michael Adelberg William Franklin, head of the Associated Loyalists, verbally ordered Richard Lippincott to hang a captured rebel officer, Joshua Huddy. Lippincott went to trial for murder while Franklin sailed for England. - April 1782 - The hanging of Joshua Huddy on April 12 set off a chain of events. Enraged Monmouth Countians lobbied George Washington to retaliate. Washington moved quickly —ordering that a British officer be selected for retaliation and demanding Huddy’s murderer [Richard Lippincott] from the British Commander in Chief, Henry Clinton. Clinton would not hand over Lippincott, but he also acted quickly. Henry Clinton Responds to the Hanging of Joshua Huddy The same day that Clinton heard from Washington (April 21), he wrote William Franklin, New Jersey’s last Royal Governor. Embittered by the flow of the war, Franklin became Chairman of the Associated Loyalists (the paramilitary to which Lippincott belonged). Clinton wrote of Washington's inquiry about Huddy’s hanging: "Brig. General David Forman… has gone to General Washington to complain of the outrage." Huddy was a prisoner in the care of the Associated Loyalists. Clinton demanded a report on Huddy’s death from Franklin; Lippincott was arrested. The Board of the Associated Loyalists replied to Clinton on April 24. “Captain Lippincott, having been taken up and committed to the Provost [jail] before he completed his report" made it impossible to report on Huddy’s hanging. The Board also learned that Lippincott would be court-martialed by the British Army. The Board acknowledged a request to provide “the names of the men who were of the party with Captain Lippincott." (It appears that this list was never provided.) Clinton, unhappy with the Board’s response, replied immediately. He made three queries: 1.) “Whether the three prisoners of war delivered by order of the Board to Captain Lippincott were exchanged according to the intentions of the Board, and for whom”? 2.) “What report (either verbal or written) Captain Lippincott had made to the Board on return from Sandy Hook?” 3.) And “also every circumstance the Board knows respecting the death of Captain Huddy." Clinton ended the Board's power to exchange prisoners: "[You] shall not in the future remove or exchange any prisoners of war." A list of prisoners in the British Provost jail under the authority of the Associated Loyalists was supplied on April 27. This list named to eighteen American prisoners—thirteen of whom were likely Monmouth Countians - John Staatesor, William Everingham, Thomas Wainwright, John Lane, George Parker, David London, William Case, Joseph Hendrickson, James Edsall, John Mitchell, Robert North, George Taylor, Solomon Bartlett. Most of these men were taken with Huddy at Toms River on March 24. Clinton then replied to Washington April 25. He scolded Washington for his "improper language." But he admitted, "I am very concerned" by Huddy’s hanging. "Acts of cruelty… are notoriously contrary to my own conduct." He informed Washington of Lippincott’s court martial: "I instantly ordered a strict inquiry...and shall bring the perpetrator to an immediate trial." Clinton’s counterpart, Governor-General James Robertson, heading the civil government of British-held New York, wrote Washington on May 1. He assured Washington of his intentions “to carry on the war agreeable to the rules which humanity formed and the example of the politest nations.” He called on Washington to curb rebel abuses in Monmouth County as he would do in New York. He forwarded Washington the report of fifteen Loyalist murders in Monmouth County that the Associated Loyalists had compiled a few days earlier (see Appendix 1). Robertson then wrote: “Let us agree to prevent or punish every breach of the rules of war within the spheres of our Commands.” Robertson also warned Washington of a cycle of retaliation: “Nothing but the utmost necessity can justify retaliation, and if this cruel, dangerous measure was to be trusted in the hands of incensed men—universal horror and Barbarity would ensue.” He asked Washington to wait for the results of the court martial before further acting and to return two British officers taken at Elizabethtown. Washington kept the heat on the British, informing Clinton on April 25, "orders are to be given to designate a British officer in retaliation [for hanging Huddy]... I still hope the result of your Court Martial will prevent this dreadful alternative." Washington’s letter revealed that murder conviction and punishment from the British court would be an acceptable substitute to turning over Lippincott. The Start of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott The Court Martial of Richard Lippincott began on April 25. The Court included two of the highest ranking Loyalists in the British Army, Generals Cortland Skinner and Oliver DeLancey. The first action of the Court was to hear a plea from the Associated Loyalists to have the case dismissed because the alleged crime was "outside of military jurisdiction." The Associated Loyalists also appealed to Henry Clinton, "we are at loss to know from whence authority is derived by which Capt. Lippincott can be tried for murder by General Court Martial" since Lippincott is not a military officer. Clinton did not respond. Loyalists watched Lippincott’s court martial with concern. Attorney William Smith was sympathetic toward Lippincott. As the court martial began, he wrote: "He [Lippincott] seemed fearless, and avowed that what he did was by authority... I then suspected the Board of Refugees meant to disavow Lippincott and make him their scapegoat." Antiquarian sources describe unrest because of the court martial including the public jeering of Henry Clinton and a brawl between Loyalist protesters and British soldiers on May 3 outside of New York’s City Hall (the site of the court martial). The Huddy hanging unleashed British resentments toward the Associated Loyalists. General James Graham complained of the “predatory kind of warfare… carried out by the