The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Leaders Split as David Forman Re-Emerges by Michael Adelberg Elias Boudinot, on behalf of the State, sued Monmouth County’s Highway Overseers for neglecting their duty. This and other disputes stoked tensions between factions of county leaders. - March 1780 - Prior articles showed that, at times, there were bitter disputes between Monmouth County’s Revolutionary Era leaders. For example, the county’s 1777 election was voided by the state legislature after Colonel David Forman, backed by armed men, “harangued” the election-day crowd with accusations about the incumbents he was campaigning against. In January 1779, the Freehold township magistrate, Peter Forman, sent a militia party to seize the grain and hay of Benjamin Van Cleave of Middletown after Van Cleave refused to sell provisions to the county’s Quartermaster agent, David Rhea (also of Freehold). Middletown’s magistrate, Peter Schenck, was outraged that Forman had sent men into his township to take provisions that had been set aside for poor relief. The seizure of goods from two other Middletown farmers would stoke divisions within Monmouth County again in April 1779. A quantity of silks taken from John Holmes and Solomon Ketchum (Middletown) by Elisha Walton (Freehold) led to the famous New Jersey Supreme Court case, Holmes v Walton , in which the Supreme Court overturned the seizure because the October 1778 law allowing it was held unconstitutional. Seizures of vessels by militia units also stoked tensions, as out of area militia often clashed with locals over claims to a vessel. Initial decisions were appealed to the Supreme Court on the likelihood of reversal. A December 1779 petition signed by 120 Monmouth Countians complained that: A quantity of goods was taken, condemned and sold pursuant to the law to the amount of five thousand pounds and the money is in the hands of the officers on duty, ready to divide amongst the men pursuant to the law had not the Judges of the Supreme Court advised the commanding officer stationed at this place not to suffer any dividend to be made of the prize money until the next Supreme Court. The withholding of the money from the men has almost raised a mutiny. The petitioners, mostly from but not entirely from Freehold Township, claimed that they might stop serving on the shore if denied quick access to prize vessels by shore township magistrates: We serve on a frontier county and we believe there will be frequent actions to call out the militia in that time - a great number declare they will not turn out at a future call unless they are allowed to have the benefit of such prizes as the law directs. The various disputes between supporters of the Revolution (they called themselves “Whigs”) had two commonalities. First, they pitted Whigs who were willing shelve the legal rights of individuals in the interest of more vigorously prosecuting the war (Machiavellian Whigs) against those who believed that individual legal rights needed to be protected, even if it made the prosecution of the war more difficult (Due Process Whigs). Second, while there were exceptions, there was a geographic dimension to the division. The leaders from the inland townships of Freehold and Upper Freehold tended to be Machiavellian Whigs. Those in the shore townships—particularly Middletown and Shrewsbury—tended to be Due Process Whigs. (It appears that majorities in the lower shore townships of Dover and Stafford were disaffected .) Struggling to Govern a War-torn, Divided County Aggravating the division between Monmouth County’s Whigs was the inability of county leaders to effectively govern. Evidence of ineffective governance shows up in many places—court dockets show jurors skipping jury duty and constables skipping courts; taxes were inconsistently collected from disaffected neighborhoods; militia delinquency was common in those same neighborhoods and fines for delinquency were ineffective until 1780. The county’s roads were unsafe and poorly maintained. This prompted Elias Boudinot, on behalf of the State, to file an extraordinary “nuisance” lawsuit against the county’s Overseers of the Highways before the Supreme Court in 1780. As a result: Hendrick Hendrickson of Middletown Township was required to post a £50 bond "certifying that the roads and highways will be cleared & repaired." The same bonds were required of Elisha Lawrence and Abiel Aiken for the roads of Upper Freehold and Dover townships. Thomas Little of Shrewsbury posted a bond to clear and repair "the road leading from Freehold to Black Point, and also the road leading from the Falls to Squan bridge to Meteconk bridge." Denice Denise of Freehold Township posted a bond to repair "the road from Covenhoven's to Toms River." Monmouth leaders must have given Boudinot the information necessary to win these bonds before the Supreme Court (presided over by David Brearley, a “Due Process” Whig from Upper Freehold). On March 19, 1780, James Mott, one of Monmouth County’s Assemblymen, spoke to that body on the mistreatment of David Morris by Machiavellian Whigs led by David Forman. Morris was a Continental Army soldier jailed in the county gaol at Freehold. In 1778, Morris defaulted on L10 debt to Peter Imlay (a state Admiralty