The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Disaffection of Rhoda Pew and Murder of James Pew by Michael Adelberg This sketch idealizes the life of Loyalist women behind British lines. Rhoda Pew of Middletown was arrested for visiting her Loyalist husband, exiled to New York, and then widowed after his murder. - November 1777 - Antipathy toward Loyalist refugees was raised to a higher level in fall 1777. Monmouth Countians were killed and wounded in combat a month earlier at the Battle of Germantown and, while hundreds of Monmouth militia were there, several Monmouth militiamen were captured and killed in a clash with Loyalists near Shrewsbury . Dozens of Monmouth militiamen captured at the Battle of Navesink remained in prison a half year after their capture. Along the shore, illegal trade flourished between Monmouth’s disaffected and Loyalists on Sandy Hook. James Pew was a boatman who lived on a midsized farm along the Raritan Bayshore. At some point in 1777, he went over to Sandy Hook and became one of the so-called “London Traders”—disaffected Monmouth Countians who acted as middlemen in the illegal trade between Monmouth County and British commissary officers on Sandy Hook and Staten Island. On November 17, Rhoda Pew, his wife, was indicted by the New Jersey Supreme Court for “voluntarily and unlawfully boarding a sloop of war belonging to the enemy when said sloop was lying off of Sandy Hook." She allegedly spent six days there, likely visiting with her husband. Rhoda Pew was fined and remained at home in Middletown, but her and husband’s Loyalism was now well understood. She may have requested permission to join him behind British lines. On May 29, 1778, Colonel Asher Holmes was directed by the New Jersey Council of Safety to “send the following women to their husbands in the enemy's lines." Rhoda Pew was one of the four women listed. The Murder of James Pew James Pew continued to trade illegally along the Raritan Bayshore where he, according to his wife, “had belonged to one of his Majesty's vessels in the Quarter Master's Department.” On one of his trips, he took some extra time to visit with family in Middletown Township. He was taken prisoner by “a party of rebels.” In 1782, Rhoda Pew wrote about her husband’s fate after he was captured: [He] was carried to Freehold and put into gaol, where he was kept confined for five days, and then put to death by the sentry, who discharged his musket through the wicket hole [in the cell door], and shot the prisoner through the body while he was sitting on the bench before the fire; he then took another musket, and shot him a second time through the body, the first bullet lodged in the chimney back and the second went into the floor. When Rhoda Pew learned that her husband was captured, she risked imprisonment by returning to Monmouth County. She went to Freehold “to carry her husband some cloathes.” There, “she found him murdered as described above and his corpse lying on the floor in prison... this deponent further saith that the rebels never punished the murderer." In a second statement, Rhoda Pew further testified that the murder occurred on November 10, 1778. She was specific about the murderer: He was Murdered by one James Tilley who was Sentry over the deceased at the time; the Coroner's Inquest brought him (Tilley) in guilty of Willful Murder; that he was confined in consequence thereof, but was released within three or four days afterwards, and is now at large. Antiquarian accounts further suggest that James Pew was taken while visiting family on the Middletown shore, and that Tilley claimed Pew was trying to escape when he was shot in his prison cell—which seems improbable. An antiquarian source disagrees with Rhoda Pew’s account with respect to the timing of James Pew’s murder—suggesting the murder occurred in fall 1779. There is no evidence to suggest that James Pew was a violent man and we do not know what motivated Tilley to shoot him twice at close range. James Tilley’s fate is unknown, but there is no evidence of his trial in surviving Monmouth County court records. Similarly, there is no record of Tilley serving in the militia or paying taxes. This suggests that Tilley, to avoid retribution from Loyalists, left Monmouth County shortly after the murder. Or perhaps he changed his name and weathered the rest of the war quietly under an alias. Disposing of the Pew Family Estate The disposition of James Pew’s estate after his death became complicated. In November 1779, the New Jersey Assembly received a petition from Wiliam Pew “and others.” The petition argued that: That the last will & testament of James Pew, deceased, was burned by the enemy in the house of Thomas Henderson, Surrogate for the County, in their passage through this State in the month of June 1778 -- and praying that an authenticated copy of the will, produced to the House, may be confirmed as the last will & testament of James Pew, deceased. Ordered, that the petitioners appear at the next session and present their case, must also advertise their petition, to allow rival heirs the opportunity to present their cases. A new will was presented to the Assembly on November 26. Presumably, it transferred James Pew’s estate to William Pew. The Assembly passed "An Act to Confirm a Copy of the Last Will and Testament of James Pew, late of the Township of Middletown in the County of Monmouth" in October 1780. William Pew chose not to hold onto the estate. The 300-acre estate was advertised for sale in the New Jersey Gazette in January 1782: “The plantation lies very pleasantly situated by the side of the salt water... a good house and barn.” The vulnerability of the estate to British/Loyalist attack was referenced, “it will be very valuable when the British leave New York.” Surviving documents do not state why James Pew’s estate was not seized and sold with other Loyalist estates. Perhaps William Pew, who was apparently a good Whig, was seen as a worthy inheritor of the family’s property. Throughout the estate confiscation process in Monmouth County, exceptions to the normal rules were made for the kin of Loyalists . In April 1782, the hanging of Captain Joshua Huddy led to the court martial trial of Richard Lippincott, the Shrewsbury Loyalist who led the hanging party. Rhoda Pew’s account of her husband’s murder was memorialized on June 9, 1782, as part of that trial (in order to document the abuses committed against Monmouth Loyalists). If not for this trial, James Pew’s murder would have went undocumented and would be forever lost to history. As for Rhoda Pew, as a Loyalist woman behind British lines, she received nothing from her husband’s estate. She likely lived very modestly in New York as a widow without family wealth to draw down. She was illiterate; she signed the deposition of her husband’s murder with an “X.” In April 1783, Rhoda Pew left New York for Canada with three children. Related Historic Site : Museum of the City of New York Sources : New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #37510; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - James Pew; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 243; Testimony of Rhoda Pew, Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #158-65; Transcript of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, http://personal.nbnet.nb.ca/halew/Lippincott.html ; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 38-9; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, November 25, 1779, p 47; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, September 26, 1780, p 273; The Acts of the Council and General Assembly of the State of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: Trenton, 1784) p151 Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 5, p 370; David Bell, American Loyalists to New Brunswick: Passenger Lists (Formac, 2015). 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Captain John Walton Captures Loyalist Boat by Michael Adelberg William Borden’s boat and its passengers beached at Manasquan on a patch of shoreline that likely resembled this one at Fisherman’s Cove. The boat and crew were captured by the Monmouth militia. - March 1777 - Even before the Declaration of Independence was signed, Loyalists from across the Thirteen Colonies sought refuge with the British in New York. Moses Kirkland, for example, attempted to go from South Carolina all the way to New York in May 1776. The journey to New York was dangerous—Loyalists needed to make the trip without having their identities or purpose discovered. And for those traveling to New York by sea, they also needed the weather to cooperate. The Monmouth County shore was the site of numerous shipwrecks through the Revolution, exacerbated by desperate people sailing small craft in unfamiliar waters. In early March 1777, a small sailing vessel left Philadelphia. The boat had a two-man crew and carried five (some reports say four) “Scotsmen” on board. The Scotsmen were likely immigrants living in Pennsylvania who were now seeking British protection in New York. The vessel sailed down the Delaware River and proceeded up the Jersey shore. The Loyalists beached near Manasquan in bad weather (probably the same storm that dropped several inches of snow on Brigadier General David Forman’s men as they marched on Sandy Hook ). The first man to come on the grounded vessel was Daniel Randolph, a merchant from Toms River. He alerted the closest militia patrol, which was led by Captain John Walton of the Freehold Township. Walton took custody of the men and boat. On March 16, David Forman sent Governor William Livingston a letter that was brought to him by Captain Walton. Forman noted that Walton was bringing nine prisoners to the Governor: Capt. Walton will wait on you with nine prisoners, five of them are Scotsmen from Philadelphia bound to N. York in a small boat, worked by one man and a boy - the boatman & boy denied they were going to New York - all five of the Scotsmen agreed that they were but disagree about what way they obtained the boat - some of them say the boatmen had agreed to go with them - others say they had agreed to take the boat by force if refused, but had not when taken. A certain Samuel Leonard, proven to have professed himself a Captain under John Morris, & Aaron Brown, a person of little importance although a professed Tory are also sent along. It is noteworthy that, upon capture, the boat’s crew and their Loyalist passengers told different stories about the vessel and its destination. It is also curious that the men were captured and detained in concert with Samuel Leonard, a Monmouth Loyalist and an officer in the New Jersey Volunteers . These details raise the possibility that the vessel’s trip might have had more to it than just carrying a few inoffensive Loyalists to New York. Two days later, Livingston wrote to David Rittenhouse of the Pennsylvania Council of Safety. He noted that the Monmouth militia (under Capt. Walton) seized a boat at Manasquan and that Walton claimed the boat as a prize because it was bound for the enemy at New York. Livingston briefly discussed the prisoners. Of the boat captain, a man named Borden, Livingston said he "expressed himself in a most violent manner against the Congress” but otherwise professed innocence. Livingston sent the Scotsmen back to Pennsylvania but ordered the two boatmen detained until they could appear before the New Jersey Council of Safety . In a second letter about the incident, Livingston noted that Captain Walton was carrying the Scotsmen to Philadelphia. The minutes of the New Jersey Council of Safety corroborated the information above; the Council also compensated Captain Walton for the expenses incurred while transporting the prisoners. The decision to keep the two-man crew in New Jersey to stand before New Jersey’s Council of Safety indicates that the boatmen were believed to be from New Jersey. The boat captain named Borden was likely William Borden. Borden was one of a half dozen disaffected listed in a March 15 letter from Col. Samuel Forman to John Walton in which Forman directed Walton to take Borden to jail in Philadelphia: “The following persons you are to take to Philadelphia & deliver them to the proper authorities, viz William Curry, John Magee, James Scott, William Borden, George Brewer and James Lawton." That William Borden was part of a larger cohort of prisoners taken on the shore again suggests that the Loyalist boat may have been involved in more than just taking the Scotsmen to New York. William Borden had a colorful record during the Revolution. He was from a large Quaker family that was largely disaffected. While he leaned Loyalist early in the war, Borden’s loyalties turned dramatically. He joined the New Jersey State Troops in 1782 and was one of three soldiers ordered to convey a captured Loyalist, Philip White, from Long Branch to jail at Freehold. The soldiers, however, abused White and provoked him into attempting a futile escape that ended when the soldiers murdered White. White’s murder provoked the murder of Captain Joshua Huddy in April 1782. Huddy’s murder lit a diplomatic bonfire that reverberated across the American, British and French governments. Related Historic Site : Fisherman Cove Conservation Area Sources : David Forman to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #4097; William Livingston to David Rittenhouse, in Carl Prince ed., Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 284-5; Selections from the Correspondence of the Executive of New Jersey, From 1776 to 1786 (Newark, NJ: Newark Daily Advertiser, 1848) pp. 32-3; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) pp. 7, 9; Samuel Forman to John Walton, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #1062. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > British Plundering and Arson at Freehold, June 27-28, 1778 by Michael Adelberg British Commander Henry Clinton quartered at the house of Elizabeth Covenhoven near Freehold. She was plundered of livestock and family goods, and forced to sleep in her milk shed. - June 1778 - On the morning of June 26, the British Army left Allentown burdened by a massive baggage train and thousands of non-combatants. They skirmished as they left Allentown and skirmished through the day. German Officer Heinrich von Feilitsch wrote that "the enemy harassed us the entire day... the place we halted is called Upper Freehold. During a marauding expedition, the [German] corps lost twenty men." Another German officer, Major von Wilmowsky, wrote that the enemy had "blocked up the road a considerable distance with barriers of trees in order to delay us & harass our march." John Simcoe, commanding the mounted Queen’s Rangers near the front of the British army, wrote of skirmishing near the Rising Sun tavern, between Allentown and Freehold: The enemy’s light troops appeared in greater force in the rear… There was some skirmishing between the Yagers and the enemy; and one time, it having the appearance of being serious, the Rangers were divided into two divisions, to march on each flank of the Yagers, who, having no bayonets, might have suffered from an intrepid enemy. Simcoe happily concluded that “the contrary was the case… sent them away upon the full run.” The day was miserably hot. Lt. William Hale wrote: We proceeded five miles in a road composed of nothing but sand which scorched through the soles of our shoes with intolerable heat; the sun beating on our heads with a force scarcely to be conceived in Europe, and not a drop of water to assuage our parching thirst; a number of soldiers were unable to support the fatigue, and died on the spot... and the whole road strewed with miserable wretches wishing for death, exhibited the most shocking scene I ever saw. Johann Ewald, a German officer, concurred: "Many lose their lives miserably because of the intense heat... no water to be found the entire march.” Heavy storms came in the afternoon and, amidst the storms, the British camped at Robbins Tavern, a few miles before Freehold. But the storms produced new problems. A German officer, Lt. Weidenholdt, recorded: "The horse of Lt. Schaffer was struck by lightning and killed, another got lamed for several days, a soldier and a man servant were also struck at the same time and not able to speak for some days, and the tent in which they laid caught fire.” British Army Enters Freehold The British awoke on June 27 and, amidst new harassments, completed the march to Freehold. With frustrations peaking, the British Army entered Freehold. British General James Pattison was among the first to arrive: "The greater part of the village of Freehold was abandoned but some arms were found, supposed to belong to the militia." Lt. John Von Krafft, a German officer, wrote of his arrival in Freehold a few hours later. We entered this place, almost all the inhabitants had fled, evidently a short time before our arrival, because I found fresh milk in the house where I was sent to go for fresh water. Every place broken into and plundered by the British soldiers. The church, which was made from wood and had a steeple, was miserably demolished. Von Krafft visited the recently-evacuated county courthouse. It “contained in the lowest story some strong prison cells, in front of which were still bread, beverage, ham and lettuce... prisoners had been moved in great haste... The English soldiers had been destroying everything in the city-hall house, even tearing down the little bell in the steeple." Von Krafft’s account is corroborated by Benjamin Van Cleave, Jr., a six-year-old at the time of the Battle of Monmouth, who later recalled the people of Freehold fleeing in advance of the British Army: I remember the confusion of the women and children and their flight to the pine swamps. When we had got a mile from home, the British Army were in sight at a mile and a half distant. We proceeded a short distance further and a consultation was held about the course to pursue, the men having gone in search of the army. I gave them the slip & aimed to return home, got within a short distance of the British right flank and the sound of the bugles drove me back, where, in the confusion, I had not been missed. Rachel Covenhoven recalled her family taking in refugee families on June 27: "The night before the battle, her father's house was used as a shelter for the women and children of the neighborhood." The Plundering of Freehold The British camp spread four miles across Freehold and Manalapan. Captain Caleb Jones of the Maryland Loyalist regiment recorded that the men were to draw two days rations —proof that the British intended to rest the Army in Freehold. Orders were given to post sentries to curb plundering by soldiers and women camp followers: [Sentries] will report to the Commanding officers any disorderly people who attempt to force the safe guards into plunder where they are posted, the guard is to immediately make them prisoners and fire on them if they should make any resistance. All women following the army and other stragglers who attempt coming on the rear of ye army houses, barns or other buildings will be secured for leaving the line of march, whether they commit any disorders or not. Orders were also given to purchase cattle, "The inhabitants must be desired to drive their cattle to a popular enclosure fit for the use of the Army” from which officers “will pay a reasonable price for them." Despite these orders, the men behaved badly. This prompted a court martial for Michael Pepperly and Adam Derry (wagon drivers for the Army). They were "accused of setting fire to and burning a house" but found not guilty. Key to the acquittal was testimony from Ensign William Bowles: Upon seeing house on fire, he went up to it & upon going into the barn, which stood about fifty yards from the dwelling house, he found two prisoners and another man standing by a fire which had been made in a trough; that upon asking them what they were doing there, they said they were looking for some forage. Bowles said that Derry and Pepperly arrived after "the house was on fire." He claimed that a British soldier took “a lighted board to the house, which was burning, and set fire to the barn." Whether Bowles and other witnesses were covering for Pepperly and Derry is unknown. A second court martial on June 27 concerned two Mary Colethrate and Elizabeth Clarke, "followers of the Army" for "plundering." Colethrate was acquitted, but Clarke was found guilty and sentenced "to receive 100 lashes on her bare back... and then drummed out of the Army in the most public manner." Major John Antill of 2nd Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers (from Shrewsbury Township) testified: The day before yesterday, a farmer came and begged for protection, as some women were plundering and destroying his house; that upon going into the house, he saw everything in the greatest confusion, the feather bed being cut open and many other things destroyed; that there were about twenty or thirty women in the house. Antill asked the farmer which women led the riot and “he pointed out prisoner Colethrate & the woman of the house pointed out prisoner Clarke and another woman.” Antill arrested the three women but the third “was released by order of Genl. Knyphausen [William Knyphausen].” Antill discovered that “both had loaded some things in their aprons; he himself saw the prisoner Clarke was very busy turning over some things in the closet." The farmer's wife stated that Clarke "beat and abused her, carried off one load of plunder and returned for another." Clarke was caught with stolen shoes, proving her guilt. Similarly, an antiquarian account describes a Loyalist group breaking into the home of Joseph Bowne (a militia corporal) outside of Freehold. The family fled into the woods and stayed there for two days. The family’s slave stayed in the house and brought them food. Similarly, Elizabeth Burke, wife of militia private