loyal refugees.” He continued: “Sir Henry Clinton, highly resenting this disgraceful outrage on humanity and insult on himself as commander.” As for Lippincott “he pleaded that he was not subject to martial law” and “could not be tried in New York for an offense committed in another state, New Jersey." Also on April 25, the Board of Associated Loyalists, submitted a report entitled, "State of Facts, Presenting the Murders Committed on Loyalists in Monmouth County." The short report listed fifteen Loyalists murdered in Monmouth County: Stephen Edwards, Stephen West, Stephen Emmons, Ezekiel Williams, James Pew, John Wood, Thomas Emmons, Jacob Fagan, Jonathan Burdge, John Farnham, Joseph Wood, Joseph Mulliner, Richard Bell, Thomas Johnson, and Philip White. (See appendix 1.) The Board of Associated Loyalists followed up again on April 27. They claimed that Lippincott had landed in Monmouth County to attempt a prisoner exchange but it was refused. Then he attempted to “carry off” Captain Clayton Tilton, jailed in Freehold, “by force.” They feared that Tilton would suffer the same fate as Philip White, the Loyalist killed on March 31 . They wrote of “the many daring acts of the same nature which have been perpetrated with impunity by a set of vindictive rebels well known by the name the Monmouth Retaliators ” and called out David Forman’s as the group’s leader. The Associated Loyalists then admitted to retaliating on Huddy, without admitting to the hanging: We thought it high time to convince the rebels we would no longer tamely submit to acts of barbarity, and though we lament the necessity to which we have been driven, to begin a retaliation for intolerable cruelties, yet we are convinced that we could not have saved the life of Capt Tilton by any other means. We therefore pitched upon Joshua Huddy for a proper subject of retaliation. The Associated Loyalists went on to describe Huddy “being instrumental in the hanging of Stephen Edwards, a worthy Loyalist” in 1777. Huddy “was the man who tied the rope and put it around the neck of that inoffensive sufferer. This fact will appear by two affidavits, which we have the honor to enclose." Lieutenant Josiah Parker, formerly of Shrewsbury, stated that Huddy "had been concerned in the hanging of Stephen Edwards, and in particular that the said Huddy had fixed the rope 'round Edwards' neck." John Tilton spoke with Huddy before his execution. Huddy told him that "he did not hang Edwards, but tied the rope & put it around his neck, and greased the rope, that it might slip easy." The Associated Loyalists continued to argue that Lippincott’s trial was illegal, writing Clinton on May 2: "attempting to punish Captain Lippincott by a court martial for the execution of Joshua Huddy was… neither warranted by the Mutiny Act or the Articles of War, but altogether illegal, unjustifiable and impolitic." On May 4, the Board sent another letter "stating the reasons which induce the Board to think Captain Lippincott not amenable to a Court Martial." Clinton apparently did not respond. Monmouth Countians Testify at the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott Lippincott’s court martial went through May and into June. Roughly twenty witnesses testified, of which eleven were from Monmouth County. Their testimony is summarized below: The first Monmouth Countian to testify was Lippincott himself, on May 3. He stressed the cruel treatment of Loyalists: I have long been attainted by the rebels of New Jersey; my estate has been made subject to their illegal confiscations, and I have all along, without pay or rank, opposed myself to his Majesty's enemies on equal conditions... My Loyalty has not been of the passive kind, for I have often hazarded my life. Loyalty has been bleeding at every vein, & is now bleeding in New Jersey… Those who early staked their all on the final success of the Royal cause, and chose a kind of exile from their estates, families and connections, in preference to the guilt of rebellion… Several of my friends and neighbors have fallen sacrifice to rebel barbarity. Lippincott defended acts of retaliation, "a milder conduct towards the Loyalists has been the result of such Retaliation." He also claimed that he was verbally ordered by the Board of the Associated Loyalist to perform the execution. He acted "according to the meaning of my Order as explained by several of the Members of the Board." If hanging Huddy was illegal, a middling officer like him "cannot be supposed to know their jurisdiction perfectly" as British military law "is by no means generally known.” Lippincott refused to enter a guilty or not guilty plea, but "informed the Court that not being prepared to plead" he requested and was granted a delay to May 6. Then Lippincott again refused to enter a plea, now claiming that the British Army court martial lacked jurisdiction over an Associated Loyalist: “He is legally held to answer for the said supposed offence before a Court of common Law cognizance, and not elsewhere." Another delay in the proceedings resulted. When the court martial resumed, William Corlies, who lived near Lippincott in Shrewsbury before the war, testified. He detailed several past abuses and murder in Monmouth County and called David Forman “Black David… on account of barbarous treatment of Loyalists in New Jersey." (See Appendix 2.) Thomas Crowell testified William Franklin ordered him to execute Captain Barnes Smock, in 1781, supporting Lippincott's defense that he was ordered to execute Joshua Huddy. "He [Crowell] obtained from the Commandant, thro' Governor Franklin, orders” to take three Monmouth County prisoners and ”to have one executed , one of them by retaliation." But the plan fell apart when no one would sign the order authorizing Crowell to carry out the execution. Crowell would not do the deed without a written order. Crowell’s testimony was corroborated by Moffat Taylor, another Monmouth Countian, who also testified about the near-hanging of Barnes Smock a year earlier. Samuel Taylor, formerly