Court judge). For defaulting, Morris was fined £50 more by Justice Thomas Forman. Morris joined Continental Army and sent his £10 recruitment bounty of Imlay to pay off his debt. He was apparently unaware of the additional fine against him. While home on furlough, Upper Freehold’s magistrate, William Tapscott, arrested Morris for not paying the fine. The Army demanded Morris's release and he returned to the Army without documentation or a decision about the unpaid fine. Mott publicly insulted the Machiavellian Whigs who oversaw the affair: "We have further information that he [Morris] is released from confinement, but by what authority, Mr. Forman could not say." David Forman – Asher Holmes Rivalry In mid-June 1780, a 150-man Loyalist raiding party launched a punishing raid against Middletown. The militia captured one of the raiders. David Forman, at Freehold, interrogated the prisoner. He wrote Governor William Livingston: He confesses he is not a soldier - neither was he to receive any pay - that their sole business was to take a number of inhabitants from their houses and to plunder, & that the plunder was to be divided amongst them. The fact is they were probably a marauding gang. Forman noted the longstanding British policy of executing “marauders,” men who committed violent acts outside of the chain of command. Forman concluded, “Some such example, I am sure, is necessary in this part of the country to deter that class of people, we can no longer be secure at night… If agreeable to the rules of war, prisoners taken in that way [must] be executed.” Forman then turned then wrote Asher Holmes, commanding the militia and state troops on the Raritan Bayshore: "I did expect to receive from you the particulars of the Tory invasion" but did not, "consequently every question will be called as to their [Continental troops] necessity… I have reason to believe we shall in a few days have very few Continental troops." Forman blamed Holmes for the departure of Continental troops from the county, presumably a reference to Major Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee’s dragoons, who were stationed in Monmouth County intermittently through 1779 and 1780. However, Holmes had no duty to report to Forman. Forman was a Continental Army officer (who lacked a command), while Holmes was actively commanding the 1st Regiment of the Monmouth militia and county’s regiment of State Troops . Holmes’ chain of command went through the State’s militia generals, not Forman (who had resigned his militia commission three years earlier). Forman’s dislike of Holmes was evident the following month when Forman criticized Holmes in a letter to George Washington. The specific issue was Holmes’s decision to conduct prisoner exchanges with the Loyalists, a practice that Forman believed encouraged additional “manstealings . ” Forman wrote: The militia here have lately entered into the exchange of prisoners taken when on duty, that the refugee parties take from their own houses or whilst about their usual business. The measure appears to me so replete with evil that I would be wanting in my duty should I pass it unnoticed... with every exchange made, we give encouragement to that British mode of manstealing, once gone into, will always enable them to hold a large ball of prisoners against us. Forman’s dislike of prisoner exchanges continued. By September 1780, Forman was chairman of the vigilante group, the Association for Retaliation . In that role, Forman, issued "Retaliating Committee order no. 16" in which he queried Holmes for information about a potential prisoner exchange for Hendrick Smock: Attending members of the Committee are informed that you [Holmes] have paroled a certain Mr. Williams to go to New York for the purposes of effecting an exchange for Capt. Hendrick Smock, a member of this Committee -- We hope the information is not true. -- If such parole is given and for the purpose aforesaid, we do conceive it counteracting the spirit of the Association [for Retaliation]. We are sorry to learn of your refusal to attend, after first a verbal request from a member, and afterward a note from the Chairman [Forman], without assigning any particular reason. Given the attending member's real concern -- we do therefore request your attendance, or that you assign the particular reason for refusing; and at the same time inform us whether the exchange is effecting for Capt. Smock. It is unknown if Holmes responded, but as an extra-legal body, the Association for Retaliation had no legal authority to require a report from Holmes, much less direct his conduct. Forman’s complaints about Holmes reached Governor Livingston, who must have inquired to Holmes about his conduct. Livingston’s letter has not survived, but it prompted a long and defensive reply from Holmes on December 12. First, Holmes defended his prisoner exchanges, claiming that they had been authorized by Livingston himself: When I was last at Trenton, I informed your Excellency that one of our Commissaries of Prisoners had authorized me to exchange such prisoners of war as are taken here; your reply then was that every commanding officer had a right to exchange their own prisoners - If any exchange going through my hands had been deemed not advisable, I think