Samuel Burke, recalled that on the morning of the Battle of Monmouth "her home was robbed by the British and Hessians." Historian Randall Gabrielan wrote of the family of John Craig, who owned a house near the battlefield. Craig was a militia officer who was likely with the militia and away from his family when the British entered Freehold. He wrote: “As Mrs. Craig fled that day in a westerly direction, she took two wagonloads of possessions with her, although silver hidden in a well was lost to British who occupied the place.” That same day, William Wilcocks, an attorney in the Continental Army, wrote Lord Stirling (General William Alexander) from the house of John Anderson near Freehold. Wilcocks was sent "to observe the motions of the enemy" with a small mounted party. He noted two arsons (“They have burnt Col Henderson's [Thomas Henderson] & Benjamin Covenhoven's house & barn.”) and a few desertions ("I have made prisoner of four Hessians & a British pioneer, and am now in pursuit of an English officer & three soldiers, inquiring their way through the country."). He also detailed the British line of march which extended into Manalapan and described it as “a country very friendly to our cause." Disorders increased through the day. Two German officers wrote about efforts to raise fresh provisions for the soldiers also about the arsons and plundering of British troops. Von Krafft wrote: "Today, the Hessians got permission from the commander of the Regts. to take cattle whenever they should find any, and kill and slaughter it” and also that “the English soldiers set fire to a house outside of town and ransacked it because, it was said to be the property of a prominent rebel." Major Bernhard Bauermeister, wrote that “although the men were never in need of salt or fresh provisions, there was much plundering… It has made the country people all the more embittered rebels." British or Loyalist parties targeted the homes of leading Revolutionaries. One group traveled to Marlboro to sack the home of Colonel Asher Holmes (who was out with the militia). According to an inventory compiled by Holmes, the looters took several items stored for the militia: 73 pairs of stockings, 25 blankets, 12 caps. They also took the family’s silver, fabrics, some clothes, muskets, and pistols. The total value of the plundered items was a substantial £1677. Three other local leaders, Colonel David Forman, John Cox, and Captain Hendrick Smock, were robbed of financial notes issued by the State and Continental governments. Three weeks later, Forman and Cox advertised for the return of the stolen notes in the New Jersey Gazette : The public is requested to be cautious about purchasing or receiving bank notes or tickets from strangers, disaffected or straggling persons... The public are desired to detain them until it can be made to appear that they [persons with such notes] lawfully came by them. Forman, acting as a purchasing agent for the Continental Army deposed that a British party “entered and plundered the house of the deponent, carrying off, among other things, he believes, the said vouchers… purchases made for clothing, cloth and blankets." Militiamen Moses Estey recalled: [He] volunteered with others to go in pursuit of a detachment of the enemy of about 200 men at General Forman’s, who had plundered his house of all valuables, destroyed all his furniture & taken off his plantation all his cattle which they were driving off the British Army then near. They succeeded in re-taking the cattle which were brought back, but the detachment of the enemy got back to the camp of their main army. Captain Hendrick Smock was pilfered of £1,000 in Continental loan notes. Smock wrote that the British “plundered and destroyed to a considerable amount, and among other things carried off the certificates.” Nellie Smock, his wife, testified that when “the enemy was in their march through the County, came to the house of the deponent and, among other things, took the deponents pocket book in which was the above mentioned bills." As late as 1780, the Smocks were still seeking compensation for the stolen notes. While leaders were deliberately targeted, families of modest means were victimized also—particularly with respect to seized livestock. Rhoda Sutphin recalled that her father in law "was robbed of almost everything" by the British before the battle. After the Battle of Monmouth, Thomas Wiggins of Freehold and James Stout of Englishtown advertised rewards for horses stolen on the day of the battle. After the battle, General William Maxwell wrote George Washington wrote about "a number of applications made to me by the distressed inhabitants to have leave to go to the enemy to endeavor to get their horses & cattle, first their horses in particular.” Permission was not granted. However, the worst actions of the day were the arsons. Benjamin Van Cleave, Jr., remembered: On the retreat of the enemy the inhabitants returned and found, with some exceptions, the buildings around our neighborhood burnt, the naked chimneys standing, a great part of the trees in some orchards cut down, the woods burnt and property that had been hid [was] destroyed or carried away. The earth was strewn with dead carcasses, sufficient to have produced a pestilence. My father had neither a shelter for his family, nor bread for them, nor clothes to cover them, save what they had on. A detailed account of the "devastation” at Freehold was printed in the New Jersey Gazette in July. The author, likely Thomas Henderson, detailed the arson of his home and seven other homes “above the court house” (the homes belonged to Benjamin Covenhoven, George Walker, Hannah Solomon, Benjamin Van Cleave, David Covenhoven, Garrett Vanderveer, and John Benham). The British burned four more homes on the morning of the 28th (Mathias Lane, Cornelius Covenhoven, John Antonidas, and [?] Emmons) as the Battle of Monmouth began. British officers were "seen to exult at the sight of the flames” and stated that the rebels deserved it. The British spared the homes of disaffected families, demonstrating that these arsons were not random. (See Appendix for article.} Henderson’s account was likely incomplete. John Vanderbelt claimed that his home was "burnt down by British soldiers on the day of the Battle of Monmouth.” Before that, the British “plundered it of our property, burnt the house, and drove off our cattle." There may have been additional victims. Historian Garry Wheeler Stone mapped the arsons and noted that all of the burned homes were close to the Burlington Road (the main east-west road through the village) and less than two miles from each other. The arson and plundering occurred in defiance of orders from the British Commander in Chief, Henry Clinton. Lt Col Alerud Clarke recorded general orders from Clinton: If any disorderly people attempt to force the guards or plunder where they are posted, the guard is to make them prisoners, and fire at them if they should attempt to resist. All women followers of the Army and other stragglers who shall come in the rear of a house, barn or building will be immediately secured and punished for leaving the line of march, whether they commit any disorder or not. Yet Clarke also wrote that he was "mortified on observing the great irregularity and excesses that have been committed within these last few days." And Henry Clinton, himself, turned a blind eye to looting in the very house in which he was staying, the home of Elizabeth Covenhoven and William Covenhoven. The Covenhovens owned a large house immediately west of Freehold and Clinton claimed it as his headquarters. According to Elizabeth’s deposition, Clinton “promised on his honor that everything she had should be protected and nothing injured." Despite this, the Covenhovens lost their horses and cattle in separate incidents. She was pressured to return her "concealed" furniture under promises of protection, and then "she found almost everything of value was taken out of the wagon.” The remaining items “were scattered on the ground." When she asked for help, an officer insulted her as a “damned old rebel with one foot in the grave." She was forced to sleep in her milkshed as officers took all of the beds in her house. She estimated losses at £3,000. (See appendix for her deposition.) New Jersey’s Chief Justice, Robert Morris, visited Freehold the day after the battle and concluded: "The enemy have done much mischief, burnt several houses and left many families without food, clothes, bedding and stock, besides the unavoidable mischief incidental to the movement of such an army." Historian Mark Lender noted that while plundering occurred throughout the British march across New Jersey, the arson and looting at Freehold far exceeded anything else on the march. This was partly due to mounting British frustrations accumulated from earlier in the march. Beyond that, the British, informed by the Monmouth Loyalists , understood they were among strident Whigs who had hanged a Loyalist and pronounced death sentences on a dozen others. In British eyes, the people of Freehold were deserving of rough treatment. The British also knew that storm clouds—figurative and literal—were building around them. Continental forces were gathering four miles away at Englishtown and an attack was imminent. Massive storms came again on the night of June 27. A Loyalist cavalryman, George Hanger, recorded: I shall never forget the night before the battle of Monmouth Court-House. It was uncommonly dark, with frequent thunderstorms and rain. It fell to my lot, that night, to have the outermost picket. Never could man pass a more anxious time; the fires all put out, the enemy's patrols feeling us and firing every half hour and oftener at the advanced sentries; our men on sentry firing sometimes at the enemy's patrols and sometimes at cattle in the woods, as soldiers will do when they hear a noise in the bushes, challenge, and gain no reply; the night so dark as not to be able to perceive our own men until we came close upon them and in danger of being fired at by our own men. Such a night of anxiety and danger I never since passed, and blessed by God when the day began to dawn. After this terrible night, the Battle of Monmouth began at dawn on June 28, 1778. Related Historic Site : Covenhoven House Appendix: Selected Sources on Plundering around Freehold, June 26-28 Extract of a letter from Monmouth (July 14) I have been waiting from the time the enemy passed through this country to the present, in expectation that some of your correspondents would, thro’ the channel of your paper, have given an account of their conduct to the inhabitants—but not having seen any yet, and as has been such as every honest person out to despise, I take this opportunity of giving a short sketch of it; which, if you think it will be of any satisfaction to your readers, you may insert in your paper. The devastation they have made of some parts of Freehold exceeds perhaps any they have made for the distance in their route thro’ this state, having in the neighborhood above the court-house burnt and destroyed eight dwelling houses, all on farms adjoining each other, besides barns and out-houses—The first they burnt was my own, then Benjamin Covenhoven’s, George Walker’s, Hannah Solomon’s, Benjamin VanCleve’s, David Covenhoven’s and Garret Vanderveer’s; John Benham’s house and barn they wantonly tore and broke down so as to render it useless.—It may not be improper to observe that the first two mentioned houses that were burnt adjoined the farm and were in full view of the place where General Clinton quartered. In the neighborhood below the court house they burn the houses of Mathias Lane, Cornelius Covenhoven, John Antoniadas, and one Emmons; these were burn the morning before their defeat. Some have the effrontery to say that the British officers by no means countenance or allow of burning; did not the wanton burning of Charlestown or Kingston, besides many other instances, sufficiently evidence to the contrary? Their conduct in Freehold I think may—the officers having been seen to exult as the sight of the flames, and heard to declare that they never could conquer America until they burnt every rebel’s house, and murdered man, woman and child. Besides, this consideration has great weight with me towards confirming the above, that after their defeat, thro’ their retreat of twenty-five miles, in which they passes the houses of numerous well affected to their [Great Britain] country, they never attempted to destroy one.” Deposition of Elizabeth Covenhoven Mrs. Elizabeth Covenhoven, who having been solely sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth and sayeth, That on the 26th of June last, when the enemy came into the county, General Henry Clinton, with his suite, made his quarters at her house, and promised on his honour that everything she had should be protected and nothing injured; that some time after they had been there she saw a soldier driving her horses away, upon which she applied to them to perform their orders, and one of the General’s aides said she should be paid for them; she enjoined that she could not spare them and he declared they should be returned, and she heard no more of them. Some little time after she perceived all of her cattle, including her milk cows, driving by in the same manner and she then made application in a like manner and said they must go without milk if their cows were taken away; they then gave orders to have them stopped; but before they went, they killed and took every one of them, not leaving her a single hoof. This deponent further sayeth that the General and his aides, finding her furniture and goods, were exceedingly urgent to have them sent for, declaring it exceedingly likely they would be destroyed where they were concealed, but if they were in the house they would be safe; she told him she had no way to send for them; under which they ordered a wagon and guard to go for them and Negro wench to bring the goods; and they brought one wagon load home and placed a guard over it: That the next evening she found almost everything of value was taken out of the wagon, and only a Bible and some books, with a few trifles, were left, which were scattered on the ground; she then applied to the General himself to have liberty to take the few remaining things his Honour had left her—he ordered one of his aides to go to the guards and suffer her to have them—she followed him and he said, here you damned old rebel with one foot in the grave, take them. This deponent also saith, that though a very old woman, she was obliged to sleep on a cellar door in her milk room for two nights, and when she applied for only a coverlet, it was refused her: That by the time they went away, her house was stripped of her beds, bedding, the clothes of her whole family, and anything of any value. The farm was also left in the same situation; and that at a moderate computation, her loss amounted to 3000L and that she lost this in trusting the honour of Sir Henry Clinton, which threw her off guard and made her perfectly easy, having solemnly engaged to protect or pay for everything they used; and this deponent declares that the sum of 3L 2s, which one of the officer gave her for 50 lbs. of butter he had, was all the money or satisfaction she received for any thing she lost. And further saith not. Sources : Heinrich von Feilitsch is in Bruce Burgoyne, Diaries of Two Ansbach Jaegers (NY: Heritage Books, 1997) p41-2; John Simcoe, Simcoe's Military Journal (New York: Bartlett & Welford, 1844) p 67; Hale’s letter is John Rees, 'What is this You have been about Today?': The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle of Monmouth, www.revwar75/library/rees/monmouth/Monmouth.htm, p20; Johann Ewald, Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1979) pp. 132-7; Diary of Lt. [?] Weidenholdt, New Jersey State Archives, Revolutionary War, Manuscripts Coll., box 2, #11; Willhelm Wilmostky to William Knyhausen, Copy: David Library, Battle of Monmouth Collection, #106; General Pattison’s letter is in Ritchie, Carson I. A. “A New York Diary of the Revolutionary War.” in Narratives of the Revolution in New York (New York: New-York Historical Society, 1975) pp. 239-41; British Army Court Martials - Great Britain, Public Record Office, War Office, Class 71, Volume 87, pages 179-181; Philip Katcher, The American Provincial Corps, 1775-1784 (Reading, England: Osprey, 1973), p 16; Court Martial Papers, Great Britain Public Record Office, War Office, 71/86, #151-8. (Photocopies from Don Hagist.); John Peebles' American War, 1776-1782 (Stackpole Books) p192; John Von Krafft, Journal of John Charles Philip Von Krafft, 1776-1784 (New York: Privately Printed, 1888) pp. 45-6; Jones, Caleb, Orderly Book of the Maryland Loyalist Regiment, June 18th 1778 to October 12th 1778. Edited by Paul Leicester Ford, (Brooklyn, N. Y.: Historical Printing Club, 1891) pp. 23-5; Court Martial Records, Great Britain Public Record Office, War Office, 71/86, #151-8. (Photocopies from Don Hagist.); Rachel Covenhoven’s account is in Albert Vanderveer, Sesquicentennial of the Battle of Monmouth, Quarterly Journal of the New York State Historical Association, vol. 9, n. 3, July 1928, p 279-285; William Willcox to Lord Stilring, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 50, June 26, 1778; John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) v3, 70, 74, 82, 86-7; Randall Gabrielan, Monmouth County Revolutionary War Sites (Charleston, SC: History Press, 2025), p 50; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 2, p 313; Bernard Uhlendorf, Confidential Letter and Journals, 1776-1784, of Adjutant General Major Bauermeister of the Hessian Forces (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1957) p 185; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Arthur Pierce, Smugglers' Woods, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1960) p 183; Lt. Col. Alerud Clarke quoted in William Stryker, The Battle of Monmouth (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1927) p 54; Lt. Col. Alerud Clarke quoted in Monmouth County Historical Association, Articles File: "Relic of the Revolution"; Asher Holmes, Monmouth County Historical Association, Articles File: "An Old Document"; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Moses Estey of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# NJ 18309690; Hendrick Smock to Congress, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 52, item 41, vol. 9, #96-101; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930mi; Garry Wheeler Stone, "The Burning of Upper Monmouth Court House", Monmouth Battlefield State Park (map); Thomas Harrison Montgomery, A Genealogical History of the Family Montgomery (Phila: Privately Printed, 1863); Lyman Horace Weeks, A Journal of American Ancestry (New York: William Clemens, 1912), p58-9; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Samuel Burke; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Vanderbelt; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 2, p 314; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, I41, Memorials to Congress, v9, p100; John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) v5, 50-9; Mary Hyde, Retreat after the Battle of Monmouth, Spirit of '76, vol. 5, 1899, p253; John C. Paterson, The Pine Robbers of Monmouth County, unpublished manuscript in the collection of the Monmouth County Historical Association, 1834, p 1-2; William Maxwell to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 50, July 1, 1778; Court Martial Papers, Great Britain, Public Record Office, War Office, Class 71, Volume 87, pp 176-178; Stephen Kemble, The Kemble Papers (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Library, 2009) vol. 1, pp. 601-2; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Thomas Henderson (W426), Forman’s Regiment and Monmouth County militia, Supplementary deposition of Daniel Applegate, 21 April 1837, transcribed by John U. Rees; David Forman, Affidavit, Princeton University, Firestone Library, CO140, Misc. MSS, David Forman; Robert Morris to [?] Cooper, Monmouth County Historical Association, J. Amory Haskell Collection, folder "Battle of Monmouth"; George Hanger, Colonel George Hanger, to All Sportsmen (London: Printed for the author, 1814), pp 217-8; re-printed: http://home.golden.net/~marg/bansite/friends/hanger.html#n4 . Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Forman's Additional Regiment and Salt Works Scandal by Michael Adelberg With the British occupying Philadelphia, the Continental Congress met at the courthouse in York, Pennsylvania. Here, they read and ignored David Forman’s different salt works petitions. - August 1777 - In January 1777, David Forman was commissioned to raise an “Additional Regiment ” of Continental Army soldiers for the defense of Monmouth County. After four months, Forman had raised about one hundred men. Forman’s regiment did not participate in Monmouth County’s two most important military events of early 1777—the Battle of Navesink and joining the Continental Army to shadow the British Army as it quit New Jersey. There is no evidence that the Additional Regiment was active in repelling Loyalist raids ,either. This article discusses what the Additional Regiment was doing instead. Americans were dependent on European salt at the start of the Revolution, and roughly twenty salt works sprung up on the Jersey shore in short order in 1776 and early 1777. Two of these salt works were bigger than the others—the Pennsylvania Salt Works at Toms River and the Union Salt Works at Manasquan. While the Pennsylvania Salt Works never produced salt, the Union Salt Works did. In fall 1776, Forman and co-investors purchased five acres of land slightly inland on the Manasquan River. The earliest mention of the Union Salt Works is a March 1777 law in which the New Jersey Legislature granted it ten militia exemptions —showing favoritism to this one salt work over the others. There was a great labor shortage, so the militia exemptions were a considerable asset to Forman. But ten laborers were not enough to construct a salt works on the scale envisioned. Forman lacked laborers at his salt works while commanding a hundred troops who needed to be kept busy. He co-mingled the two needs. Forman’s Continentals Stationed at Forman’s Salt Works The first evidence that Forman’s troops were laboring in a salt marsh in Manasquan is an August 1777 letter to Commissary Colonel Joseph Trumball: The troops on this station are very sickly, the surgeon thinks it occasioned by their living on fresh provisions and the want of spirits - I have given the commissary an order for 60 barrels of salt beef or pork... and some kind of spirits, & 500 weight of soap. There is no document that describes the Union Salt Works at their peak, but a description of the salt works exists after they had been razed. They consisted of: 1. boiling house, 90 x33, nine boiling pans, 2. storehouse holding 800 bushels of salt, 3. pump house with two pumps, 4. total land 160 acres (mostly marsh), but works congregated on five acres, 5. two-story house, 35 x 24, with cellar and fresh water pump, 6. smoke house and other outbuildings. Even at this diminished size, the Union Salt Works were still probably the largest operating salt works on the Jersey shore. In September, the Union Salt Works were finished and Forman eyed another large salt works near Barnegat. But the war intervened. With the British Army bearing down on Philadelphia, George Washington called on New Jerseyans to help him defend the nation’s capital. David Forman assembled his regiment and the Monmouth militia and marched to Pennsylvania. Before doing so, on September 11, he petitioned the Continental Congress which recorded receiving “a memorial from David Forman, for himself and his partners, praying for a guard of one hundred men to protect a salt works, which, obtaining such a guard, they plan to erect.” Congress was unmoved, ordering “it be dismissed." Forman tried again. He wrote about the "exorbitant price of salt” and proposed to enter a “solemn agreement to… immediately set about with the greatest spirit to erect a set of salt works." Forman requested a £20,000 cash advance and pledged to produce salt exclusively for the Army. Congress, needing to quit Philadelphia for York, Pennsylvania, never acted. In February 1778, Henry Laurens wrote Washington that "General Forman's memorial on salt works remains unconsidered." Forman’s Troops Descend into Scandal Forman returned his troops to the shore in October where they continued to labor at the Union Salt Works and started on a new site near Barnegat. Trevor Newland, a former British Army officer, living as a neutral along the shore, complained about Forman’s troops under Captain John Combs: A certain Captain Combs with a party of 24 Continental troops came to his house… and informed him that he had orders from David Forman… to quarter the said troops on said memorialist’s [land] and build a barracks on his plantation. The troops were accordingly quartered there where they yet continue, to the great disturbance of said memorialist and his family. Newland said the troops were “destroying his fences and his forage, breaking his enclosures, destroying his cornfields and committing many other trespasses." Newland questioned Forman’s use of troops for "private purposes" and said the troops were "very injurious to the public and oppressive to individuals." As Forman continued using his troops as laborers, he also continued to lobby for his new salt works. On January 1, 1778, he wrote Washington that his works “when entirely completed… could produce at least two hundred bushels a day” for the Army. Forman and his partners then penned another memorial: Your memorialist and his partners have begun to erect a salt works on Barnegat in the County of Monmouth, that has already cost your memorialist and his partners ten thousand pounds, and that your memorialist and company are determined to spend on said works twenty-five thousand pounds, should we see some form of encouragement as to be allowed a guard by your Excellency for their defence. On January 20, Washington responded that he had not heard from Congress but he was allowing Forman to continue using 60 men and three officers to “guard” the salt works: Till you hear further from me on the subject, you may retain a Captain, two sub-alterns and sixty men of the detachment of your Regiment in Monmouth for the purpose of guarding the works, the remainder to be pleased to send forward to camp. Washington then wrote Congress about Forman’s salt work ambitions. He noted, “salt is a matter of such infinite importance, and if it can be accomplished, it is very much desired.” But Washington stopped short of endorsing the plan, “How far Gen. Forman may succeed in his experiments, I cannot determine." Congress recorded receiving Washington’s letter and Forman’s memorial, moved to postpone considering it, and never resumed the matter. However, two weeks later, Congress did permit its loan office to reimburse Forman for incurred expenses, while denying Forman’s requested advance. While Forman’s salt works ambitions were getting a cool reception in Congress, Forman was heading for trouble with the New Jersey Legislature (where his reputation was damaged by prior scandals ). On February 1, the Legislative Council received the petition from Trevor Newland discussed above. The Council summoned Forman and Combs. After hearing testimony, Charles Petit of the Council wrote Washington that Forman and Combs "confined their evidences & arguments to the introduction & the use that have been made of sd troops, without any regard whatsoever to the title & possession of the lands." Petit concluded: 1. "it does not appear that the troops are stationed at the houses and in the neighborhood of Trevor Newland...by proper authority"; 2. "it does not appear that the troops so stationed have been of any use to the public, but have been employed collecting private materials & erecting buildings to promote the interests of individuals"; 3. "keeping a body of troops for aiding the purpose of private interest is an unnecessary expense upon the public"; 4. "it does not appear that any salt has been made at the works"; 5. while "there is a dispute between David Forman and Trevor Newland… there seems to be the great impropriety to putting a body of troops under sd Forman." Three days later, Governor William Livingston, an ally of Forman, wrote George Washington at Forman’s urging. Livingston acknowledged that "the stationing of some Continental troops at the salt works of Colonel Forman and company in Monmouth County" had caused trouble. But Livingston questioned Newland’s loyalty, "I have reason to think from depositions in my possession that Mr. Newland is not friendly to our cause." Livingston enclosed Forman’s deposition and acknowledged Forman’s prompting. Forman also wrote Washington. He argued that the troops were needed on the shore because “the people in that part of the county are exceedingly disaffected” and troops are a check on illegal trade with the enemy. Forman claimed he was without “private emolument.” Then, Forman addressed Newland: “Sd memorialist is an avowed enemy of the American cause, and would do anything to prevent the manufacturing of that necessary & essential article - salt." Forman never addressed the charge against him – his men trespassed and took private property without authority or compensation. Washington Acts Against Forman On March 25, Washington wrote Forman and stripped him of command of his Additional Regiment: The opinion of the Council of your State is so directly opposed to the continuance of the men at the salt works you are erecting that… I am induced to direct they may for the present join and act with Colo. Shreve's [Israel Shreve] regiment. Washington also wrote Livingston about the decision, suggesting that Congress’s inaction (“I expected they would have decided on the matter soon after it was submitted.") forced him to honor the wishes of the state Legislature. Forman’s Additional Regiment was transferred to the New Jersey Line . As for the Union Salt Works, they continued producing salt until they were razed in April 1778. They were partially repaired and operational in March 1779, when the owners advertised for woodcutters. They were advertised for sale in May but remained in operation. In April 1780, another Loyalist raid on Manasquan razed the works again. Forman’s second salt works near Barnegat were never built to the point of producing salt. Related Historic Site : Colonial Complex (York, Pennsylvania) Sources : Harry B. Weiss, The Revolutionary Saltworks of the New Jersey Coast (Trenton: Past Times Press, 1959) pp. 18-9; Natalie and Richard Holmquist, The Union Salt Works (Union Landing Historical Society: Brille, NJ, 2010); David Forman to Joseph Trumball, New York Public Library, Emitt Collection, reel 7, #7830; Journals of the Continental Congress, p733 ( www.ammem/amlaw/lwdg.html ); Library of Congress, Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. 8, p 733; David Forman, Memorial, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 23, item 13, vol. 1, #116 and reel 49, item 41, vol 3, #188; David Forman’s Memorial, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 46, January 1 and 20, 1778; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, General Correspondence; Journals of the Continental Congress, September 11, 1777, p733 ( www.ammem/amlaw/lwdg.html ); Paul Smith, et al, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1970) vol. 15, p 560; David Forman’s Memorial, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 168, item 152, vol. 5, #279-81; George Washington to Congress, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 187, item 169, vol. 4, #160-2; Journals of the Legislative Council of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: State of New Jersey, 1778) p34-8; Library of Congress, Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. 10, pp. 111-2; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, pp. 252-4; Charles Petit to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 47, March 11, 1778; Journals of the Legislative Council of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: State of New Jersey, 1778) p34-8; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 47, March 13, 1778; William Livingston to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 14, 1 March 1778 – 30 April 1778, ed. David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2004, pp. 177–179; George Washington to David Forman, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 11, pp. 148-9; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 14, 1 March 1778 – 30 April 1778, ed. David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2004, pp. 308–310; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, March 1779, reel 1930; Library of Congress, Early American Newspapers, May 1779, Pennsylvania Evening Post; New Jersey Gazette, March 31, 1779; Harry B. Weiss, The Revolutionary Saltworks of the New Jersey Coast (Trenton: Past Times Press, 1959) p 20; David Forman, Troop Return, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 48, March 28, 1778; Orderly Book, Valley Forge, PA, National Archives, Misc. Numbered Records, 3: 19; George Washington to William Livingston, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 11, pp. 256, 436; Berg, Fred A., Encyclopedia of Continental Army Units: Battalions, Regiments, and Independent Corps (Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1972) p 43; Forman’s Additional Regiment returns, Revolutionary War Rolls, National Archives Microfilm Publication M246, Record Group 93, reels 126-129. Transcribed by John U. Rees; Capt. John Burrowes, Muster Rolls, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 105, p2-33; William S. Stryker, Officers and Men of New Jersey in the American Revolution (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co, 1967); Arthur Pierce, Smugglers' Woods, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1960) p 234 and 238. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Colonel Tye's Final Raid by Michael Adelberg Captain Joshua Huddy and 20-year-old Lucretia Emmons were attacked at Huddy’s tavern in Colts Neck by a Loyalist party co-led by Colonel Tye. They bravely resisted before Huddy was taken. - August 1780 - On August 30, 1780, a 72-man raiding party comprised of New Jersey Volunteers (Loyalist soldiers led by Lieutenants Josiah Parker and William Hullet) and African American Loyalist irregulars led by Colonel Tye, left Sandy Hook in barges. (Historian Rick Geffken’s research suggests that Tye’s party actually left Sandy Hook in early September.) Tye was already well-known in Monmouth County, having led several smaller raids over the previous three months that carried off several prominent Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) and a large amount of plunder. According to a report published in the Pennsylvania Packet and elsewhere, Tye was a “brave Negro” and who had previously served in Lord Dunmore’s Ethiopian Brigade —though It is open to debate whether Tye served in this Virginia unit. The Loyalists landed at Black Point (Rumson) and headed ten miles inland for Colts Neck. The Packet reported that the raiders, "about an hour before day, attacked the house of Captain Joshua Huddy...staving the window to pieces, and ordering the damned rebels to turn out.” Huddy was among Monmouth County’s most zealous Whigs. He had commanded a company of State Troops and, more notoriously, participated in the extra-legal hanging of the Loyalist Stephen Edwards. According the Packet , Huddy stubbornly resisted the attack, “having loaded two guns at hand, made use of them...by the assistance of a young woman [20-year-old Lucretia Emmons], who carried his cartridges and rammed, he interchanged his firing up and down the stairs." Huddy and Emmons held off the attackers until they "fired the house, which induced him [Huddy] to capitulate.” Antiquarian sources suggest that Huddy negotiated his surrender in exchange for sparing his house and Emmons. Emmons was likely a servant of Huddy; though an antiquarian source claims she was his mistress. The raiding party plundered the house (one antiquarian account claims they burned it). Emmons may have alerted the militia. According to the Packet , “six militia men pursued and came up with them...and killed the refugee commander. After this, they embarked.” But as the Loyalists embarked at Black Point (present-day Rumson), they were attacked by a larger Monmouth County militia party. In the skirmish that followed, militia fired into the heavily-loaded barges which “threw them into confusion." A Loyalist boat overset and twenty men reportedly drowned (this figure is likely exaggerated). The Packet further reported that “Capt. Huddy was wounded but is like to do well. This Huddy was able to swim to safety.” Antiquarian sources add that Huddy was shot in the thigh. He shouted "I am Huddy! I am Huddy!" to avoid being shot while swimming to shore. The Loyalists would experience more trouble. As they rowed north to Sandy Hook “passing the Gut between Sandy Hook and the main, Ensign William Vincent, with 16 of the State Regiment, Salem men ” attacked them again. Middlesex County militia also battled the raiders. The harried Loyalists lost their main hostage and several men, but they did make it back to Sandy Hook. The Packet reported that the militia and state troops had one man killed and one man wounded. Nathaniel Scudder, Monmouth County’s leading political figure, heard of the raid. He wrote of it as well: On Saturday night, a party of Refugees came as high as Colts Neck and took Captain Huddy with the loss of one of their party, killed three. It is said Col Tye being wounded in the wrist -- their design was to surprise the guard at Colts Neck or to come and burn the Court House & town of Freehold, where we were prepared to give them a warm reception. Scudder further described the skirmish between the militia and raiders, and Huddy’s escape: I hear that a party of Middletown militia waylaid the enemy on their retreat and fired on them in their boats with such effect that a considerable number, at least 8 or 9, were killed, and one of their boats overset, in which Captain Huddy happened to be, by which means he made his escape and swam on shore, having however received a ball from our people in his thigh. Sources describe Tye’s wound as fatal, but disagree as to whether Tye was killed by tetanus and gangrene. Militiamen Recall the Colts Neck Raid Three militiamen recalled counter-attacking the raiders in their postwar veteran pension applications. Rick Geffken, who has studied Tye’s last raid exhaustively, notes that some of the details in these accounts are not likely to be true. John Johnson recalled engaging the raiders near Eatontown (though the skirmishing likely climaxed at Black Point). He exaggerated the size of the raiding party: The refugees were about 150 in number, that John Dennis was the captain in the engagement, in this skirmish, Col Tye, a back refugee who, by his depredations had become the terror of the neighboring country, was killed. John Dennis was dead by the time of this skirmish, but his brothers continued to captain Shrewsbury militia companies. Samuel Johnson recalled the raid vividly; he recalled the raiders escaping with the assistance of a British frigate: He was called off his bed by his under officer & commanded immediately to repair to headquarters at Colts Neck; that the refugees had that night made an attack on Captain Huddy's house at Colts Neck and wounded him under the command of a negro; deponent went to headquarters and marched with the company in the direction of the Highlands where the refugees fled to in order to effect their escape in their route to New York. That just as the company had arrived at the Highlands, the refugees reached their boats & were plying up to a place called the Gut, a few miles downwind from Sandy Hook; that the company & deponent, among the rest, fired several rounds at them until a British frigate from Sandy Hook bore down toward them & fired on them and forced them to break off the attack. Oakey Van Osdol of Middlesex County was stationed in Monmouth County at the time. He “was attached to a company commanded by Captain Thomas Chadwick.” Van Osdol “volunteered on an alarm occasioned by the landing of a company of refugees from Sandy Hook at Black Point, who marched from there in the night to Colts Neck in order to go to Monmouth County to rescue some prisoners in jail there.” Colts Neck did not have a jail; Van Osdol was likely referring to militiamen detained at Colts Neck for courts-martial . Shrewsbury militia officers were imposing massive fines against disaffected militiamen—making it probable that the raiders hoped to take the officers or at least break up the courts-martial. Van Osdol recalled that “the militia and David Rhea’s Company of Light horse from Monmouth [Freehold] pursued them & overtook a part of them in a cornfield in Rumson under the command of a Lieutenant Hulet and a negro called Colonel Tye.” He recalled the death of the Loyalist leader Hullet: He heard Lieutenant Joseph Hulet [actually William Hullet] call out 'come on boys' – some of his men said he had better come back and Hulet said 'damn their blood we can catch some of them' upon which declarant with the other two with him fired at Hulet – one ball struck him in the hip & came out at his groin – he took a few steps fell on his face and died. One of Hulet’s refugees returned our fire & his ball struck a post near where we were standing. Van Osdol further described the pursuit of the raiders and the skirmish in which Huddy escaped: Captain David Rhea with his troop of horse pursued the refugees to Black Point. The Middlesex Militia had collected at Sandy Hook between the Highlands of Neversink and lay in ambush at the Gut & when the boats with the refugees came along they fired upon them & killed several of the men & wounded Captain Huddy in the thigh but not mortally. In the confusion the boat in which Captain Huddy was, overset & he swam ashore. Interestingly, Van Osdol’s account reveals that the dead Loyalist leader, Hullet, was from Eatontown. Van Osdol wrote that after the skirmish he “went up to Eatontown and told Joseph Hulet that his son was killed. He came & took the corpse away." For the African-American Loyalists, the non-capture of Huddy was compounded by another defeat. In the mid-1800s, Edwin Woolley would write "An Account of the Massacre of Negro Refugees.” Sam, formerly a slave of the Wooley family, ran off to Sandy Hook to join the Loyalists. Sam was in a party that raided near Tinton Falls; they were pursued to Long Branch on their retreat. The entire party was bayoneted to death by militia except Sam, who was stabbed several times and left for dead. He was found by locals and returned to the Woolley family. He recovered and lived the rest of his life as a slave. Woolley claimed that Sam "carried with him to the grave marks of eleven bayonets on his hands and breast." It is probable that some African-American Loyalists left Sandy Hook for the lower Monmouth shore after these defeats, where they merged into the Pine Robber gangs of that region. Joshua Huddy Bestowed Hero Status The raid on Colts Neck was a failure. The Loyalists lost Tye, Hullett, and other men. They did not prevent the courts-martial from occurring. The raid also raised the public esteem of Joshua Huddy—a man they loathed. Huddy’s increased standing was reflected in legal proceedings on November 2. The Shrewsbury Township Magistrate, John Longstreet, had taken possession of "three horses, two cows, eight hogs, twenty