of Shrewsbury, testified that he informed Franklin of the murder of Philip White. He and Franklin had discussed executing Joshua Huddy in retaliation. Taylor proposed: The delivery of Captain Huddy and one [Daniel] Randolph (who is looked upon as a man of some consequence in that County) in order to exchange the latter for [Clayton] Tilton and then execute the former [Huddy] in retaliation for Philip White. Franklin agreed and boasted, "they [Associated Loyalists] should continue retaliating by hanging man for man" against the rebels. Taylor claimed that Lippincott received verbal orders from Franklin to execute Huddy, and that Lippincott "should have looked upon them as lawful Orders.” Franklin said to him, "Will you execute him [Huddy] when you take him out?' he [Lippincott] replied he would… Governor Franklin added 'then you shall have him'." John Tilton agreed, stating that Franklin agreed that Huddy "must be executed, or they (meaning the Loyalists) would all be hanged." Another Monmouth Loyalist, Moffat Taylor, testified Franklin wanted a prisoner exchange of Randolph and Jacob Fleming for Clayton Tilton and Aaron White (Philip White’s brother). They were both jailed in Freehold—though Aaron White would escape. In addition, “Joshua Huddy was to be executed for Philip White, who had been murdered." Taylor supported Thomas Crowell’s testimony about the near-hanging of Barnes Smock: “One by the name of Smock was taken out to be executed but was not.” Then Moffat Taylor explained that the order to hang Huddy was conveyed through him to Lippincott: He [Franklin] told him (the Deponent) to go to him [Lippincott] and he dared Say he (Captain Lippincott) would be fond of going [to New Jersey to hang Huddy]; He (the Deponent) went to Captain Lippincott, told him Governor Franklin had appointed him to go and asked him if he was willing to go; he (Capt. Lippincott) replied he had nothing to say against it, he was willing to go. Aaron White testified on the murder of his brother, Philip White, by three guards. He testified that he was separated from his brother and heard talk of them killing Philip. The guards “harassed and abused” Philip until he attempted an escape. Philip was then hunted down, wounded several times, and killed. Four prominent Shrewsbury Loyalists served as character witnesses for Lippincott. 1.) Lt. Colonel John Morris stated that he had known Lippincott for many years, and praised Lippincott’s "uniform good character." 2.) Reverend Samuel Cooke was a neighbor of Lippincott's before the war and "had every reason to think his character stood as fair as that of any refugee." 3.) John Wardell, Esq., stated he had known Lippincott over ten years and "always looked upon him as an honest, inoffensive and peaceable man." 4.) Attorney William Taylor, gave a statement in support of Lippincott and, with Robert Alexander, compiled a list of Loyalists unjustly killed in Monmouth County. (See Appendix 1.) Other Key Testimony at Richard Lippincott’s Court Martial Timothy Brooks, a Pennsylvania Loyalist in Lippincott’s hanging party, testified that Lippincott showed humanity toward Huddy—permitting Huddy to compose his will. Lippincott also spoke privately and shook hands with Huddy immediately before the hanging. Brooks also testified that Samuel Taylor, also with the hanging party, told him that Governor Franklin had ordered the hanging. William Cunningham, Provost of Prisoners, testified that Lippincott wanted to kill Huddy, but only if he was authorized: He had often heard Capt. Lippincott say that Gov. Franklin often said there was no way of preventing the rebels from massacring the Refugees, but by Retaliation. Captain Lippincott answered that he would be the man who would cause it to be done if he, the Governor, would give him a written order, so that he might stand fair in the eyes of his Excellency, the Commander in Chief; Gov. Franklin replied that he could give no written order, but would answer to the consequences to the Commander in Chief -- as it was the only way of putting a stop to the rebels hanging and murdering the Loyal Refugees. Cunningham also noted that Franklin had sent Lippincott a confession to sign while Lippincott was in jail; Cunningham counseled Lippincott not to sign it "as the contents of which were to acquit the Board of having anything of Huddy's death and that he, Lippincott, should take it entirely upon himself." Finally, Cunningham claimed, like others, that Huddy boasted of his role in hanging Stephen Edwards: “Huddy avowed it by saying ‘By God he did,’ and that he (meaning himself) slushed (meaning greased) the Rope, and that a Colonel Forman assisted in pulling the Rope hand over hand.” Walter Chaloner, the Associated Loyalist’s Commissary of Prisoners admitted that he knew Huddy was going to be hanged when released into Lippincott's custody. He claimed that Huddy went "joyfully" expecting an exchange. Captain Richard Morris of the Britannia, the guard ship at Sandy Hook, knew of the plan to hang Huddy, and saw the note that would be pinned to Huddy’s corpse, proclaiming the execution an act of retaliation . He gave Lippincott the rope for the hanging. British military attorney, Stephen Payne Adye, author of The Treatise on Courts-Martial, , was brought in toward the end of trial to provide a legal framing of the facts that had emerged. He noted that killing an "alien enemy" was not murder if it was for a proper military purpose and carried out under military authority. The key question was therefore whether Lippincott believed killing Huddy had a “military purpose” and that he was acting under the authority of a superior. Adye believed that Lippincott heard Franklin say “there was no way of stopping the Rebels from massacring the Refugees but by Retaliation.” This gave Lippincott reason to believe the execution had a military purpose. Lippincott also recognized the need to conduct the execution under proper authority: “Captain Lippincott answered he would be the Man who would cause it to be done, if