it would have been consistent with those professions you are pleased to make in your letter to have mentioned [those] to me at that time. Next, Holmes responded to Livingston about the rigor with which he was suppressing the London Trade on an unnamed point of land (which was likely Black Point, present-day Rumson): The intercourse you are pleased to mention with the disaffected of this state, may perhaps exist in the imagination of some, altho’ not reality, for it being a narrow point of land, & the guards above them & scouts round the neighborhood was sufficient to prevent either intercourse or intelligence more than what they have any other time have. The situation of that place is such that the enemy can land there almost when they please (except when we have men on that spot), and the place is by no means safe or convenient to station a guard. Finally, Holmes spoke to the controversy over William Odell, a Loyalist who had landed at Black Point to negotiate a prisoner exchange. Holmes addressed complaints over letting Odell stay at Black Point: As to the censure of some of the Monmouth men I have incurred, your Excellency tells me it will give you particular pleasure to find it has originated from mistake, rather than being founded in reason... I have shown that those that commanded on this county before, allowed a Mr. Elliot and others from New York to come to Shrewsbury & Middletown to visit their acquaintances at these places, & pass through the troops then on duty without being under any restraints that I know of. - I suppose those gentlemen did not think it necessary to go to your Excellency with censure for that transaction & others of a similar nature. Holmes further addressed an allegation that he was too friendly with Odell. Holmes called Odell, “a man I have never saw in my life… neither do I know anything more of his character than from common report.” He further reported that: He came over with a flagg, with two of our officers that had been almost four years in captivity & obtained their paroles for a limited time, as their had been proposals of an exchange for those officers for some taken by the militia of this place, I know of nothing on Odell's character more obnoxious than other common enemies. Finally, Holmes disputed an allegation that Odell was given access to the countryside. Holmes referred to Odell only being “permitted to stay at Black Point, or within half a mile of it, till an answer could be had from our commissary of prisoners respecting an exchange, & as soon as that was obtained they was soon off." Presumably, an exchange was not arranged. The 1780 County Election The animosity between the inland Machiavellian Whigs and Due Process Whigs reached a crescendo at the October 1780 County election. An argument broke out about whether to hold the polls open a second day to allow men serving in the militia along the shore to come and vote—a move that would boost votes for the Due Process Whigs (who lived further away from the county seat of Freehold). The polls were not held open; Assemblyman James Mott was then beaten by David Forman for protesting the closure. The scandalous election was nearly voided by the legislature and is the subject of another article. At the next Court of Quarterly Sessions for Monmouth County, Forman pled guilty to assaulting Mott. Forman admitted that he "did beat, wound and ill-treat him." At the same court, William Van Cleave (from the family that had its rye and hay seized by Freehold Township magistrate, Peter Forman) pled guilty to assaulting Thomas Henderson, the former Freehold magistrate and ally of David Forman. David Forman’s Re-Emergence In 1777, David Forman was the Colonel of a regiment of Continentals and the general of the militias of Monmouth, Middlesex, and Burlington counties. Monmouth county’s civil government was virtually non-existent and Forman filled the power vacuum. However, Forman descended into a string of scandals that included hanging a Loyalist without a proper trial, using his troops as laborers at a salt work he co-owned, and intimidating voters at the county election. Forman resigned his militia commission rather than answer a summons from the New Jersey Legislature and George Washington relieved him of his Continental command in early 1778. After this, Forman retreated from public life. In 1780, David Forman re-emerged as Monmouth County’s most visible leader. He did so in response to vindictive Loyalist man-stealing raids and frustrations that the county’s militia and state troops—led by Colonel Asher Holmes—were not aggressive enough in countering the challenge. Forman helped create and then led the Association for Retaliation, which according to historian, David Fowler, "functioned as a sort of parallel government.” Forman’s re-emergence also split open the simmering division between the county’s Machiavellian and Due Process Whig leaders. As Fowler noted, “The indiscriminateness of their [Retaliator] operations tended to alienate the moderate elements in the county, and thus serve to highlight tensions not only between Whigs and Tories but also among Whigs." Related Historic Site : Victory Park, Rumson Sources : Petition, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives and History, Manuscript Collection, Manuscripts, box 14, #51; Elias Boudinot v Monmouth County Townships, New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #38922; James Mott, presentation, The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, March 19, 1780, p 169; David Forman to Asher Holmes, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 68, July 12, 1780; Retaliating Order no. 16, Monmouth County Archives, Court of Quarterly Sessions, folder: 1780; Asher Holmes to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 13, December 12, 1780; David Fowler, "Furious Whig: A Biography of General David Forman of Monmouth County", unpublished manuscript. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Committees Form to Resist British Policies by Michael Adelberg The Continental Association, October 1774, created a national template for resisting British policies—county and township committees were responsible for enforcing it. - June 1774 - To punish the people of Boston for their “Tea Party” and other defiant acts , the British Parliament passed the so-called Intolerable Acts in early 1774. Colonists across the Thirteen Colonies reacted by boycotting British goods. Americans started forming committees to enforce the boycott and coordinate dissent across localities. The citizens of Freehold Township met at Monmouth Court House on June 6, 1774 to consider the state of affairs. According to minutes of the meeting, they agreed “that the cause for which the inhabitants of Boston are now suffering is the common cause of the whole Continent.” They also endorsed "an entire stoppage of importation and exportation from and to Great Britain and the West Indies.” Finally, they appointed a standing committee to “join an association with the several other counties in this province in any measures that may appear best to the weal and safety of North America." The Committee would be comprised of John Anderson, Hendrick Smock, Asher Holmes, Peter Forman, John Forman, John Covenhoven, Nathaniel Scudder – each of whom would go on to hold important leadership positions in the fledgling American government. While the committees that would soon form in other Monmouth townships contained a mix of men who would support and oppose the Revolution, the Freehold committee was full of ardent patriots (they called themselves Whigs). This would distinguish Freehold from the other Monmouth County townships in the years to come . A week later, on June 13, Josiah Holmes, one of Shrewsbury’s leading citizens, received a letter from the Essex County Committee. He responded by meeting with some other leading citizens in Shrewsbury and putting up a public notice which began: The deplorable state of the inhabitants of the great and (until now) flourishing town of Boston is reduced to by means of the late cruel and inhumane act of the British Parliament, for the blocking up their port, is the fatal occasion that thousands are now destitute of employment, and are also destitute of bread; now they have only to depend on the charity of well-disposed Christians. It is therefore proposed to load a vessel with grain and other provisions from this County of Monmouth, to be sent immediately for their relief. Meanwhile, the people of Monmouth County were called on to participate in the selection of delegates for a Provincial Congress, a state body that would operate outside the influence of New Jersey’s Royal Governor. On July 19, citizens from four of Monmouth County’s six townships met at Freehold to establish a county committee (attending: Freehold, Upper Freehold, Middletown, and Dover; Shrewsbury and Stafford did not attend). In addition to selecting delegates to this new Congress, the attendees agreed to raise foodstuffs for the suffering in Boston and establish a county committee. The new Monmouth County committee declared that British taxes were “altogether unprecedented and unconstitutional” but they also declared loyalty to the King: “they do highly esteem and prize the happiness of being governed by so excellent a system of laws as that of Great Britain, doubtless the best in the universe.” The County Committee quickly became the quasi-government of Monmouth County—with help from the township committees of Freehold, Upper Freehold, Middletown and Dover. Shrewsbury and Stafford townships did not establish township committees until 1775. Over the next few months, the committees of Monmouth County enforced the boycott of British goods by advertising boycott violators. They also raised and shipped “1200 bushels of rye, and 50 barrels of rye flour” for the suffering people in Boston. And they resolved to establish a new militia outside of the control of the Royal Governor. Soon, the County Committee would take action against some of the county’s most public Loyalists. All of this was set in motion before the first Continental Congress established the Continental Association in October 1774—calling on all Americans to take the actions that had already occurred in Monmouth County. Related Historical Sites : Monmouth County Historical Association Sources : Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 43-50; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and Council of Safety , 1775-1770 (Trenton: Naar, Day and Naar, 1879) pp. 4-5; Allan