bushels of Indian corn and several acres of grain still in the ground, five feather beds & sundry articles of household furniture" which Huddy claimed. A writ ordered Sheriff David Forman (an ally of Huddy) to return Huddy's goods to him in exchange for "sufficient security." The writ was signed by Governor William Livingston. It was unusual for the Governor to involve himself in a petty case—and this suggests that Huddy’s newfound “hero” status may have influenced the Governor’s involvement. Huddy would again command a company of State Troops in 1781 and was assigned to Toms River in 1782. In March of that year, a Loyalist party came for him again—they razed the village and took him. Three weeks after that, he was taken from jail , brought back into New Jersey, and hanged. Huddy’s hero status likely contributed to his death. Related Historic Site : Colts Neck Inn Appendix: Pennsylvania Packet Report on Tye’s Colts Neck Raid On Sunday morning, the 29th instant, 72 men, composed of New-Levies, Refugees and Negroes, under the command of Lieuts. Josiah Parker and William Hewlet, about an hour before day, attacked the house of Captain Joshua Huddy in the following manner, viz. staving the windows to pieces, and ordering the damned rebels to turn out-This awoke Capt. Huddy, who, having two loaded guns at hand, made use of them in a proper manner through the windows; and by the assistance of a girl, who carried his cartridges and rammed, he interchanged his firing up and down stairs, in such a manner, that the assailants took it for granted a small scouting party must be there; by this means he repulsed them, but they renewed the attack again, and fired the house, which induced him, on the entreaty of Mrs. Huddy and another woman, to capitulate on honorable terms and be delivered himself up a prisoner. On their entering the house, when they found none but himself had defended it, and their brave Negro Tye, (one of Lord Dunmore's crew) wounded, it was with the greatest difficulty he was prevented from being murdered. They broke the honor they had pledged, by not leaving Capt. Huddy and his family, a second change of cloathes; and, after near two hours spent in taking this one man, they made a shameful and silent retreat. A short time after, six militia men pursued and came up with them and killed their refugee Commander. After this they embarked in their boat, and passing the gut between Sandy Hook and the main, Ensign William Vincent, with 16 of the state regiment, Salem men, attacked them again. The first fire, Capt. Huddy, their prisoner was wounded, but is like to do well. This threw them into such confusion, that they overset their boats, four in number, and about twenty were killed and drowned. This gave Capt. Huddy an opportunity of attempting to make his escape by swimming, which he with much difficulty accomplished. We had but one man shot and wounded. This account is taken from Captain Huddy himself. Sources : National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John Johnson of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#24148566 ; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p214; Claghorn, Charles E. Women Patriots of the American Revolution, (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press Inc., 1994) p 72; Benson Lossing, Pictorial Fieldbook of the Revolution (reprint: Kessinger Publishing, NY, 2006) v2, p366 n3; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Samuel Johnson of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#24646107 ; Nathaniel Scudder to John Scudder, New Jersey Historical Society, Letters: Nathaniel Scudder; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Van Note of Ohio, S.9507; Library of Congress, Early American Newspapers, Pennsylvania Packet, September 3, 1780; Virginia Gazette, October 21, 1780; Writ to Sheriff David Forman, Catalog of the Exhibition: Joshua Huddy and the American Revolution, Monmouth County Library Headquarters, October 2004; Wolley’s account is in Monmouth County Historical Association, Steen Collection, box 1, folder 13. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Capture of the Outlaws John and Robert Smith by Michael Adelberg Out-of-state and British deserters committed various crimes against Monmouth County’s farm families as they sought to go to and from Sandy Hook throughout the Revolutionary War. - May 1780 - Prior articles have demonstrated the rise in violence and felonies during the Revolutionary War in Monmouth County. County courts of Oyer and Terminer were held in 1778 and 1779, resulting in several capital convictions. Pine Robber gangs committed numerous violent crimes along the shore and interior pinelands. Loyalist raiding parties conducted numerous “manstealings” —including more than a dozen militia officer kidnappings in the summer of 1780 alone. On top of all of this, small bands of British and Loyalist prison escapees and outlaws traversed Monmouth County on their way to and from British lines via Sandy Hook. This was known by state and local authorities. On January 20, 1779, the New Jersey Gazette published a notice about these roving men: It appears that a constant correspondence is kept up, and traffic carried on between the Refugees of New York and disaffected persons in this State and Pennsylvania, chiefly by way of Shrewsbury. Magistrates and other officers would do well to examine suspicious people traveling to and from that place. The Capture of John and Robert Smith On May 27, the Pennsylvania Gazette printed a brief account written from the jail in Philadelphia: John Smith and Robert Smith, charged with the murder of Mr. Boyd, a collector of the County of Chester, are taken and secured in the gaol of this city. The vigilance of the good people of Freehold in New Jersey on this occasion does them honor, and particularly the Sheriff of Monmouth County, David Forman, Esq., [cousin of Colonel David Forman] whose son, a youth of nineteen, after receiving the fire of Robert Smith, at twenty yards distance, took them both, and drove them before him to the guard. The Pennsylvania Evening Post further reported that "the two Smiths…were brought to this city. They were near Shrewsbury on their way to New York. They made their escape by force of arms from the party that first took them, but were afterwards both taken by a single man." On May 31, Colonel Samuel Forman, commanding the Upper Freehold militia, wrote an account of the same incident that was published in the New Jersey Gazette . He wrote that the family of Sheriff David Forman was at breakfast when: A soldier almost out of breath burst into the room, and stated that he and another soldier were conducting to the Court House, two men, taken up on suspicion at Colts Neck; they had knocked down his comrade, seized his musket and escaped. Sheriff Forman rode off for the courthouse to raise a posse while his seventeen-year-old son, Tunis Forman, loaded a musket with bird shot. Tunis was not with his father when "he discovered the men sitting on a fence, who, on perceiving him, ran into a swamp." Tunis pursued the men for a mile. Smith fired on Tunis but missed, then young Tunis Forman “compelled the men to throw down the musket by threatening them with death if he did not instantly comply.” Forman then “drove them to the court house, careful, however, to keep them far apart to prevent conversation." Sheriff David Forman and Tunis brought the men to Philadelphia on May 24, where they were handsomely rewarded. That day, the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, drew up an order, "in favor of David Forman, Esq., County of Monmouth… for the sum of £20,000, the reward offered by the Board for securing John Smith and Robert Smith." There are two additional accounts of the capture of John and Robert Smith from the early 1800s. Samuel Forman (not the militia Colonel, but a cousin of Tunis Forman) wrote a memoir that included a mention of the capture: A cousin of his, Tunis Forman, about seventeen years of age, met two robbers; after one fired at him and missed, he, getting advantage of them in the adjustment of his gun, forced them to throw down their weapons, when he marched them several miles, and lodged them in jail at Freehold; for this brave act, young Forman received a large reward. In his postwar veteran’s pension application, John Staatesor, a private in the State Troops in May 1780, recalled capturing John and Robert Smith while serving as a sentry at the Colts Neck farm of Captain Jacob Fleming. He found the outlaws on the road and asked them for papers or the countersign. When they produced neither; he arrested them and took them to Fleming's farm. The Smiths were unarmed but carrying bridles in their packs (suggesting they were planning to steal horses). Staatesor was ordered to take them to the county jail at Freehold. However, the next day, while being walked to Freehold, the Smiths escaped their two guards. That is when the Forman family was alerted, leading to Tunis Forman’s remarkable capture of the two outlaws. Other Out-of-County Outlaws The capture of John and Robert Smith is the best-documented incident of Monmouth Countians capturing roving outlaws heading to New York, but it certainly was not the only such incident. Historians Harry Ward and David Fowler both noted a connection between Upper Freehold Loyalist partisans, John Woodward and Samuel Woodward, and the notorious Doane Gang of Pennsylvania. They collaborated in robbing John Hart, the Burlington County Collector in October 1781, taking £2,000 in currency. Elizabeth Woodward sheltered members of the gang. Burlington County court papers read, “The jurors here conclude that Elizabeth Woodward… did conceal Moses Doane, Nathan Tomlinson and divers others" while they were armed with "guns & pistols and other weapons" despite knowing them to be "notorious thieves and robbers." The Pine Robber , Lewis Fenton, on the day after the Battle of Monmouth, sought to rob the Cooper family south of Freehold only to be chased off by a band of German soldiers, deserted from the British Army, who may have had more ambitious larceny in mind. Later in the war, Lt. Colonel Klein, a German officer who deserted the British for the Continental Army, was arrested in Monmouth County while attempting to illegally go to New York. African Americans were also lured to Sandy Hook by British promises of freedom . One example was documented in the New Jersey Gazette , which advertised: "taken up at Toms River on July 20th [1779] a Negro man who called himself John Thomas, but made his escape." Over the course of the war, there are more than a dozen documented cases of military officers picking up deserters from British ships at Sandy Hook. The first deserter was taken in Monmouth County on May 14, 1776, three weeks before the Declaration of Independence was signed. As the British Army traversed Monmouth County during the Battle of Monmouth campaign, hundreds of deserters wandered parts of the county. No doubt, they committed many petty crimes on their way toward eventually surrendering. British navy deserters came over from Sandy Hook throughout the war. Loyalists from as far away as South Carolina came through the county on their way into British lines. Colonel Lewis Nicola recorded taking up deserters from the Hunter , a guard ship at Sandy Hook: five on June 14, 1779, six more on August 12, three more on September 10, and seven more on January 12, 1780. On April 5, 1779, Continental Army Captain Walter Finney reported chasing a Loyalist party near Shrewsbury. The Loyalists eluded Finney’s troops but Finney’s men took others: The whole detachment set out in quest of them [Loyalist raiders], missed the main object, but in our route took two negroes and one deserter and two suspected persons, put the whole, with one other deserter, into one room--the two most noted villains in irons. Deserters were not always trouble, some attempted to integrate into civilian life. A British navy deserter, Charles Jackson, settled at “Clamtown” just south of Monmouth County. He served faithfully in the local militia, even battling a British raiding party at “the Battle of Little Egg Harbor ” and serving on the privateer, Two Sisters . Other deserters were apparently living at Freehold in early 1780; Loyalist William Smith, on February 21, recorded that British offers of amnesty to German deserters who "have got into rebel lines at Freehold." But the experience with Peter Berry may have been more typical. Berry deserted from the British Army during the Battle of Monmouth Campaign and settled at Allentown where he was employed as a tailor under an indenture. On September 10, William Lloyd, the township constable, advertised him as “absconded”—Berry had broken the indenture that bound him to Allentown. Deserters were still being picked up by militia late in 1782. John Little, a Justice of the Peace for Shrewsbury Township, recorded receiving seven deserters on October 15, another deserter on November 16, and one more on December 21, 1782. More than once, British prisoners who escaped from inland prisons traveled across Monmouth County on their way to Sandy Hook. David Brearley wrote on September 1, 1779, that: "A few days ago, three British soldiers were apprehended making their way through the pines to the Monmouth seashore, in order to get to New York." On examination, the men were found to have walked all the way from the jail in Frederick, Maryland (which had housed fifty Monmouth Loyalists two years earlier). Armed robberies in Upper Freehold Township continued into 1780. On May 31, the New Jersey Gazette reported: A number of armed villains supposed to be about twelve broke open the house of Mr. John Holmes of Upper Freehold in Monmouth County, and robbed him of 400 or 500 Pounds Continental money, a silver watch, a gold ring, silver buckles, a fire lock, a pair of pistols, clothing, provisions and ammunition. Upper Freehold Township remained unsafe into summer 1782. On June 18, New Jersey’s Upper House (the Legislative Council) recorded receiving: Affidavit from Abraham Hendricks, Collector of the Township of Upper Freehold, proving robbery having been committed on his house on the evening of June 12th last by a number of armed men, who robbed the house of cash and effects to considerable value… Robbed by a number of persons unknown, armed and associated into a party, two of whom entered the said house with muskets, and putting the family in fear, robbed said Hendricks of considerable sums of money and effects. Two months later, the New Jersey Gazette published an announcement from John Cox of Upper Freehold, Chairman of an association of citizens living from Allentown and Burlington. He called on local magistrates and militia officers: To attend particularly to the vigorous execution of the law against vagrant and idle persons, the Act to prevent illicit trade and intercourse with the enemy, and the law passed 10th Jan'y 1779 to prevent persons traveling through this state without a passport; and, in a word, use their every possible means in their power to effect the grand purpose of disappointing the Enemy. By war’s end, there was at least one robber gang that combined Pennsylvania and Monmouth County Loyalists. On August 6, 1782, Pennsylvania’s Supreme Executive Council recorded interrogating two robbers, Jesse Vickers and Solomon Vickers. The Council learned that “it appears probable that Caleb Paul [of Pennsylvania] is now confined in gaol in the County of Monmouth, under some other name.” It also warned the New Jersey Government that two members of the Woodward family were robbing with the Vickers family in Bucks County Pennsylvania: Ordered, that a communication be made to Governor [William] Livingston, with a request that he may be delivered to this state, and also inform Governor Livingston that two men named Woodward, who lived near Crosswicks, have been concerned in robbing the Treasurer of the County of Bucks. The same gang of robbers—the Vickers brothers, two members of Upper Freehold’s Woodward family , and perhaps a few others—killed a militia sentry, Richard Wilgus, near Allentown, before heading west to Bucks County. The New Jersey Gazette reported: One Richard Wilgus, with several others were watching the road below Allentown in order to detect person with contraband goods, were attacked by a number of armed men, when the said Wilgus fell sacrifice to their cruelty; he was shot through the bowels and in one of his arms, of which he is since dead. Monmouth Countians seeking to live normal lives faced many dangers during the American Revolution—including militia service and clashes with various Loyalist enemies. These included military clashes and Loyalist raids. All of these dangers and disruptions were considerable—but so was the increase in violent crime related to external outlaws coming through the county on their way to or from British lines. Related Historic Site : Covenhoven House Sources : Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p 387; The New Jersey Gazette notice is printed in William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 136; Pennsylvania Archives, Minutes of the Supreme Executive Council,1859, v 12, p396; Library of Congress, Early American Newspapers, Pennsylvania Evening Post; Pennsylvania Gazette, May 31, 1780 (CD-ROM at the David Library, #28071); Samuel Forman, Narrative of a Journey down the Ohio and Mississippi, (reprint) Wentworth Press, 2016, p6; Samuel Forman’s account, published in the New Jersey Gazette, and reprinted in William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 129-30; Chester County Historical Society, Diary of Walter Finney; Pennsylvania Gazette, September 19, 1778 (CD-ROM at the David Library, #25766); New Jersey Archives, (Call Printing: Paterson, NJ, 1903) vol. 2, p 438; National Archives, Charles Jackson, R.5513, State Ohio, Ross County; Continental Congress accounts, Peter Force, American Archives, (Force and Clarke: Washington, DC, 1837) Series 4, vol. 6, p1667; Records of John Little, Justice of the Peace, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Gloucester County Docket Book, coll. 860; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) p 234; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Notice from David Brearley in Pennsylvania Archives, Minutes of the Provincial Council, 1859, p285; Papers Relating to the War of the Revolution, v3, p285; David Bernstein, Minutes of the Governor's Privy Council, 1777-1789 (Trenton: New Jersey State Library, Archives and History Bureau, 1974) p 222-3; The robbery of John Holmes is in William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 137; William Nelson, Austin Scott, et al., ed., New Jersey Archives (Newark, Trenton, Somerville, 1901-1917) vol. 4, p 401; Minutes of the Governor's Privy Council, 1777-1789 (New Jersey Archives, 3d ser., Trenton, 1974), vol. 5, p 458; Records of Lewis Nicola, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 187, item 169, #35, 116, 136, 191; Information on the Doane Gang is in Harry Ward, Between the Lines, 120, 130-3; Pennsylvania Archives, Minutes of the Supreme Executive, v 13, p344; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, August 7, 1782, reel 1930. . 