he (the Governor) would give him an Order in Writing, so that he might stand fair in the Eyes of His Excellency the Commander in Chief.” Lippincott told Adye that: “Governor Franklin replied that he could give no written Order, but would answer the consequences to the Commander in Chief.” Adye also submitted the confession that Lippincott was asked to sign, “the contents of which were to acquit the Board of knowing anything of Huddy's death.” It put Huddy’s execution in the context: A Set of Vindictive Rebels well known by the Designation of Monmouth Retaliators fired our party with an indignation only to be felt by men who for a series of years have beheld many of their friends and neighbors butchered in cold blood under the usurped form of Law. Due to these abuses, Lippincott was therefore (according to the statement) entitled to retaliate: We lament the necessity to which we have been driven to begin a retaliation of intolerable(sic) cruelties long continued and often repeated, yet we are convinced, that we could not have saved the life of Capt. Tilton by any other means; We therefore pitched upon Joshua Huddy as a proper Subject for retaliation... They [Whigs] shall feel by a severe retaliation, in every instance the just Vengeance due to such enormities. Blood shall flow for Blood. Adye complained that he was not able to interview most of the men in Lippincott’s party (the list of whom was never turned in). Adye noted that Lippincott's "implied obedience" to verbal orders resulted in his "coolly and deliberately” killing a man “upon the bare Word of a third [person, Moffat Taylor]." He suggested that Lippincott should have questioned the scenario, particularly because the execution came through a third party. Adye also challenged the supposition that retaliation curbed abuses by the Rebels; Washington’s threatened retaliation against the British officer, proved that retaliation only encouraged additional retaliation . The Verdict In his closing statement, Lippincott reminded the court that he was a "Loyal Refugee" and that "flagrant Acts of inhuman Barbarity so often and so repeatedly perpetrated" against Monmouth Loyalists stirred him. He noted that the Associated Loyalists were founded on a "solemn Declaration that they would take just Vengeance.” Then, Lippincott claimed that he had executed Huddy under orders: The Governor [Franklin] judging it proper that a retaliation should take place... gave me his Orders for the Execution of Huddy. That in Consequence of such Orders I received Huddy into my possession & commanded the party which disposed of him according to what we thought that the will of our superiors. On June 22, nearly two months after the court martial started, the verdict was read: What the prisoner [Lippincott] did in the matter was not the effect of malice or Ill-will, but proceeded from a conviction that it was his duty to obey the orders of the Board of Directors of Associated Loyalists, and his not doubting their having a full Authority to give such orders, the Court is of Opinion that he, the Prisoner, Captain Richard Lippincott, is Not Guilty of the Murder laid to his Charge, and doth therefore Acquit him. Attorney observers accepted the verdict. Loyalist William Smith, who followed the trial closely, wrote on June 22 that Lippincott's and other testimony has "showed clearly that he had executed Huddy by order of Governor Franklin." Thomas Jones, a British attorney in New York not affiliated with the trial: One of the objects of the organization [Associated Loyalists] was that the Associators could retaliate upon the Americans for outrages and murders committed upon the Loyalists. This, it was, that led to the execution of Joshua Huddy by verbal order of William Franklin. Perspective Huddy’s blood is on Lippincott’s hands. Lippincott killed Huddy based on years of compounded frustration, backstopped by an unethical verbal order conveyed through a third party. Lippincott likely wanted to kill Huddy; but he knew he needed permission to do so. The leader who encouraged the killing and gave the order, William Franklin, was guilty of the deed, but that does not absolve Lippincott. For a year, Franklin communicated that he wanted to kill a rebel officer based on the faulty logic that an execution might convince the enemy to be kinder to Loyalists. Franklin knew that it was risky to kill a man extra-legally—and the British refused to condone eye-for-an-eye retaliation. So, Franklin avoided putting his murderous order in writing and promised to take the heat after the execution. When Clinton arrested Lippincott, Franklin sought to pin the deflect the blame, going so far as drafting a self-incriminating confession for Lippincott to sign. More damning, Franklin quietly sailed for England to avoid Lippincott’s court martial. He escaped accountability for the execution he engineered. But the furor over Huddy and Lippincott would reverberate to the highest levels of the American, British and French governments. Related Historic Site : New York Historical Society Appendix 1: Extracts from Information Laid Before his Excellency, Sir Henry Clinton, of Several Acts of Cruelty & Barbarity received upon Persons Therein Excerpted: 1. Stephen Edwards, "of family and property was taken out of his bed in 1777 by Joshua Huddy, who acknowledged himself to have been active and assisting in hanging said Edwards." 2. James Pew, Middletown, "of respectable family and good character, was taken prisoner in 1778. confined for a considerable amount of time in Freehold goal, and shot to death by the sentry." 3. Stephen West, Stephen Emmons, & [?] Williams: "loyalists from Monmouth were most inhumanly murdered in 1778." 4. John Wood and Thomas Emmons: "loyalists, were taken in Monmouth in 1778, and executed." 5. Jacob Fagan, "from Monmouth was wounded in 1778, of said wound he died, and was privately buried by some of his friends.- the inhabitants got information of this, dug him up, carried his corpse to Freehold, and hung it on the gibbets." 