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Loyalist Raiding Party Murders John Russell by Michael Adelberg Long Branch was within easy reach of Loyalist raiders at Sandy Hook. One party, lured by a nearby privateer, landed at the house of John Russell and killed him. The party’s leader was also killed. - March 1780 - Prior articles discussed that Loyalist raids increased in number and ferocity in 1779 and 1780 as irregulars (non-soldiers) started raiding Monmouth County with impunity. These raids were ungoverned by officers and lacked military objective—the common end-result were “man-stealings ” of particular Whigs, often to settle an old score. The raiders were financed by the plunder they carried off, creating a cohort of raiders who were financially dependent on raiding. The Attack on John Russell’s House The first well-documented raid of this type was the March 30, 1780, attack on the house of John Russell, Sr., of Long Branch. The New Jersey Gazette reported that on March 30: A party of Negroes and Refugees from the Hook landed at Shrewsbury in order to plunder. During the excursion, a Mr. Russell, who attempted to make some resistance, was killed and his grandchild has five balls shot through him, but is yet living. Mr. Russell, however, previous to his death, shot one of the ring leaders. Capt. Warner of the privateer brig Elizabeth was made prisoner by these ruffians, but got released by them two half-Joes. This banditti also took off several persons, among whom were Capt. James Green and Ensign John Morris of the militia. John Russell, Jr., later recalled the attack on his family. Parts of his account differ from the newspaper account: His father persuaded him not to fire, but did so when they broke into the house. When they broke into the house, the father fired first, but missed his aim; he was fired upon and then was killed. John Russell then fired upon the man [William Gillian] who shot his father. During the fray, young Russell was shot in the side, after being wounded he fell on the floor and pretended to be dead. The refugees went to plundering the house. The mother and wife of John Russell were lying in the bed with a child; the child was awoke... a refugee pointed his gun and fired. Whether he really intended to wound the child or only frighten is uncertain, but the child as before stated, was badly wounded but recovered. As the refugees were preparing to leave, one of the number [John Farnham] pointed his musket at John Russell as he lay on the floor and was about firing, saying he did not believe he was dead yet, whereupon another [Richard Lippincott] knocked up his musket, saying it was a shame to fire upon a dying man. John Russell ominously noted that he later "aided in visiting merited retribution on the refugees for their doings." This is a reference to Russelll’s participation in the murder of Philip White (who was captured at Long Branch in March 1782). White was a member of the party that killed his father. Antiquarian sources add details to the narrative: a party of seven Loyalists entered the home of John Russell. John Russell, Sr., shot at them but missed. The party’s leader, William Gillian, retaliated by shooting and killing John Sr. at close range. John Russell, Jr., was also shot and survived by feigning death. John Russell, III, a boy, was shot while in bed. The Loyalist party reportedly included Richard Lippincott (who would become infamous for hanging Captain Joshua Huddy two years later). Lippincott restrained another Loyalist, John Farnham, from murdering John Rusell, Jr. Sources disagree on some details, particularly with respect to when William Gillian, the Loyalist leader, was shot. One source claimed that Gillian, "when about to stab an aged Whig by the name of Russell, into whose house he had broken, he was shot by Russell's son, who lay wounded on the floor." If Russell, Jr. had shot Gillian, then Farnham’s desire to kill Russell, Jr., is explainable. The postwar veteran’s pension application of William Talman corroborates Gillian’s death, but suggests Gillian was killed in a skirmish with Shrewsbury militia after leaving Russell’s house. Talman wrote of skirmishing with the Loyalists after the Russell house attack. They skirmished with "Bill Galleon [William Gillian], a Captain of the Refugees. whom they killed at John Russell's in Shrewsbury near Long Branch." Why was the Russell family targeted? John Russell, Sr., was an ascending member of the Christ Church in Shrewsbury—being first named to the vestry in 1778. That congregation went from Loyalist-led to Whig-led by 1778 and Russell certainly played a role in this transition. John Russell Jr. was also a militiaman in the part of the county where militia service, though officially mandatory, was not enforced. So, the Russells were likely disliked by local Loyalists. Important details on the Russell House raid are only hinted at in the sources above. It appears that the raiders were lured to Long Branch, and the Russell house in particular, by the presence of a privateer and its captain. It also appears that the Loyalist party battled with militia after leaving the Russell House—likely alerted by family members who escaped. The capture of two militia officers—including Captain James Green, the most active of Shrewsbury’s militia captains—was a significant blow to the Shrewsbury militia. It lacked active officers and was already missing several of its senior officers, captured nine months earlier at Tinton Falls . The raiders likely understood that the leaderless militia would be impaired in responding to their attack. John Russell, Jr., After the Attack The killing of his father and wounding of himself and son, made John Russell, Jr., a strident Whig. In August 1780, Russell, Jr., was one of a few men listed as a “collector” of fines against militia delinquents —a dangerous assignment in disaffected Shrewsbury Township, where Whigs known to be carrying cash were vulnerable to attack. Russell, serving under Richard Laird, also seized the goods of suspected London Trader, Samuel Cories, which was challenged before the state’s Supreme Court. Russell testified in May 1781: The plaintiff being on duty near the lines, he seized the wagon & two horses of the defendant with lead boards going into enemy lines and the defendant not giving the plaintiff proper satisfaction what he was going to do with said boards, plaintiff ordered the wagons & drove toward Colts Neck. Like many other Whigs living along the shore, Russell Jr., eventually moved inland for safety. In January 1782, he joined Captain John Walton’s company of State Troops . He is listed as living in Freehold on the enlistment roll. Three months later, he would participate in murdering the captured Loyalist, Philip White, a member of the Loyalist party that killed his father. The raid on the Rusell family merits its own article because it was well enough documented to support an article, not because it was an exceptional event. On April 5, the New Jersey Gazette reported on two other small raids that occurred within days of the Russell House raid: Last week, a party of the enemy landed at Tinton Falls and carried off six or seven of the inhabitants prisoner. Another small party which landed at Middletown carried off a Mr. Bowne, who had but three days before been exchanged and just returned home. Beyond this brief mention in the New Jersey Gazette , these other two raids—both of which were roughly equivalent to the Russell House raid—went undocumented. Thus, it is not possible to write about these other raids. It must be wondered how many similar raids went completely undocumented. Related Historic Site : Long Branch Historic House & Farm Sources : Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of William Talman of NJ, National Archives, p9-11; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; John Russell’s recollection is in Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 65-6; Christ Church Vestry List, Monmouth County Historical Association, Vault, Shelf 4, Christ Church (Shrewsbury) - Vestry Book; List of Warrants, Shrewsbury Militia, Holmes Family Papers, Revolutionary War Series, New Jersey Historical Society; Samuel Corlies vs. Richard Laird, New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #7595; State Troops Muster Rolls, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 89, p2, 6, 9, 11. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Countians Fight at Battle of Germantown by Michael Adelberg Gen. William Smallwood commanded about 400 Monmouth troops at the Battle of Germantown. In the confusion of battle, red-coated Monmouth men took fire from Continental soldiers. - September 1777 - In August 1777, the main body of the British Army in America landed at Elk Head, Maryland and began marching north toward Philadelphia. George Washington’s Continental Army rushed south to face the advancing British. A call went across New Jersey for patriots to join them. First Monmouth Countians March to the Defense of Philadelphia Although documentation is lacking, at least one company of Monmouth County militia marched into Pennsylvania in early September to join the Continental Army as it prepared to defend the capital along the Brandywine Creek in southeastern Pennsylvania. Two Monmouth County militiamen recorded participating in the Battle of Brandywine on September 11 and were at the Paoli Massacre on September 20. Joseph Kelly of Middletown recalled: As many as could be spared from the shore went and, as fast as we could go, we arrived there in the beginning of September 1777, some miles below Philadelphia. Captain Smith went with us. He was one of Washington’s captains (regulars). We were placed under General Wayne [Anthony Wayne] at the Battle of Brandywine, which was a few days after we got there. It was a hot siege that we had there. That same night we left the battleground and filed off towards Philadelphia. We arrived there next morning, it rained and we were tired and had a very bad time. We soon encamped on French Creek. Shortly afterwards, we were sent into General Wayne’s detachment near the Paoli tavern. He remembers the night of the massacre well and a horrid night it was too, the British used the bayonet only and made a terrible slaughter. Kelly’s narrative is corroborated by Thomas Patten of Shrewsbury who recalled "working on artillery carriages for the purpose of forming a flying company” in August “to march to the main army which was making head against the British.” Patten went “with seven others, were selected from said village on account of our activity & spryness. We marched toward the main body & joined the division under the command of General Greene [Nathanael Greene]." Patten manned a cannon at the Battle of Brandywine, which lasted eleven hours. The long day took its toll: “My head was so severely injured by the repeated explosions as to cause the blood to gush from my ears & create a deafness that has continued to this day." After the Paoli Massacre, most of the Monmouth men fell back to Philadelphia and marched to Trenton, where they were dismissed. But some of the men stayed in Philadelphia and then marched west to guard the fleeing Continental Congress. Stephen Seabrook recalled his company "guarding the Congress from Philadelphia when the British was advancing on that city." David Forman Raises a Large Force Even before this first group of Monmouth men returned home, another call went out for more support. Governor William Livingston ordered out militia from across New Jersey. Beyond the militia call-out, Major Thomas Mifflin of the Continental Army, who participated in toppling the Loyalist insurrections in Monmouth County eight months earlier, made a direct appeal to Colonel David Forman for help. Mifflin knew Forman commanded an (undersized) Continental Regiment in Monmouth County. As Continentals, they would not be subject to the militia alarm. On September 14, Mifflin wrote directly to Forman about the need to protect Philadelphia and then appealed for help: I believe that forty or fifty light cavalry from your state will be of infinite aid to us -- if they can be formed into a troop & sent forward without delay they will render essential service to America. I will supply them with forage. It is not clear if Forman responded to Mifflin, but Forman, who was also the militia general over Monmouth, Middlesex, and Burlington counties, raised 900 men and crossed into Pennsylvania on September 25. The exact number of Monmouth Countians is unknown, but Monmouth militiaman Zachariah Hankins recalled marching with “Captain [Michael] Sweetman's company and some other companies of militia [Captains William Schenck and Benjamin Van Cleave], Captain [John] Burrowes's company of regulars, and [Joshua] Huddy's artillery company, all under the command of Col. Holmes [Asher Holmes] and Genl. Forman.” Solomon Ketchum of Middletown recalled the march: Marched from Shrewsbury to Freehold when they were joined by some companies from Middletown and Freehold and, under the command of Colonel Asher Holmes, proceeded to Allentown where they stayed all night. Next day they marched to Burlington and crossed the Delaware at Bristol... Was ordered to cook three days provisions, which was done. One company of Forman’s Continentals joined the militia on the march, including the company of Captain Burrowes, the largest in the regiment. In all, the Monmouth Countians may have numbered about half of Forman’s 900. But some of these men never made it to Pennsylvania. Tunis Aumack recalled, "he marched part of the way to Germantown… but his company was sent back to drive off the British and Tories who were pillaging along the shore in their absence.” While Forman’s force was considerable, its size disappointed General Washington. He wrote Forman on the 26th: "I am sorry to find you cannot bring on so respectable a force as we both could wish & had reason to expect.” He asked Forman to “collect your scattered parties as soon as possible." In a letter to Elbridge Gerry, Washington confided that he had expected Forman to bring at least 1,500 men. The British Army took Philadelphia the next day. Forman circled around the British Army in the city and joined up with General William Smallwood’s Maryland regiment west of Philadelphia on September 27. They stayed with the Marylanders for the next week. Monmouth Countians Fight at the Battle of Germantown On the morning of October 4, Forman’s militia, together with Smallwood's Marylanders, were ordered by General John Sullivan, to “march a further circuit to the rear of the right wing to attack the British right flank.” The longer march and unfamiliarity with the land caused the Smallwood-Forman brigade to arrive later than expected. Foggy weather and smoke from cannon fire caused low visibility on the battlefield. In the confusion, Continental troops fired on each other. Forman’s regiment, wearing red uniforms taken from the British six months earlier, may have added to the confusion within the Continental ranks. One of Forman’s men, Koert Schenck, recalled that Captain Burrowes' company “who all wore red coats and were fired at by some of our troops by mistake." The next day, Major Asher Holmes of the Monmouth Militia (soon to be Colonel) wrote his wife about the battle. He recalled being in a brigade with "the Jersey militia and Red Coats under Gen. Forman and the Maryland militia" under Smallwood. Initially, the New Jersians and Marylanders "drove the enemy" but "by thickness of the fog the enemy got in our rear" and the Continentals around them retreated. According to Holmes, “the enemy was within a 120 yards of us in the hottest fire." Despite this: The Monmouth militia and Forman's Red Coats stood firm and advanced upon the British Red Coats until our ammunition was nearly exhausted and the enemy advancing on our right flank, Gen. Forman then ordered us to retreat which we did in pretty good order. Holmes noted that “the officers are all well since the battle, our army is in good spirits... we have lost very few, if any, killed and not many wounded.” Other sources add to Holmes’s account. An anonymous eyewitness recalled the brave (and perhaps exaggerated) action of a Monmouth man named Barkalow: During the heat of the Battle of Germantown, while bullets flew as thick as hail stones, one Barkalow (of Monmouth) was leveling his musket at the enemy, when his lock was carried away by a ball. Undismayed, he caught up the gun of a comrade just killed at his side, and taking aim, a bullet entered his muzzle and twisted it around like a corkscrew. Still undaunted, our hero immediately kneeled down, unswerved the lock from the twisted barrel, screwed it into the barrel from which the lock had been torn, and blazed away at the enemy. The newly-raised artillery company of Captain Joshua Huddy made the march to Germantown but did not make it into the battle. Jerusa Sanford, wife of one of Huddy’s men, William Sanford, recalled that “their piece was an iron one and very heavy so they were kept out of the battle." William Stryker, who extensively researched New Jersey’s Revolutionary War soldiers in the late 1800s, determined that one of Forman’s men, Gershom Vanderhull, was fatally wounded and two other men (Andrew Mains and Jesse Vanderule) were wounded at Germantown. But Stryker did not record the wounding of Thomas Patten, who wrote: “Received a wound with musket ball in my side so severe as to disable me until the later period of the spring [1778]." He was taken back to Freehold "and remained there until late fall when I was taken to the hospital at New Brunswick until the latter part of May." After the battle, the Monmouth men briefly stayed with the Army. Ketchum recalled that his “company became much scattered” during the battle and it likely took some time for the men to find each other after the retreat. Catherine Reid recalled that her husband, John Reid, took part in “burying two soldiers killed at Germantown.” Jerusa Sanford also wrote that her husband buried the dead after the battle. Forman’s men soon returned to New Jersey. Hankins recalled: "After the battle, they remained a few days with the army and came back to Trenton under Genl. Forman, his company was discharged at Monmouth Court House and he went home." The total period of the call-out was six weeks, according to Benjamin Berry of Captain Sweetman’s Company (Freehold Township), but different companies mustered at different times, so Berry’s time estimate was not universal for all of the Monmouth men. In total, Monmouth Countians responded well to the call to defend Philadelphia. Their conduct demonstrates a considerable turnaround from ten months earlier when the county militia “laid down its arms” rather than face Loyalists emboldened by the British advance across New Jersey. That the Monmouth militia advanced on the enemy in pitched battle, despite lacking munitions and training, is noteworthy. However, Monmouth County paid a price for marching so many of its patriots out of state; the county suffered (at least) two Loyalist attacks during the absence of its most patriotic Whigs. Postscript: David Forman and the Defense of Red Bank Even before David Forman left Pennsylvania, George Washington requested his return. He wrote Forman on October 6: You having informed me that the time of your present brigade of militia is near expiring, and that many others who came out here for no certain amount of time are anxious to return home, you have my permission to march... When they cross the river, you may discharge them. But I must beg that you will use your utmost endeavors to collect a number equal to what you have brought to join the army under my command. Two days later, the New Jersey Assembly passed an act to raise 2,000 militia under Forman. Governor Livingston accordingly called out the militias of Hunterdon, Burlington, Middlesex, Monmouth & Sussex counties to assemble at Princeton. However, Forman was not optimistic. He wrote Washington from Freehold on October 11: “Your Excellency observes that the order calls for 2,000, neither the Legislative body nor myself expect that so many will march." Forman wrote Washington from Princeton on October 15: “I do not believe I shall collect three hundred men.” Only the Burlington County militia turned out, Forman noted needing to keep many of his own men on the Jersey shore to protect the salt works (in which he was heavily invested). He reported of the Monmouth militia: The Monmouth militia turned out quite well as before, but from the interruptions of several enemy pillaging parties into that County during my late absence, the inhabitants have been led to petition the Legislative body that no part of their militia may march off, and have succeeded for the present. In an October 19 letter, Washington acknowledged the need to protect the salt works requested whatever men Forman could spare. He was more forceful in his next letter to Forman on October 21. “I request in the most urgent manner that you use your utmost exertions immediately to collect a large body of your militia and hasten to the relief of that post [Red Bank on the Delaware River].” Washington argued that the immediate threat to Red Bank was more important than theoretical threat to the salt works: What I have said is on supposition that the danger to the salt work is not so great as to require the whole force you may be able to gather to defend it. I do not mean to neglect the precaution necessary for their security, they are of too much importance; but the defence of Red Bank is an object of the greatest moment. Forman marched for Red Bank on October 21 and arrived at Red Bank on October 26 with an unknown number of Monmouth men. He sent for the assembled Burlington militia. On his arrival, he began quarreling with Silas Newcomb, the militia general commanding the New Jersey militia from the southern counties. Forman complained about Newcomb to Washington who responded: “Your complaints respecting the conduct of Gen Newcomb give me more concern.” But Washington deferred to the New Jersey government to consider the dispute. Governor Livingston sided with Forman and, two weeks later, ordered Newcomb to transfer his command to Forman. As late as October 29, Forman was still collecting men. He wrote Washington from Red Bank: The Excessive rainy weather has prevented the troops from Monmouth and Burlington coming forward as fast as I could have wished—They are however some of them this day advanced as far as Haddonfield and will in the morning be down, when I will Immediately incorporate them with the two Garrisons—They will not be equal to our wants. On November 1, Washington wrote Henry Laurens, President of the Continental Congress, about the situation at Red Bank. He complimented the efforts of Philemon Dickinson (senior general of the New Jersey militia) and Forman “whose conduct and zeal upon every occasion, give them a claim to the Public esteem.” But he was still disappointed with the New Jersey militia’s turnout. David Forman’s Controversies Cloud the Defense of Red Bank Meanwhile, Forman’s troubles with the New Jersey Legislature were coming to a head. Forman had left Red Bank to rally more men to its defense. He wrote Washington from Princeton on November 7 complaining about his continued quarrels with General Newcomb and new quarrels with the New Jersey Legislature: Two Petitions ware handed into the Assembly most unjustly charging me and sundry other Gent. with undue practices on the day of election & praying the election to be set aside—The Petition was read in the House and a hearing ordered on Tewsday [sic] next and a notice served on me to attend. I immediately went to the Assembly, informed them of my situation and requested the hearing might be deferred for a few days until the militia ware assembled and put in some order—My request was denyed [sic]. Forman told the Assembly, “it was impossible” for him to attend the Legislature while rallying the militia and leading the defense of Red Bank. Forman then informed Washington that he had “returned” his militia Brigadier General’s commission to the legislature. Forman also accused the legislature of insufficiently supporting the war: I have long been disgusted with the indolence and want of attention to military matters in the Legislature of this State; I was determined to spin out this campaign in my Slavery until I found a set of Men plotting by the most unfair means to stain my reputation. Washington was saddened by Forman’s resignation. He wrote Livingston, "General Forman has, to my great concern, and contrary to my warmest solicitations, resigned his