6. John Farnham and John Burdge, "loyalists from Monmouth were taken in 1781 and executed at Freehold, notwithstanding that a colonel of the militia and member of New Jersey assembly (taken by Farnham and Burdge) were offered in exchange for them." 7. Joseph Wood, "was taken at Long Branch, near Shrewsbury, in 1781, carried to Colt's Neck, where he was a prisoner for several days, that in conveying him to Freehold, he was shot to death by the guard, within half a mile of the prison." 8. Joseph Mulliner, "loyalist and Captain of a whale boat was taken in 1781, carried to Freehold, removed to Burlington, tried and executed, notwithstanding [that] he produced his commission as Captain of a privateer at his tryal." 9. Richard Bell and John Thomson, "loyalists from Monmouth was taken November last from off Sandy Hook, carried to Freehold and hanged." 10. Philip White, "loyalist taken lately at Shrewsbury in an action, was marched under guard near 16 miles, and at a fork of the road about 3 miles from Freehold goal, as is asserted by creditable persons, he was by three persons left back, while Capt. [Clayton] Tilton and the other prisoners were sent forward, and after being stripped of his britches, buckles and other articles, the dragoons said they could give him a chance for his life and ordered him to run, which he attempted, but had not gone thirty yards from them when they shot him.” Appendix 2: Testimony of William Corlies at Richard Lippincott’s Court Martial William Corlies, Husbandman from the province of New Jersey, and now one of the Associated Loyalists under the Board of Directors being duly sworn was examined. Q What does he (the Deponent) know respecting the death of one Edwards, the Character of that Gentleman, and what was his real offence, together with all the circumstances of that transaction as far as he was able to collect them? A He (the Deponent), at the time of Mr. Edwards death, resided at Shrewsbury in the County of Monmouth; that he (Edwards) was taken out of bed at his own house; that he was carried to a place called Freehold, to the best of his (the Deponent's) remembrance about three years since; the following day he was brought to some kind of trial, and the day following was executed; the Offence alledged against him was said to be his having some Papers found in his Pockets; from every thing he (the Deponent) heard respecting Mr. Edwards he bore an exceeding good Character. Q by the Court — Was any complaint made to General Washington on the death of Edwards, and what was the Consequence? A He heard there was a complaint made to Genl. Washington or the Governor, but to the best of his remembrance he thinks to General Washington, but he cannot say what was the consequence of that Complaint, or what the Complaint was. Q Was he present at, or does he know the names of the Judges or any of the Members that sat on the Tryal of Mr. Edwards as he has already related? A He was not present; General Forman was one; Joshua Huddy was also one; he had that information from Joshua Huddy's own Mouth; he does not recollect who the rest were. Q Was he present at the Execution of Edwards? A He was not, but was at his Burial. Q from the Prisoner — Was Edwards tried for Treason against the Rebel State of New Jersey, or for any and what other Crime? A He understood he was tried for Treason in consequence of those papers already mentioned. Q What does he know respecting the Trials of John Wood and Thomas Emans, Loyalists in Monmouth County, the Crimes of which they were Accused, and the circumstances of that Transaction? A He knows nothing of the Circumstances respecting Wood and Emans but by hearsay. Q What does he (the Deponent) know respecting the Trial and Execution of Farnhan, Burge and Paterson, the Crimes of which they were Accused and the circumstances of that whole Affair. A He furnished a Man with a Horse to prevent the Execution of those persons, but knows nothing of particulars only by Report. Q What was the report of the County respecting these Matters? A The general report was that those persons were carried to Monmouth and executed for being Loyalists and guilty of Treason against the State. Q What has been the usual mode of proceeding against the Loyalists in that part of the Country, and what pretences do they generally make use of for their Cruelties against them? A The general mode of proceeding has been that when any of the Persons alluded to were taken prisoners, they were considered as State prisoners, not prisoners of War, and were tried and executed by order of sometimes Civil Courts, sometimes Courts Martial, and sometimes without any Trial. Q Did not the Rebel General Forman generally pass by the name of Black David , on account of his barbarous treatment of Loyalists in New Jersey? A Yes; and for that reason, Vizt., Barbaritie, acquired that appellation. Q What does he know respecting the deaths of Stephen West, Stephen Emans and Ezekiel Williams; the information he received respecting them and from whom and in the Manner in which their dead bodies were exposed and treated? A He (the Deponent) was carried Prisoner to Monmouth in January 1779, on the night of the 24th of that Month; he saw a Captain Dennis3 of the Rebel Service bring to Freehold Court House three dead bodies; that Captain Dennis being a Neighbour of his (the Deponents) he asked where those Men were killed; he replyed they were killed on the Shore, where they were coming to join their Regiments; two of them, he said, belonged to Colonel Morris's Corps of General Skinner's Brigade; the other had been enlisted in their Service by those two belonging to Colonel Morris's Corps; he said also he (Capt. Dennis) had employed a Man to assist them in making their escape, at a place where he (Dennis) was to meet with them on the Shore, at which place he did meet them; that on coming to the Spot he (Dennis) surrounded them with his party; that the Men attempted to Fire, and not being able to discharge their pieces begged for quarter, and claimed the benefit of being prisoners of War; he ordered them to be fired on, and one of them by the Name of Williams fell; that they were all Bayonetted by the Party and brought to Monmouth, and that he (Dennis) received a sum of Money for that Action, either from the Governor or General Washington, which of the two he does not recollect. Q from the Court. Does he (the Deponent) know, or has he heard of any person or persons under the denomination of Loyalists, put to death without trial after being taken Prisoner and Confined? A Yes; one person by the Name of [James] Pew. Sources : James J. Graham, The Memoir of General Graham, (Edinburgh: R.R. Clark, 1862) pp.24, 83-4; Henry Clinton to William Franklin, Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #158-65; Prisoner List, Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #187: Henry Clinton to William Franklin, Princeton University Library, Microfilms Collection, #1081.133, Board of Associated Loyalists, April 22-May 4, 1782: Board of Associated Loyalists to Henry Clinton, Princeton University Library, Microfilms Collection, #1081.133, Board of Associated Loyalists, April 22-May 4, 1782: Henry Clinton to Board of Associated Loyalists, Princeton University Library, Microfilms Collection, #1081.133, Board of Associated Loyalists, April 22-May 4, 1782: To George Washington from James Robertson, 1 May 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-08307, ver. 2013-09-28); Princeton University Library, Microfilms Collection, #1081.133, Board of Associated Loyalists, April 22-May 4, 1782; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; George Washington to Henry Clinton, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v105, reel 8, #722, 775-6; Elizabeth Miller, The American Revolution: As Described by British Writers and The Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser (London: Heritage Books, 2008) pp. 95-7; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) pp. 500-1; Board of Associated Loyalists, Report, Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #158-65; Board of Associated Loyalists statement in BF Stevens, Report on American Manuscripts in the Royal Institution of Great Britain (London: Mackie & Co, 1906) v2, p467; Board of Associated Loyalists Statement in Elizabeth Miller, The American Revolution: As Described by British Writers and The Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser (London: Heritage Books, 2008) pp. 97-8; Board of Associated Loyalists Statement in Elizabeth Miller, The American Revolution: As Described by British Writers and The Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser (London: Heritage Books, 2008) pp. 97-8; Richard Lippincott’s statement is in Howard Peckham, Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L. Clements Library (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978) pp. 558-9, 582-8; William Corlies’ statement is in Howard Peckham, Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L. Clements Library (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978) pp. 566-8; Robert Alexander and Anthony Stewart’s statements, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v107, #240-2, 261, 268; Thomas Crowell’s testimony in Howard Peckham, Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L. Clements Library (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978) pp. 570, 579-80; Testimony of Samuel Taylor in Howard Peckham, Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L. Clements Library (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978) p 571; Testimony of John Morris, Samuel Cooke and John Wardell in Howard Peckham, Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L. Clements Library (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978) pp. 580-1; Richard Lippincott’s plea, Transcript of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, http://personal.nbnet.nb.ca/halew/Lippincott.html ; List of Cruelties and Barbarities, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 171, item 152, vol. 10, #543-6. Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #158-65; Board of Associated Loyalists to Henry Clinton, Princeton University Library, Microfilms Collection, #1081.133, Board of Associated Loyalists, April 22-May 4, 1782; William Cunningham’s testimony at the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v105, reel 8, #783-5; The verdict in the court martial is printed in William Gordon, The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of the Independence of the United States of Amerca, (New York, 1788) p284-9; Transcript of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, http://personal.nbnet.nb.ca/halew/Lippincott.html Testimony of Stephen Ayde Adye, Transcript of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, http://personal.nbnet.nb.ca/halew/Lippincott.html ; David Library of the American Revolution, Great Britain Public Records Office, British Headquarters Papers, #4760; Trial Verdict, Transcript of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, http://personal.nbnet.nb.ca/halew/Lippincott.html; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) pp. 507, 511, 529; Thomas Jones, History of New York During the Revolutionary War: And of the Leading Events in the Other Colonies at That Period (Ulan: 2012) pp. 481-3. 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ALLEN HOUSE 400 Sycamore Ave, Shrewsbury - Audio Tour - Take the full audio tour, or focus on your areas of interest! Discover what life was like when the Allen House was the bustling Blue Ball Tavern. Enjoy your visit! FULL TOUR Station One Introduction Station Two Josiah Halstead and Tavern Life Station Three Servants, Slaves, and Services Station Four A Sad Ending Station Five The Revolution, Piracy and A Little Massacre Transcript Continue your tour with nearby historic sites Christ Church and Cemetery The first parish church building was built on this site in 1732-33. In 1738, King George II granted the church its official charter, which is still on display in the church. During the Revolution the church was used as barracks by patriot soldiers. Since it was a symbol of the British Crown, these soldiers shot at the pulpit and at the orb and crown on the steeple atop the church building. The Quaker Meeting House The Shrewsbury Meeting is the oldest rural religious congregation in NJ. Dating back to the mid-1660s. The Meetinghouse was rebuilt in its present form in 1816, and is listed on the state and national registries of historic places. The cemetery features the names of many local settlers, and people are welcome to visit to search for the graves of ancestors. If you have enjoyed this experience, please consider supporting us using the donate button above!