commission upon some misunderstanding with the Assembly." Forman returned to Red Bank. Despite having resigned from the New Jersey militia, Newcomb was removed and it appears Forman continued on as the de facto commander of the assembled New Jersey militia. On November 24, General Nathanael Greene noted that the New Jersey militia “under Forman” was leaving Red Bank. However, militiamen who had been recruited into the army during their service at Red Bank would have to stay. Related Historic Sites : Battle of Brandywine Visitor Center (Brandywine, PA); Cliveden (Germantown, PA); Red Bank Battlefield Park Sources : Cyclopedia of New Jersey Biography, David Forman, American Historical Society, New York City, 1921 Page 25-29; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Benjamin Berry of VA, National Archives, p4-6; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Van Note of Ohio, S.3114; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Zachariah Hawkins of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#22623931 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Patten of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#27227091 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Kelley of PA, www.fold3.com/image/# 26180227; David Forman to [?], Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collection; Donald Brownlow, A Documentary History of the Battle of Germantown (Germantown, PA: Germantown Historical Society, 1955) pp. 11, 47; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, September 26 and 29, 1777; George Washington to Elbridge Gerry, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 11, 19 August 1777 – 25 October 1777, ed. Philander D. Chase and Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2001, pp. 326–327; Mary Hyde, Jersey at Germantown, New York Times, May 3, 1896, p1-2; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Tunis Aumock; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Jonthan Hildreth of NY, www.fold3.com/image/#22779401 ; Contained in: National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John Reid of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# 14359840; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Benjamin Van Cleave; William S. Stryker, Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary War (Trenton: Naar, Day & Naar, 1872); Anonymous Account, Hezekiah Niles, “Centennial Offering” (New York: A. S. Barnes & Co., 1876), p 497; Charles Lefferts, Uniforms of American, British, French & German Armies in the Revolution (New York: 1926) p 31; Sullivan, John, Letters and Papers of Major John Sullivan, Otis G. Hammond, ed., 2 vols. (Concord, NH: 1930-31) vol. 2, p 543; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Reid; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Koert Schenck; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Stephen Seabrook; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Solomon Ketchum of NY, www.fold3.com/image/#25013139 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Patten of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#27227091 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - George Taylor; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of William Sanford of NJ, National Archives, p3-5, 22-3; Asher Holmes, Letter Concerning the Battle at Germantown, 1777, Proceedings of the NJHS, vol 7, 1922, p34-5; George Washington to David Forman, Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p163. Postscript Sources : David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, October 5 and 9, 1777; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, October 8, 1777, p 195; William Livingston to David Forman, in Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, pp. 89-90, 93, 94-5; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, October 10 - 16, 1777; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, October 10 - 16, 1777; George Washington to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections; George Washington to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections; George Washington to David Forman, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 9, pp. 402, 411; George Washington to David Forman, Arthur Pierce, Smugglers' Woods, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1960) p 232; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 3B, reel 17, October 20, 1777; George Washington to David Forman, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 11, 19 August 1777 – 25 October 1777, ed. Philander D. Chase and Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2001, pp. 572–573; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 45, October 25 - 31, 1777; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 45, October 25 - 31, 1777; David Forman to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 13–16; David Forman to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 49–51, 59; George Washington to William Livingston, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 9, pp. 485-6. Library of Congress, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 168, item 152, vol. 5, p 161; George Washington to Henry Laurens, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 78–85; William Livingston to Silas Newcomb, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, pp. 99-100; David Forman to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 151–154; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, p 108; Nathanael Greene, The Papers of General Nathanael Greene (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1976) vol. 2, p 206. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth County Intersects with the Yorktown Campaign by Michael Adelberg British attempts to rescue their trapped army at Yorktown were reported by David Forman, observing their fleet at Sandy Hook. Rumors and real information mixed during the Yorktown siege. - July 1781 - After the defeat of Loyalists at Kings Mountain in fall 1780, the tide of the war in the South turned against the British. By summer 1781, General Charles Cornwallis’s Army had marched north into Virginia in search of local support and supplies. Lacking both, he camped his army on the York Peninsula and waited for relief from the sea. The British were soon trapped by Continental and local forces. In July, George Washington and Jean-Baptiste Rochambeau (leading the French Army in America) decided to march for Virginia to finish off Cornwallis. The move was risky—as it left New Jersey largely open to British incursions from New York and the plan was dependent on the French fleet arriving at the mouth of the Chesapeake in time to turn back any British fleet that might attempt to rescue Cornwallis. As noted in prior articles, the poor communications and long distances made the whereabouts of the French fleet a frequent mystery . Preparations for the French Fleet On July 21, Washington wrote to Colonel David Forman of Manalapan, his best intelligence source for British movements at Sandy Hook. "Under the strictest injunctions of secrecy," he informed Forman that the French fleet under Admiral Francois DeGrasse was expected. Washington asked Forman to report “with the utmost dispatch” on British movements at Sandy Hook and the arrival of the French fleet: You will be pleased to take some militia horse into pay and station them at such distance from New York to Dobbs Ferry that they may perform the ride in twelve to fifteen hours - the horsemen need not know the particular purpose for which they are stationed. On August 1, Forman reported to Washington that he had executed the general’s orders. Forman wrote again on August 3. He requested supplies for "sixteen artificers of the French Army" who landed on the Monmouth shore. Forman also reported that "these men tell me that the whole of the French Army are on the march to this State, that 20 ships have arrived at the Hook, and that New York will soon be invaded." Forman was correct that the French Army (marching from Rhode Island) was in motion, but wrong that the French intended to attack New York. The French would soon link up with Washington’s Army and march for Virginia. As he had done before, on July 31, Washington sent for Captain William Dobbs of the New York Line. Before the war, Dobbs was the resident pilot at Sandy Hook. Washington sent him into New Jersey to pilot the French ships in July 1778 . Dobbs was sent two more times when the French fleet was expected on the Jersey shore (but did not arrive). Washington ordered Dobbs: I wish to procure a number of those Pilot[s] you formerly engag’d, and who are particularly acquainted with the Navigation of the Hook & North River, and with them repair, as soon as possible to Capt. [Patrick] Dennis’s at Baskenridge [sic], where you’ll continue ’till you receive further orders from Genel Foreman of Monmouth. Like Forman, Dobbs was ordered to keep the mission secret, “I must enjoin upon you to not [give] your thoughts to anybody, and as much as possible to prevent the Pilots you engage making known their business." The pilots were to meet and remain at the ready at Baskin Ridge. Washington likely did not send the pilots to the shore because the presence of Sandy Hook pilots at the shore would likely be reported to the British by disaffected locals. That, in turn, would raise the alarm in New York. On August 13, Washington sent an additional order to another pilot in the Continental Army, Captain Patrick Dennis. He was to link up with Dobbs at Baskin Ridge and await Forman’s orders. The pilots were to head to Monmouth County on word from Forman that the French had arrived: There will be no danger between Baskin Ridge and Monmouth Court House, and from thence to the shore an escort will be easily procured, especially when it shall be found that a French Fleet is off. Boats will undoubtedly be sent from the Fleet sufficient to carry you off—Genl Forman will have gone on board before you can get down and will have informed the Admiral that you are in waiting. As intelligence from Forman arrived, Washington passed it along to his French allies. On August 3, he wrote Jacques DeBarras, a French naval officer, that the French fleet under Count de Grasse "should come immediately to Sandy Hook.” Therefore: I have lodged dispatches for him with General Forman of the Militia of Monmouth on the coast of New Jersey not far from Sandy Hook, a Gentleman in whom the utmost confidence may be placed. In these I have given the Count information of our position, strength and prospects, as also of the probable force and divided situation of the enemy. Washington wrote of “Captain Dobbs, one of our most experienced pilots.” Dobbs was waiting “with as many more as he can obtain at a secure place contiguous to the Hook, that they may be ready to go on board the Fleet the moment they are assured it is that of our Ally.” A week later, Washington forwarded DeBarras more intelligence from Forman: "By a letter from General Forman of the 3rd of this Month, I am informed that Admiral Rodney [British Admiral George Rodney] is expected upon this Coast, and he mentions a circumstance which seems to corroborate the opinion; it is, that a large store ship is kept at Sandy Hook with provisions and vegetables." Forman’s next surviving report to Washington was dated on August 23. He noted the arrival of a British fleet at Sandy Hook where "they appear to be very busy overhauling their rigging & c." Forman had interrogated a deserter who informed him that the French fleet was at Rhode Island. On August 29, Forman suggested that the French would take losses if they attacked Sandy Hook "occasioned by the narrowness of the passage that would only admit their coming down by single ships." Forman sent reports again on August 31 and September 1, 2, and 6. He had interrogated "a branch pilot that was on board and piloted the [British] fleet lately arrived at this station" and sent information from that pilot. Forman also sent forward plans for conveying intelligence to Washington as he marched south for Yorktown. Forman wrote: I have sent forward some horsemen to Allentown & Burlington, there to cross the Delaware to Bristol - if they have been able to get quarters at the several posts, agreeable to my directions, this will pass very rapidly to your Excellency's hands. On September 6, Forman noted that the frequent intelligence reports were taking a toll on him, writing: "though far from well, I rode down yesterday" to personally view the British fleet from the Highlands. Washington, now in motion, told Forman to send additional intelligence through the Continental Quartermaster General in Philadelphia, "if anything worthy of notice takes place under your observation, I shall thank you for its communication thro' the QMG, Col. Miles, in Philadelphia." Deceptions and Rumors Accompany Yorktown Campaign Meanwhile, rumors flew regarding Washington’s intent. One rumor was that Washington was heading to Amboy and Middletown to attack Staten Island and Sandy Hook in combination with a French attack on New York. The journal of Colonel John Trumball reveals that these rumors were deliberately spread by Washington to deceive the British. He wrote on August 21: The general wants to cover his design as much as long as possible--for which purpose all our views, talk & some preparation seem to look toward Staten Island & Sandy Hook... French ovens are building in Chatham in Jersey--others ordered to be prepared at a place near the Hook & forage contracted to be delivered to the French Army immediately on their arrival at that place. Elias Boudinot, a New Jersey delegate to the Continental Congress, wrote that Washington summoned a Monmouth Countian "who was suspected of giving intelligence to the Enemy & put a number of questions to him about the situation of the country about Middletown and Sandy Hook where the man was born and bred.” Washington then “urged him the most profound secrecy." But Continental leaders knew the old man would spread the rumors that Washington had seeded. Unfortunately, the identity of this man is unknown. Rumors also flew regarding what the British might do to relieve Cornwallis. On September 8, early in the Yorktown siege, Governor William Livingston reported that "it is said and fully believed that 6 or 7,000 men [British soldiers] are going [to Cornwallis's assistance], & that they are to land at Monmouth and pass through the State." That landing never occurred. With Washington’s Army in Virginia, the Continental Army was largely unable to protect New Jersey from a large incursion. This weakness enflamed rumors of British intentions. On September 21, Colonel Samuel Forman of the Monmouth County militia worried about reported British movements on Staten Island in a letter General William Heath, whose small army faced the British: There is considerable movement on foot by the British, there is 5 or 6,000 troops on Staten Island, provided with 200 wagons -- The opinion is that this [Monmouth] county is their object, the season approaching that calls for forage to be provided, their business to go where it can be obtained with the least fighting, we have nothing but militia to oppose them, excepting 50 State Troops. Samuel Forman’s report was not substantiated and the British did not leave Staten Island. Victory at Yorktown and Continued News from Sandy Hook Meanwhile, David Forman continued to send reports, now to Thomas McKean at Philadelphia. His September 20 report conveyed essential intelligence that “Admiral [Thomas] Graves with twenty ships” had returned to Sandy Hook. This meant that the attempt to relieve Cornwallis had failed. DeGrasse’s fleet arrived off Norfolk in time to turn the British away at the Battle of the Chesapeake on September 5. On October 8, Forman wrote McKean again. He worried that two naval squadrons were now at Sandy Hook and that the British were preparing to put the combined fleet to sea: Admiral Graves is exerting every measure to equip his fleet, and although I am informed Congress ridicules the idea of his returning to the Chesapeake, I have such full assurance of his intentions of making a second attempt to relieve Lord Cornwallace [sic], that I cannot doubt it. McKean forwarded Forman’s intelligence to Washington at Yorktown. He further noted that the British had attempted to communicate with Cornwallis via three small boats sent for Virginia via the New Jersey shore. The first boat was taken on the New Jersey shore. It was: Named the Andre, carrying brass six pounder in her bow, eight blunderbusses, and twenty men armed with muskets… was entrusted with one set of dispatches, I found it was hidden on the beach, where she was taken. A second boat was also taken, but the third boat was at large. McKean sent men to Little Egg Harbor "in quest of it, but the beach is so extensive, and so many places like each other, that it is not yet found." Forman sent a letter to General Heath on October 19. It included observations on British movements at Sandy Hook. He noted that the largest British warships were unloading at Sandy Hook "for the purpose of making their ships light as to insure their quick passage over the bar -- their 80 and 90 gun ships not being able to pass it at any time with their complements of stores on board… the reason for their failing to get out yesterday was for want of water.” In so doing, Forman confirmed the advice that American pilots had previously offered French admirals about Sandy Hook being too shallow for ships of the line. Forman reported continuing to have express riders in place to ride for Morristown. Heath forwarded Forman’s intelligence to McKean on October 24. He wrote: The British fleet, consisting of twenty-five ships of the line, three of 50 [guns], three of 40 [guns] and a number of frigates, with Sir Henry Clinton and 6,000 troops sailed from Sandy Hook to Virginia. -- That after the ships got over the bar, the troops were taken from the transport and put on the men of war, and the former returned. This report, with its exaggerated details, was distributed to additional Continental leaders. However, Forman’s fears were soon discounted by Cornwallis’s surrender—also on the 19th. Forman’s last surviving intelligence report from 1781 was sent to Washington (returned from Virginia) on December 16. Forman described, “The sailing of a very considerable fleet from Sandy Hook -- I am sorry I have it not in my power to form an opinion of their destination or what they have on board." With winter coming on, Forman noted that “I have discharged the horsemen I had engaged for that purpose” because of the "far advanced season of the year and sailing of the fleet.” Washington concurred with Forman closing down his operation, writing on January 2: "I approve of the discharging of the horsemen mentioned, as it at present is a very inactive season, their being continued in service would be a very unnecessary expense to the public." While Forman’s reports were not always accurate, there is no doubt that his services were valued by Washington and other leaders. Related Historic Site : American Revolution Museum at Yorktown (Virginia) Sources : George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 79, July 21 and August 1, 1781; George Washington to William Dobbs, 31 July 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-06550, ver. 2013-09-28); John Bakeless, Turncoats, Traitors and Heroes, (New York: DaCapo, 1998) pp. 339-40; Personal Correspondence: David J. Fowler, Letter: David Forman to ?, August 3, 1781; George Washington to Count de Barras, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw220497)) ; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw220532)) ; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw220545)) ; John Trumball, Journal, in Benjamin Silliman, Catalogue of the Col. John Trumball Letters and Papers (Thomas Birch's Sons, Philadelphia, 1897), p 56; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 80, August 23 and 29, 1781; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 80, August 31, 1781; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 80, September 1, 2, and 6, 1781; Goerge Washington to David Forman, Fraunces Tavern, George Washington to David Forman, September 6, 1781; William Livingston to Joseph Reed, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 4, pp. 288-9; David Forman to Thomas McKean, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Thomas McKean Papers, vol 2, p6; Samuel Forman to William Heath, Massachusetts Historical Society, General Heath Collection, Samuel Forman to Gen. William Heath; Elias Boudinot, Journal of Historical Recollections of Events During the Revolutionary War (Phila: Frederick Bourquin, 1894) p41-2; David Forman to Thomas McKean, Pennsylvania Historical Society, Thomas McKean Collection, vol. 2., p 32, David Forman; Thomas McKean to George Washington, Paul Smith, et al, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1970) vol. 18, p 128; David Forman to Wiliam Heath, Massachusetts Historical Society, General Heath Collection, David Forman to Gen. William Heath; William Hath to Thomas McKean, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 177, item 157, #351, 355, 359; David Forman to George Washington, Monmouth County Historical Association, Diaries Collection, box 2, John Stillwell's Diary (photocopy); David Forman to George Washington, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 23, pp. 44-394; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 82, January 2, 1782, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 82, January 2, 1782. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Establishment of the Associated Loyalists by Michael Adelberg In 1780, New Jersey’s last Royal Governor, William Franklin, established the Associated Loyalists, a vigilante group. Potentially, 20% of the Associated Loyalists were from Monmouth County. - November 1779 - By the middle of 1779, thousands of Loyalists had been living as refugees in New York for more than two years—and they were frustrated. The British Army had stopped campaigning in the North and the navy had lost control of the waters outside of Sandy Hook. The confiscation and sale of Loyalist estates spiked their resentments, and so did a steady diet of reports of rebel abuse in New York newspapers. This May 1779 report is just one example. Continental authorities were reportedly "chaining men together by dozens and driving them like cattle, flinging them into loathsome jails, confiscating their estates, shooting them in swamps and woods, hanging them after mock trials; and all because they would not abjure their rightful sovereign." Officers, whether British or Loyalist, believed rebels were guilty of abuses against peaceable Americans whose only crime was remaining loyal to their King. Patrick Ferguson, a British officer who commanded and conversed with Loyalists daily (and raided Monmouth County twice) similarly observed: Ravages everywhere wantonly committed, without regard for sex or age, friend or traitor, and consequent alienation of every thinking mind from the Royal cause. Most of the houses are indiscriminately plundered, beds cut up and windows cut to pieces, the man robbed of their watches, shoe buckles and money, while their wives and daughters have their pockets and clothes torn from their bodies, and the father and the husband who does not survey all of this placid countenance is beat or branded with the name traitor or rebel. Establishing of the Associated Loyalists William Franklin, the son of Benjamin Franklin and last Royal Governor of New Jersey, emerged as the leader of an aggrieved set of Loyalists. In early 1779, the Loyalist Andrew Elliot wrote about the illegal lumber trade from New Jersey: "The refugees [are] all employed in cutting wood on rebel lands by which they make money and help keep the town well supplied; they wish much to be embodied under a command of their own." Franklin would soon provide Loyalists with “a command of their own.” On May 29, 1779, Franklin proposed a plan to General Henry Clinton, commanding British forces in America, to establish "a Board of Intelligence” through which Loyalists would be "united & employed for the purpose of procuring, digesting & communicating intelligence of the designs & motions of the enemy." The Board would take testimonies under oath, inspect captured letters, issue rewards for intelligence, maintain spies in rebel territory, and report useful intelligence to the British. While it is unclear if Clinton approved of this plan, the Board began forwarding intelligence to him in June. The Board of Intelligence soon gave way to a bolder endeavor. In November, Franklin and colleagues established the Board of Associated Loyalists. The Board sought broad powers to maintain its own: armed bodies, conduct raids, and capture and exchange prisoners. Clinton responded with suspicion. He did not ban the group, but limited its powers in two key respects. Clinton wrote that Associated Loyalist “descents” (raids) required the approval of a British officer and he further warned Franklin that "any persons whatsoever who shall attempt to pass the King's ships or posts or make a descent on the enemy, excepting on the above terms, shall be treated as disaffected persons or robbers." Clinton acquiesced to the Board regarding taking rebel prisoners and negotiating prisoner exchanges, but required that all exchanges be subject to the British-Continental negotiated prisoner cartel. Over time, the Associated Loyalists pushed past these rules. Historian Edward Tebbenhoff estimated that as many as 4,000 men participated in the Associated Loyalists but that, on any given day, the Associated Loyalist could only muster a fraction of their associators—as these men were employed in other pursuits. It is unfortunate that no list of Associated Loyalists has survived. On November 10, Franklin evaded Clinton’s request for a list, writing: “They are so scattered and have been so fluctuated from the practice of engaging themselves under different officers under different excursions that it is impossible to ascertain their numbers." While aspects of the Board’s powers remained at issue, the Associated Loyalists moved ahead. On November 24, the Board’s Secretary, Daniel Coxe, wrote Clinton about the Board’s formation. With false-sincerity, he stated: "We trust our conduct will always be such as to merit your Excellency's patronage and encouragement." A similar letter was sent to Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot, commanding the navy in America, two weeks later. The formation of the Associated Loyalist may have pushed Clinton to do more to govern Loyalists in New York. He wrote on December 15: "I have appointed Colonel Morris [Roger Morris] and William Bayard… to be inspectors of Refugees, from them chiefly, I will know what objects they desire and deserve." Clinton also complained about “a class of these men of more ardent & enterprising disposition, whose zeal & courage I have not been able to bend to useful purposes.” He went on: Their wish is to ravage from their oppressors the property which had often in the past been their own. Such dispositions, as they have induced the capture of obnoxious persons, militia, of forage wood and cattle, I was willing to encourage; but fearing indiscriminate depredations... I have endeavored to restrain their irregularities and invited proposals for introducing a certain discretion and subordination; these efforts have not yet had the wished for effect. However, it was not until spring 1780 that the Associated Loyalists publicly emerged. In March, they conducted a lottery to raise money for suffering Loyalist families; in June, they published a letter in the New York Gazette about the need for "the proposed association of Loyal Refugees." The emergence of the Associated Loyalists was watched in Monmouth County. On or about July 1, the county’s vigilant Revolutionaries founded their own extra-mural group to punish enemies, the Association for Retaliation . The Associated Loyalists, sometimes calling themselves "the Board of Refugees," advertised meetings in the New York Gazette and Weekly Mercury twice in October 1780. The delay likely was because of continued tensions with General Clinton. Tebbenhoff notes that Clinton had to be ordered to cooperate with the Associated Loyalist by British Secretary of State George Germain. It was not until December 1780 that the Associated Loyalists published their charter. In it, they noted that since start of the war: It has been often wished that some regular and efficient system was adopted for employing the zeal of that class of his Majesty's loyal subjects who were unwilling to become soldiers, though ardently inclined to take up arms and contribute towards reducing the rebels. The Board would coordinate Loyalist paramilitaries "for the purpose of annoying the sea-coasts of the revolted provinces, and distressing their trade, either cooperation with his Majesty's forces or by making diversions in their favour." The Board would conduct raids and take prisoners. They declared that "all captures made by associators will be their entire property." They noted that "the prisoners they take will be exchanged only for Associated Loyalists as the Board may name." Despite their independence, Associated Loyalist raiding parties would be supported with British ships, provisions, and hospitals. William Franklin was named to chair their seven-person board. Monmouth Countians in the Associated Loyalists In January 1781, the Board commissioned captains to raise companies of men; three--Richard Lippincott, Thomas Crowell, and Clayton Tilton—were Monmouth Countians. Lippincott reported on February 16 that he had raised 52 men, with two junior officers, Lieutenant John Woodward and Ensign John Irons. Since all three officers were from Monmouth County, it is probable that all or most of the 52 men were too. That same month, Franklin wrote that the Associated Loyalists numbered 500-600 men. If Crowell’s and Tilton’s companies were half the size of the Lippincott company, then roughly 100 Monmouth Countians were in the Associated Loyalists—nearly 20 percent of their membership—a remarkable figure from a single county, given that Associated Loyalists were recruiting from four states. Despite the large participation of Monmouth Countians in the Associated Loyalists, only a few postwar Loyalist compensation claims mention them. This is likely because the group fell into disrepute after Lippincott hanged Captain Joshua Huddy of Colts Neck (detailed in other articles). Lippincott’s application contains only a brief mention of the Associated Loyalists; John Leonard testified on behalf of Lippincott, "that he [Lippincott] was an officer with the refugees of New York & frequently was out with parties." Besides Lippincott, only one other Monmouth Countian explicitly discussed service in the Associated Loyalists. Jesse Smith, formerly of Shrewsbury, had William Franklin testify to his service. Franklin noted that Smith "was a very active and zealous partisan… particularly serviceable in bringing into New York, Lord Cornwallis' [Gen. Charles Cornwallis] men after the surrender at Yorktown.” Smith also “produced supplies for the navy & garrison at New York from the Jersies.” Franklin also noted Smith’s sacrifice: He was several times dangerously wounded; that I recommended him to Admiral [Robert] Digby who furnished him with twenty-five staves of arms, ammunition & provisions for the purpose of bringing off British prisoners kept by the rebels; that he is now greatly disabled, having had his right arm broke & several shot still remaining in him, which gives him great pain and renders him unfit to get his living by manual labor. All three Monmouth County captains were active. Thomas Crowell took prisoners, engaged in prisoner exchange negotiations with Colonel Asher Holmes of the Monmouth County militia, and was warned by the New Jersey legislature regarding his mistreatment of prisoners. He refused to hang Captain Barnes Smock in retaliation for abuses against Loyalists but testified in support of Richard Lippincott when Lippincott did so a few months later. Clayton Tilton was captured and indicted for murder in 1781. Rebecca Shepherd, wife of militia captain Moses Shepherd recalled his capture after the war: Samuel Carman came and & informed her husband that Clayton Tilton, a refugee of notoriety, was off & at home, her husband, John Truax and several more of his men went and took him - and brought the prisoner to their house. Tilton was exchanged and then attempted to negotiate another exchange. In March 1782, he led the incursion into Monmouth County that went badly and resulted in the capture of Philip White, who was subsequently murdered by his guards. Tilton was loaded in irons and convicted of High Treason, but exchanged. Like Crowell, he also testified about rebel cruelties at Lippincott’s court martial trial. Lippincott was the most active. In April 1780, he was in a raid that resulted in the murder of John Russell, Sr., and near death of John Russell, Jr. (the subject of another article.) He raided Toms River in early 1781, but was unable to take the ship that prompted the attack. He raided Manasquan in March and defeated the militia party there, and then captured a vessel near Egg Harbor. He captured a Monmouth County leader in April and then launched another raid from Sandy Hook in May. He attempted to negotiate a prisoner exchange in November without success. In April 1782, with the verbal approval of the Board of Associated Loyalists, he hanged Captain Huddy . The Disrepute of the Associated Loyalists The Associated Loyalists were known to the governments of New York and New Jersey, both of which appealed to the Continental Congress for help. The New York Assembly, in July 1781, wrote to Congress that parties of Associated Loyalists "come in small crafts to plunder, burn and destroy all in their power and carry into captivity unarmed citizens or lay them under parole.” It called on Congress “to stop the inroads and incursions of the Associated Loyalists." In December, Thomas Henderson of Freehold wrote the Continental Congress for the New Jersey Assembly. He called the Associated Loyalists "a new fangled body of Executioners” and further wrote: For the declared intention of distressing the Country [they] have commissioned a body of ruffians for the express purpose of plundering and destroying the well-affected inhabitants and kidnapping the most active defenders of the Country... and of carrying them into the loathsome dungeons of New York where, deprived of the necessities of life, they linger out a few days of painful existence till nature, overpowered by hardships, finds its relief to its sufferings in death. Henderson wanted Congress to threaten the British with eye-for-eye retaliation so that "the vengeance of an injured people may fall on British officers.” He called for New Jersey’s delegates to "press Congress not to make any empty declarations of purposes never to be executed." Henderson personally delivered the report to Congress. It is impossible to know the full activity of the Associated Loyalists. Newspaper accounts and the Board’s minutes mention their larger raids, including one against Toms River in March 1782. From these sources, we know that they raided north into Connecticut and Westchester County, east to the Hamptons on Long Island, and into New Jersey from Bergen to Monmouth counties. But small groups of Associated Loyalists made descents that were not explicitly authorized by the Board and went undocumented. For example, the small raid of Long Branch that led to Philip White’s capture would have gone undocumented were it not for White’s capture and murder being a prelude to Huddy’s hanging. Franklin claimed that the Associated Loyalists "occasioned alarm among the Rebels" because his men had "zeal to suppress the rebellion, heightened by the remembrance of the many insults & injuries they received." This ‘zeal” and “remembrance” of past injuries would push the Associated Loyalists to commit murder. In April 1782, Lippincott took Captain Huddy out of jail in New York, brought him to the Navesink Highlands, hanged him, and left his corpse swinging with a note proclaiming the act a retaliation for the murder of White, three weeks earlier. Retaliation was not a new idea in April 1782. After the surrender at Yorktown six months earlier, Franklin worried that the Loyalists with Cornwallis would “suffer death on account of their allegiance to the Crown” unless Clinton adopted a policy of retaliation. Franklin urged a proclamation: That retaliation shall be allowed to take place in the fullest context possible; or if this should be thought proper with respect to the British Army, that the Loyalists and refugees may have free permission to take and detain prisoners, & retaliate for the particular injuries they or their friends may sustain. Historian William Benton called the Associated Loyalists a "private army for personal reasons." In reality, the Associated Loyalists were much less than an army. They were a set of coordinated gangs tolerated by a British command unwilling to make the hard choice of reining them in. On the other side, the same dynamic existed between Monmouth County’s Retaliators and the New Jersey government. Related Historic Site : Harbor Defense Museum (New York) Sources : William Franklin to Henry Clinton, William Clements Library, Henry Clinton Papers, vol. 58, 60; Wallace Brown, The Good Americans: The Loyalists in the American Revolution, (New York: Morrow, 1969), p. 133; Ferguson quoted in North Callahan, Royal Raiders: The Tories of the American Revolution (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1963), p 10; Joseph Williams discussed in Gregory Palmer, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. and London, 1984) p 934; Elliott’s letter is in B. F. Stevens, ed., Facsimiles of Manuscripts in European Archives Relating to America, 1773–1783, [25 vols., London, 1889–1898], vol. 1, #115; William Franklin to Henry Clinton, William Clements Library, Henry Clinton Papers, vol. 74; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Henry Clinton to Lord Germain, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v99, #26; The lottery is noted in Wallace Brown, The Good Americans: The Loyalists in the American Revolution, (New York: Morrow, 1969), p. 107; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; New York Gazette and Weekly Mercury, October 2, 1780, October 23, 1780; Transcript of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, microfilm, Library Congress; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Edward H. Tebbenhoff, “The Associated Loyalists: An Aspect of Militant Loyalism,” New-York Historical Society Quarterly, vol. 63 (1979), pp. 118-25, 127-39; William A. Benton, Whig-Loyalism: An Aspect of Political Ideology in the American Revolutionary Era (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1969) p 197; Loyalist compensation claims of Richard Lippincott and Jesse Smith in: Jones, E. Alfred. The Loyalists of New Jersey, (Newark, N. J. Historical Society, 1927) p 200. Rutgers University Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Compensation Claims, D96, AO 13/111, reel 10; Rebecca Shepherd’s narrative is in National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Truax; George W. Kyte, “Some Plans for a Loyalist Stronghold in the Middle Colonies,” Pennsylvania History, vol. 16 (1949), p 179-87; William Franklin to Henry Clinton, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v93, reel 2, #454; Howard Peckham, Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L. Clements Library (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978) pp. 502-3, 529, 559 note; Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, January 1781, p. 6; Howard Peckham, Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L. Clements Library (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978) pp. 604-7; Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/18, reel 6; William Franklin to George Germain, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, reel 12, #382, 399; William Franklin to George Germain, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, reel 12, #382, 399; George Germain to William Franklin, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v178, #455; New York Assembly to Congress, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, New York State Papers, v2, p430; The New Jersey Assembly’s report on the Associated Loyalists is in the Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, December 15, 1781, p 58; Franklin‘s estimate is in North Callahan, Royal Raiders: The Tories of the American Revolution (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1963), pp. 244-5. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Associated Loyalists Embrace Policy of Retaliation by Michael Adelberg Gen. Henry Clinton restrained Loyalists from murdering American prisoners in retaliation for abuses against captured Loyalists. Loyalist mistreatment in Monmouth County was a major flashpoint. - January 1782 - As noted in a prior article, in October 1781, the Continental Congress issued a manifesto promising eye-for-an-eye retaliation against captured British and Loyalists for atrocities committed against citizens of the United States. Emboldened by this manifesto, Monmouth County’s Association for Retaliation , a vigilante society, increased the quantity and severity of its acts against its real and perceived enemies. The movement toward more severe retaliation—through which a prisoner would be punished for abuses unrelated to his own acts—progressed on both sides. From New York, the Associated Loyalists were a body of embittered Loyalist refugees who raided into the American countryside in order to punish rebels and bring much-needed farm goods into New York (for which they were paid good prices from British commissary officers). But British commanders never liked the Associated Loyalists—resenting their independence and indifference to the rules of war. Henry Clinton, commanding British forces in America, called the Associated Loyalists "over sanguine refugees whose zeal has but too often outrun their prudence." British Leaders Restrain Retaliation The Associated Loyalists embraced retaliation largely due to events in Monmouth County. In January 1781, Loyalists were loaded in irons in the Monmouth County jail. Thomas Crowell (formerly of Middletown) of the Associated Loyalists loaded rebel prisoners in his custody in irons as an act of retaliation. But Crowell did not undertake more violent retaliation. Loyalist leaders understood that extra-legal murders were a step beyond what the British would tolerate, and an act that could ruin the reputation of men associated with it. The conversation about retaliation, however, continued. James Robertson, the Governor-General at New York wrote to Clinton on January 23. Robertson alluded to Clinton asking him if the civil government headed by Robertson might embrace a policy of retaliation. He acknowledged that Clinton "did not think it expedient to threaten military retaliation." Robertson noted Loyalist requests for retaliation but declined to embrace it himself, writing that Clinton "had already fallen upon a better expedient to recover the confidence of the Loyalists." The next day, Clinton wrote Lord George Germain, the British Foreign Secretary, about his discussions with Robertson and William Franklin (Chairman of the Associated Loyalists) about retaliation: In the cause of debate upon this subject, General Robertson having expressed himself of the opinion that it might be necessary for me to issue a proclamation threatening the rebels with retaliation for any injury they should inflict upon the Loyalists for having joined the King's Army; I told him that I thought punishments of that nature operated more properly in the civil jurisdiction and that a threat of retaliation from the Army would be altogether nugatory to the present hour. Clinton avoided taking a stand on the policy of retaliation; he simply stated that it was not a military matter. Germain had a warm relationship with Franklin and was likely lobbied by Franklin on the need for the British to embrace a policy of retaliation. Germain asked Clinton to offer a gesture of support for the Associated Loyalists if he would not accede to their request on retaliation. Accordingly, on March 9, Clinton wrote a public letter that was published in the Loyalist New York Gazette . Clinton (insincerely) expressed his “continued affection” for the Associated Loyalists and offered "assurances that no post, place or garrison in which Loyalists are joined with the King's troops will be surrendered on any terms which might discriminate between them." He remained silent on retaliation. Clinton’s letter was little solace for strident Loyalists who craved revenge. One such Loyalist was James Moody, who played a prominent role in the raid that razed Tinton Falls in 1779, and whose brother, John Moody, was a Loyalist horse thief killed in August 1781. Moody would write that the Associated Loyalists were "hand-in-glove with similar bodies of depredators on the American side" but were checked by the British, while American vigilantes went unchecked. Moody further wrote of the Associated Loyalists: “One of the objects of the organization was that the Associators could retaliate upon the Americans for outrages and murders committed upon the Loyalists.” And yet the British restrained them: Our Generals suffered these [rebel] executions of the Loyalists to go on, without ever attempting to put a stop to them by threatening to retaliate. Nay, they would not permit the Associated Loyalists to save their friends, by threatening to execute the Rebels, whom these Loyalists had taken prisoners, and they [the Loyalists] held in their own custody. However, Moody also understood that acts of retaliation might beget acts of retaliation from the other side, leading to a cycle of pointless escalation: “It is asserted by the enemy, I fear with good ground, that they are compelled to retaliate for the violences committed by the crews of [Loyalist] whaleboats.” This inspired Whig privateers such as Adam Hyler “that frequently land on Staten and Long Island without a pretense of authority and commit the same cruelties & depredations." Moody also noted that prisoners in the custody of hostile localities such as Monmouth County were subject to abuse. These prisoners should be put in custody of "Continental or State Commissaries of Prisoners." Associated Loyalists Embrace Retaliation There is little doubt that the leadership of the Associated Loyalists, and William Franklin in particular, wanted to kill a rebel prisoner as an act of retaliation. Thomas Leonard, formerly of Freehold, who had served as a major in the New Jersey Volunteers , recalled speaking with Franklin on April 1, 1782. He and Franklin discussed “the relief of Captain [Clayton] Tilton” (jailed in Monmouth County) and the murder of the Loyalist Philip White. Franklin said "he knew of no means to prevent the cruel & barbarous treatment but retaliation, which had been his sentiment from the first." Franklin reportedly said he would "order retaliation" were it within his authority. Two weeks later, Richard Lippincott, at the verbal direction of Franklin, murdered Joshua Huddy of Colts Neck. (The subject of another article .) Henry Clinton did not support Huddy’s execution. He called it "a very extraordinary outrage” and “an unprecedented act of barbarity." He concluded that, "I cannot too much lament the great imprudence shown by the Refugees." He accused the Associated Loyalists of showing only a "trifling" concern to Clinton's misgivings about retaliation. He ordered Lippincott's arrest and court martial to determine who was at fault. On May 1, Clinton stripped the Associated Loyalists of the power to cross enemy lines: "no expedition or excursion against the enemy shall take place from the posts under their [the Board's] charge, without his Excellency's particular orders." No such permission would be granted. The Loyalist publisher, Hugh Gaine, recorded on May 1: "Orders for this day for no farther hostilities at any of our ports, and the Refugees not to go out any more without orders." He also reported "much talk about poor Lippincott." Franklin laid low and then left for England to avoid Lippincott’s court martial and the building taint on his reputation. From England, Franklin stayed interested in the plight of Loyalists but now seemed to understand that the Associated Loyalists lacked the authority to execute a man as retaliation for an unrelated abuse. In June, he wrote Guy Carleton, Clinton’s successor, about the fate of Timothy Scoby and William Herbert, two more Monmouth County Loyalists jailed in Freehold and sentenced to death. Franklin complained: No crime is alleged against them, as we are well assured, but their Loyalty, and one of them was taken on shore going to purchase provisions, and the other within British lines. As it is not within the power of the Board to afford these poor Loyalists the relief they are entitled, especially as retaliation nor threats of retaliation, can be made by them [the Board] without the concurrence of the Commander in Chief, they must beg leave to subject the whole matter to your Excellency's determination. In Great Britain, the ethics of retaliation was debated through the end of 1782. In July, the magazine, The Political Magazine and Parliamentary, Naval, Military, and Literary Journal , printed several letters related to Lippincott’s court martial and rebel abuses. The editor claimed that retaliation, though unpleasant, was effective: This they did in two other instances previous to the death of Huddy and it produced the desired result in the quarter where it was done. Rebel murder and assassinations immediately ceased, and the Loyalists, when taken, were treated with humanity and exchanged; and their cannot be a possibility of doubt, but that had our Generals conducted the war upon the same politic and just principles, the lives of many hundreds of faithful British subjects would have been saved, and the war carried on in a manner humane and civilized. Yet, we lack evidence that American leaders were intimidated into kindness for Loyalist prisoners because of the brazen mistreatment of rebel prisoners. The march toward the ultimate expression of retaliation—murder—in April 1782 suggests the opposite was true. The Associated Loyalists’ embrace of murderous retaliation was stoked by the Association for Retaliation of Monmouth County. Historian Simon Schama labeled retaliation a "brutal vendetta.” He also observed that the escalation toward murderous retaliation was "no surprise" given that men on both sides were motivated by revenge more than any other principle. Related Historic Site : Morris-Jumel Mansion (New York City) Sources : Henry Clinton, The American Rebellion; Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative of His Campaigns, 1775-1782, with an Appendix of Original Documents (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1971) p 192; Alexander Lawrence Flick, Loyalism in New York During the American Revolution (NY: Columbia UP) p113-4; James Robertson to Henry Clinton, Great Britain Public Record Office, CO5/1089, p415-6; Henry Clinton to George Germain, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v93, reel 8, #413; Transcript of the Court Martial of Richard Lippincott, http://personal.nbnet.nb.ca/halew/Lippincott.html ; Cynthia Eldenberg, Jonathan Odell: Loyalist Poet of the American Revolution (Durham: Duke UP, 1987) p129-32; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Thomas Jones, History of New York During the Revolutionary War: And of the Leading Events in the Other Colonies at That Period (Ulan: 2012) pp. 481-3; Susan Burgess Shenston, So Obstinately Loyal, James Moody (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2000) p 138; Anonymous Account in Jared Sparks Collection, Harvard U - Houghton Library, MS Sparks, 49.2, #141; Thomas Leonard’s deposition at Richard Lippincott’s Court Martial, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v107, #240-2, 261, 268; Board of Associated Loyalists to Henry Clinon, Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott Court Martial, reel 1, #187; Henry Clinton to Board of Associated Loyalists in Edward H. Tebbenhoff, “The Associated Loyalists: An Aspect of Militant Loyalism,” New-York Historical Society Quarterly, vol. 63 (1979), pp. 142-3; Simon Schama, Rough Crossings, (NY: Harper Collins, 2006) p140-2; Francis Bazley Lee, New Jersey as a Colony and as a State (New York: The Publishing Society of New Jersey, 1902), vol 2, pp. 249-50; Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Journals of Hugh Gaine, Volume I (New York: Dodd, Mead 81 Company, 1902), vol. 2, pp. 148, 152; Henry Clinton to George Germain, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, CO 5, v105, reel 8, #692-705; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) pp. 507, 511, 529; William Franklin to Guy Carleton, Great Britain Public Record Office, British Headquarters Papers, 30/55, #4768; The Political Magazine and Parliamentary, Naval, Military, and Literary Journal, July 1782, v 4, p 420. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Prosecution of Loyalists Intensifies in Monmouth County by Michael Adelberg Daniel Hendrickson of Middletown was found not guilty of perjury at the Monmouth Court Oyer and Terminer in May 1782. But the Court was hard on Loyalists, meting out six death sentences. - May 1782 - On April 12, 1782, a Loyalist party hanged Joshua Huddy on the Navesink Highlands. A note pinned to Huddy’s chest proclaimed the execution an act of retaliation for the killing of the Loyalist, Philip White, two weeks prior. The hanging of Huddy escalated to the highest levels of the Continental, British and French governments and included the near-hanging of a British officer in retaliation for Huddy. Locally, the leaders of Monmouth County vented their outrage through Monmouth County’s courts. David Forman, formerly focused on military affairs, leveraged his recent appointment as a judge of the Court of Common Pleas to move the county’s courts toward an aggressive anti-Loyalist posture. In May, the Court of Common Pleas restarted the Loyalist estate confiscation process and the county convened a new Court of Oyer and Terminer that was the most punitive court in four years. Monmouth County’s Sixth Court of Oyer and Terminer Monmouth County’s first court of Oyer and Terminer (January 1778) was restrained in its punishments; the second Court of Oyer and Terminer (June 1778) was stoked by the punishing raid against Middletown Point and the imminent invasion of the British Army. That court meted out twelve death sentences, resulting in six executions (six men were pardoned). The Third (July 1779), Fourth (December 1780), and Fifth (November 1781) Courts of Oyer and Terminer were all less punitive. The Sixth Court of Oyer and Terminer was presided over by a five-judge panel comprised of four veteran local judges—Peter Forman, Denice Denice, Richard Cox, Joseph Lawrence—and David Forman, new to the bench. As was the custom, a member of the New Jersey Supreme Court, Isaac Smith in this case, attended the court. The court heard 178 indictments, only the Second Court of Oyer and Terminer had a larger docket. Table 16 lists the 23 men who were tried for crimes that had the potential to carry a death sentence. Six are recorded as receiving a death sentence, one was found not guilty. Nine of the other sixteen men appear in later documents, demonstrating that they were not executed. At the misdemeanor level, the court took on a number of pre-war squires known to be disaffected. It found Edward Taylor (a longtime rival of David Forman) guilty on two counts of perjury and imposed on him an unusually large £200 for a misdemeanor fine. Two other disaffected former officeholders—James Wardell and Daniel Grandin—were charged with seditious words, but the outcome of their cases is not known. Wardell was further charged and found guilty on two counts of trading with the enemy (fined £30). Another disaffected former officeholder—Daniel Hendrickson of Middletown (not the militia colonel of the same name) was also charged with perjury but found not guilty. As with prior courts of Oyer and Terminer, women were tried for misdemeanors at the Sixth Court of Oyer and Terminer. However, the number was lower than at previous courts. The seven women were: Widow Abigail Parker (fined £5); Esther Wilson (charges dropped), Cornelia Johnson, Hannah Davis, Phoebe Brown, Charity Stout (fined £10), and Deborah Leonard (not paying bail from a prior charge). A few prominent Whigs were tried and fined. Elias Longstreet, the captain of the first Continental Army company raised from Monmouth County, was found guilty of assault and fined £10. Captain Stephen Fleming of Shrewsbury Township was charged with an unnamed misdemeanor. Daniel Hendrickson, Jr., son of the militia colonel, was convicted of two unnamed misdemeanors—fined £3 and a whopping £500 for the second count. His brother had been killed by Loyalists in March—raising a likelihood that young Hendrickson did something very ill-advised while grieving. Fines were the common punishment for misdemeanors, but there were two exceptions: David Jones of Stafford Township was sentenced to twenty lashes and Michael Howland was sentenced to nine months in jail. The rationale for these unusual sentences is not offered, but it is likely that these were poor men who it was presumed would be unable to pay a fine. They have also been flight risks. Concurrent with the Sixth Court of Oyer and Terminer Concurrent with the court, David Forman issued warrants to impress horses from eight disaffected Monmouth County residents. On May 20, he directed a former Continental Army officer, Abraham Woolley, "You are hereby, in the name of the State, to impress three good saddle horses from Thomas Thomson, Joshua Anderson, John Anderson, Benjamin Covenhoven, Jacob West or either of them." Similarly, on June 2, Forman directed Constable Peter Sutton, "You are hereby, in the name of the State, to impress a good saddle horse from John Anderson, son of Joshua, Solomon Combs, David Covenhoven, [and] Thomas Thomson." (Thomson was the subject of an impressment order twice.) Forman would later be reprimanded for these orders—lacking the authority to act on behalf of the State. As the court convened, men were left in jail without being charged. 24 petitioners claimed: We have no form of tryal - if any crimes are laid to our charge, we have no chance of defending ourselves, nor any account of how our property, thus torn away, is disposed of tho’ diverse of us have been imprisoned, and one [John Taylor] for months, confined in the common gaol, in the course of which time a court of Oyer & Terminer was sitting over his head - Writs of habeus corpus have been disregarded by the Sheriff - in short, every attempt for relief by course of law has been of no effect. The petitioners blamed the irregularities on David Forman’s “prevailing influence” as “the first judge of the court of common pleas” while also leading an extra-legal vigilante society, the Association for Retaliation . Petition signers were some of the same disaffected squires charged at the court, including Daniel Hendrickson (of Middletown) and Edward Taylor. The Sixth Court of Oyer and Terminer was the first one held in Monmouth County without the threat of Loyalist reprisal. Prior courts were conducted with companies of Continental or state troops stationed at Freehold to provide security. The safer atmosphere was noted by attorney William Paterson who wrote from Freehold on June 2: We have passed our time more agreeably than we have done at any former court, as we have not been under the most distant apprehension of the enemy. The business, as usual, has been troublesome, indeed we have dispatched more [cases] than I expected we should have done. The Pardons of Timothy Scoby and William Herbert Of the Loyalists sentenced to be hanged, it appears that the death sentences on Timothy Scoby and Wiliam Herbert particularly distressed Loyalists. William Corlies, a Shrewsbury Loyalist in New York, wrote William Franklin, head of the withering Associated Loyalists , about Scoby on June 10: Timothy Scoby, as Associated Loyalist, taken prisoner by the rebels on Sandy Hook, within his Majesty's lines, and William Herbert, also an Associated Loyalist, taken by the Rebels on the beach at the Highlands, near Sandy Hook, where he was going to purchase a little bread for the use of his shallop, have been tried for their Loyalty at a rebel court in Freehold, in the County of Monmouth, and have been sentenced to death, to be executed on the Fourth Day of July next. Corlies was “well convinced by his friends within the Rebel's lines that the sentence will be carried into execution” called on Franklin to take action “for the preservation of their lives." Franklin’s Associated Loyalists had been dry docked by the British in the aftermath of hanging of Joshua Huddy. So, Franklin lacked the ability to attack Monmouth County or threaten retaliation. But he promptly wrote to General Guy Carleton, commanding British forces in America, “respecting two Loyalists who were lately made prisoners by the rebels and have been tried for High Treason.” Franklin claimed that “no crime is alleged against them… but their Loyalty.” He complained, “one of them was taken on shore going to purchase provisions, and the other within British lines.” Franklin acknowledged he lacked authority to retaliate, so he put “the whole matter to your Excellency's determination." Carleton promptly wrote Governor William Livingston, on June 12: "Timothy Scoby, taken prisoner at Sandy Hook, and William Herbert, taken also prisoner on the beach at the Highlands, Sandy Hook.” He appealed to the Governor's "moderation and candor." Carleton drew a connection between his inquiry about Scoby and "General Washington justly demanding inquiry concerning the rash execution of Huddy.” Carleton worried that Livingston might be "informed by misinformation" and that Livingston should not be motivated by vengeance against Loyalists. He then flattered Livingston: I will take the fullest measure of reliance on you taking such measures as your own prudence shall dictate to place these men out of danger and that you will not suffer the terms of local law to violate general principles or mingle private or mutual revenge with fair and liberal customs. Scoby and Herbert were spared. On June 20, the Judges of the Monmouth Court of Oyer and Terminer wrote to Governor Livingston: The following persons were capitally convicted, vizt. Richard Phillips and the Negro Jacob for murder, William Herbert & Timothy Scoby for High Treason, the two last, the said Court recommend to your Excellency as the proper objects of mercy, and that they be pardoned accordingly. It is unusual that the Judges did not provide a rationale for the pardons. It seems probable that the Monmouth County judges knew of Carleton’s interest in Scoby and Herbert. They likely looked to lessen the attention on their other sentences by requesting these pardons. Two more Courts of Oyer and Terminer would be held in Monmouth County, in November 1782 and July 1783. The November court had 92 indictments, half the number as the May court, but the court did hand down seven death sentences (one more than the May court). The July 1783 Court of Oyer and Terminer had only 36 indictments and no capital convictions. Concurrent with this court, taxes were effectively collected from the shore region for the first time. James Craig testified (in Jacob Pettinger’s veteran’s pension application) that he and Pettinger were “warned out” in summer 1783 “for the purpose of assisting William Morris on the tax gathering.” They were needed because of “the great number of Tories & disaffected, the taxes could not be gathered without the assistance of the militia.” Craig and Pettinger performed the service "on horseback… for about one month." As the war finally cooled down, normal government functions came into disaffected neighborhoods and the prosecution of Loyalists receded. Related Historic Site : Monmouth County Historical Association Museum Sources : New Jersey State Archives, Judicial Records, Court of Oyer & Terminer, box 2, folder - May 1782; Orders from David Forman, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #4360-4361; Library of Congress, William Paterson Collection, Paterson to Cornelia Bell; William Franklin to Guy Carleton, Great Britain Public Record Office, British Headquarters Papers, 30/55, #4768; Guy Carleton to William Livingston, David Library, British HQ Papers, Carleton Papers, #4780; Court Docket, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 17, June 20, 1782; Petition, New Jersey State Archives, Collective Series, Revolutionary War documents, #32; New Jersey State Archives, Judicial Records, Court of Oyer & Terminer, box 2, folder - December 1780; New Jersey State Archives, Judicial Records, Court of Oyer & Terminer, box 2, folder - November 1781; New Jersey State Archives, Judicial Records, Court of Oyer & Terminer, box 2, folder - November 1782; New Jersey State Archives, Judicial Records, Court of Oyer & Terminer, box 2, folder - July 1783; Court Records, Monmouth Court of Oyer and Terminer, NJ State Archives, #33980; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Jacob Pettinger. 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