DIGITAL RESOURCES CLASS TRIPS PROF. DEV MCHA is a proud partner of the grades 5-12 History Happened Here initiative. Students are welcome to click here to learn how to use our resources to discover our fascinating Monmouth County history, and how it fits into the larger framework of American history. Education Programs DigRes Digital Education Our award-winning exhibit on slavery in New Jersey, Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall , is now the focus of two grade-banded digital companions, tailored to NJ curriculum standards Colonial History (Upper Elementary level) General Monmouth County History (Intermediate-through-Secondary level) Digital resources are currently only available for laptop/PC viewing CLICK the image to access the resource 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth - For educators and high school level students - In celebration of the 250th anniversary of our nation, MCHA is proud to announce the newest project by author and renowned historian Michael Adelberg. The incredible 250-article collection is the most complete history on this topic ever assembled! It is free and digitally accessible on our website. Visit today to learn about Monmouth as a microcosm of Revolutionary War activity. Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall Using primary sources and artifacts from the MCHA collections and material culture from the historic c. 1756 Marlpit Hall in Middletown, this exhibit tells the stories of seven of the 12 known enslaved individuals who inhabited this residence. The larger story of slavery in New Jersey is also explored through careful research and documentation. Upper Elementary Level Middle School / High School Colonial Kids Education Page This upper elementary resource focuses on the Colonial Era. Discover what 18th-century life was like for the people who lived at the historic Covenhoven House in Freehold! Monmouth County Education Page This intermediate/high school resource focuses heavily on primary sources from the collections of MCHA and beyond to illustrate the rich history of Monmouth County! Colonial era documents, WWII artifacts and ephemera, newspaper articles, and other unique objects help students connect American history to fascinating local history. Trips On-Site Education: Covenhoven House 150 W. Main Street, Freehold, NJ 07728 Grades 2-6 Dates book up quickly. Book NOW for 2026, the 250th anniversary of our nation!! This beautiful 1752 historic house museum offers students a window into the Colonial era. Situated on what was known as the Burlington Path, Elizabeth Covenhoven's stately residence was used by General Clinton as the British headquarters in the days before the Battle of Monmouth. Our new exhibit, Choices , will explore the options our various forebears were faced with during the American Revolution. Would you side with the Patriots...or Loyalists? Stay to defend your home, or flee to safety? For the enslaved, the British promised freedom if they fought for the crown...but could this promise be trusted? Students will tour the house and learn about life in the Colonial era through the various historical figures who lived in and visited this home. Combination Trip Option : Add Monmouth Battlefield for an additional fee Groups of students will rotate out to nearby Monmouth Battlefield, the next stop for the British where they clashed with the Continental Army at the Battle of Monmouth. There they will learn about the battle from the park historian and participate in a pre-selected choice of activities, including a battlefield hike, museum scavenger hunt, cannon or musket drill! Covenhoven House Program Only ($10 per student) This 90-minute program includes a fun tour of this historic house museum, a hearth cooking demonstration, and a spy code-cracking activity! Students are welcomed into the home by a costumed interpreter, where they will be transported by the sights and sounds of the 18th century. Dates book very quickly - we cannot stress enough to secure your date early! Hope to see you soon! INQUIRE Recent Review from Mr. Iosue at St. Rose of Lima School: Taking our fifth graders on a trip to the Covenhoven House was a no brainer. As a local historical site I knew this would allow the students to connect on a deeper level. As we toured the home the children were extremely engaged in all of the aspects of colonial life demonstrated to them. The presenters were very knowledgeable and receptive to questions and comments. It was a day that will remain with our students for a long time because of the dedication of the staff. The program was well organized and structured while being exciting and filled with suspense. Every room had a rich history and as it all was explained to us, our fifth graders were able to see the classroom experience come alive. I truly would recommend a trip to the Covenhoven House to any teacher! The kids have not stopped talking about it...from the kitchen to the garden...they loved it all! Thank you to the association! Marlpit Hall Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall 137 Kings Hwy, Middletown, NJ 07748 Program is tailored for attending grade band (click here for pdf) Grades 3-12 (Approx. 90-minute program) Combination trips with the historic Murray Farmhouse at Poricy Park or the T. Thomas Fortune Cultural Center are also available for an additional fee! Inquire about pricing below Freehold High School students, 2022 This c. 1762 house features our award-winning exhibit, Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall . Students Grades 3-6* tour the historic house museum to learn about slavery in New Jersey through the lens of those who were once enslaved at the residence. The personal stories of these individuals are explored, reconstructed through primary sources such as birth records and freedom papers. Students are given the opportunity to investigate the process of creating historically accurate stories using primary sources; they leave the exhibit with a solid understanding of the institution of slavery in New Jersey, and the skills needed to think like historians. Students grades 7-12** are engaged in an in-depth Primary Source Workshop after the guided museum tour to learn about the processes involved in analyzing documents such as birth records, inventories, freedom papers, as well as "for sale" and runaway ads. What can these sources tell us, what questions do they leave us with, and how can we use our understanding of history to develop possible theories? Students leave with the skills to conduct responsible analysis and interpretation of historic documents, and a solid background on the components of slavery in New Jersey. *For a longer program for grades 3-6 , pair Marlpit Hall with the historic Murray Farmhouse at Poricy Park ! Students will gain a fuller understanding of the Colonial era in this dual program. Murray Farmhouse visitors will learn about Patriots and Loyalists in Monmouth County, as well as have a chance for hands-on activities such as churning butter and grinding spices. ** Grades 7-12 can pair Marlpit Hall with a trip to the historic T. Thomas Fortune Cultural Center in nearby Red Bank. This dual program is an excellent segue from slavery to an emphasis on the many successes of Black men and women post-1865. INQUIRE Recent Testimonial Saint John Vianney High School History Club recently visited Marlpit Hall in Middletown. This 18th-century farmhouse holds layers of history regarding slavery in Monmouth County. Thanks to the Monmouth County Historical Association, our guided tour delved into the lives of the seven slaves who once called this place home. From their daily routines to the broader narrative of slavery in Monmouth County, every detail was thoughtfully explored. The interactive workshop afterward was equally enlightening, as students engaged with primary sources, including descriptive want ads offering rewards for runaway slaves. The tour was a powerful learning experience. For fellow educators seeking impactful experiences for their students, I can't recommend this tour enough. The insights gained at Marlpit Hall are invaluable for understanding our shared history. I'm already planning future visits with the MCHA and eagerly anticipating the opportunity to incorporate their educational web resources into my early American history lessons. It's a journey worth taking, enriching both educators and students alike. Kenneth Brumbaugh Social Studies Teacher/Saint John Vianney High School Early College Academy, Adjunct Professor/Brookdale Community College Hybrid Virtual Programs! Marlpit Hall comes directly to your classroom with MCHA's hybrid virtual class trip, bringing your students the best of both worlds! This webinar package includes: - A video tour of Marlpit Hall, learning directly from the curators who built the exhibit. A professional educator will then be available after the presentation for a live Q&A, to answer any questions the students might have. - Grades 7-12 will also be guided through the Primary Source Workshop, in which the skills to critically analyze historical primary source documents are developed. - All grades receive professional lesson plans and activities based on the exhibit material - Students are encouraged to explore the free digital education pages above as a pre-or-post trip activity. - MCHA educators are always available by email to any questions that teachers or students may have, so feel free to reach out! INQUIRE PD Professional Development MCHA offers free professional development training for all grade levels. Our PD program is given by professionals in the field, and presents educators with a two-fold approach to understanding the topic on an in-depth level. First, educators experience a curator-led tour of the exhibit, where they gain the background necessary to bolster their confidence level in the subject matter. They then take part in a Primary Source Workshop in which they learn how to analyze documents from the era to extract information in the most useful way, applying curriculum standards into guided classroom discussion. They are prepared with the most commonly asked questions from students, and provided answers according to top scholars in the field. This workshop can be applied in the classroom as well via the digital companion to the exhibit, and has been found useful by ELA educators as well. The program runs approximately 2 hours long. The Elizabeth Van Cleaf Institute is a multi-day workshop that runs during the summer and is by application only. Click here to learn more! Want to book a trip or PD training? Have questions? Suggestions? Compliments (yes, please!)??? Contact Dana at dhowell@monmouthhistory.org Thank you to our advisors and supporters on the Beneath the Floorboards digital programs: Hank Bitten, Executive Director, New Jersey Council for the Social Studies Dr. Wendy Morales, Assistant Superintendent, Monmouth Ocean Educational Services Commission Dr. Jason Fitzgerald, Dr. Rich Veit and Dr. Bill George, Monmouth University Noelle Lorraine Williams, Director of African American Education at the New Jersey Historical Commission The New Jersey School Boards Association The New Jersey Center for Civic Education Many Thanks to Our Education Sponsors and Supporters Larry & Paula Metz Sam & Laurie Landy Bill Mehr