Nevins, The American States During and After the Revolution , 1775-1 789 (New York: MacMillan Company, 1 922), p 44; Monmouth County Historical Association, Genealogical Files, folder - Revolutionary War Records of Monmouth County Soldiers ; Proceedings of the Committees of Freehold and Shrewsbury, Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, First Series, 1846, pp. 186-8; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p119-20; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 301-2; Pennsylvania Gazette , November 2, 1774 Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Defending the Pennsylvania Salt Works at Toms River by Michael Adelberg Often called the “Financier of the American Revolution,” Pennsylvania’s Robert Morris served in the Continental Congress and twice sought to protect the Pennsylvania Salt Works at Toms River. - November 1776 - A prior article discussed the establishment of salt works along the Jersey shore in the early years of the American Revolution. The most ambitious of these salt works was the Pennsylvania Salt Works. It was established at Toms River in July 1776 by Thomas Savadge of Philadelphia with financial backing from the Pennsylvania government. These and other salt works along the Jersey were vulnerable to attack and their defense was a continuous concern. With the Continental Army in retreat across New Jersey in early November, the Pennsylvania government moved to protect its investment at Toms River. On November 2, the Pennsylvania Council of Safety resolved to send "an officer and twenty-five men to the Salt Works at Toms River as a guard, and twenty-five spare muskets and two howitzers, and sufficient amount of ammunition to defend in case of attack." The Continental Congress was also requested to "write to Gov. [William] Livingston of New Jersey for two companies of militia to guard the salt works near Toms River." The Continental Congress acted on this request just three days later but, notably, focused on more than just the defense of the Pennsylvania Salt Works: Resolved, that the President write Governor Livingston and request him to send two companies of militia to Toms River to guard the salt works, and one company to be stationed at or near Shrewsbury to intercept and put a stop to the intelligence said to be carrying on between the Tories and Lord Howe's fleet; that the companies to consist of 50 men each. Meanwhile, Robert Morris, a Pennsylvania delegate in the Continental Congress, advised his state’s Council of Safety: If you were to man Cap Rice’s Galley immediately & send her round to Toms River she would not only save the Salt Works until a proper Land force can be appointed but would also probably be very useful in retaking some of the Prizes the Men of War send along shore for N. York. There is no evidence, however, that Captain Rice made it to Toms River. On November 21, in response to the prompt from the Continental Congress, Governor William Livingston ordered Colonel Isaac Smith of the Hunterdon County militia to Shrewsbury, "You are hereby directed to detach one company of fifty men under your command to be stationed at or near Shrewsbury." Col Bowes Read received orders on the same day to take Burlington militia to Toms River to protect the salt works. With the British Army pushing across New Jersey in late November, it is doubtful that the Hunterdon or Burlington militias reached Monmouth County. The Pennsylvania Salt Works were unguarded in early December when Colonel John Morris and his 2nd Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers re-entered Monmouth County and established Loyalist control over the Monmouth shore. In January, Thomas Savadge wrote about his meeting with Colonel Morris on December 23: When I heard the Colonel and his party were at Toms River, I thought it best to go to him and know the truth of it. When I was introduced to him, he told me he had positive orders from Lord Howe to destroy them [the salt works], but by informing him that ye works were not altogether publick property, he politely told me he would not destroy them or send his party there. Two days later, two noted Tories, John Williams and Joseph Allen, came with orders from General Skinner [Courtland Skinner] to seize the works for the King's use, accordingly, one of them came to the works on the next day and put 'R' for Royal on each building, but Monday morning they decamped in haste and I have seen no more of them since. In the same letter, Savadge reminded the Pennsylvania government that his salt works were still vulnerable: Lord Howe has a galley near completed that carries a brass 18 pounder in her bow & 12 pounder in her stern, with a number of swivels and cohorns, and is intended to lay in Toms River and Barnegat Inlet and in consequence will destroy the works if not prevented by some vessels of the same force stationed in ye bay. The Pennsylvania Council of Safety responded to Savadge’s letter. On February 5, it resolved that “a Captain and a Company of Penns. Regt with two pieces of cannon be sent into New Jersey for the protection of the salt works there [Pennsylvania Salt Work at Toms River], at the expense of this State." Before the Pennsylvania guards arrived, Savadge felt a need to remind the Council of Safety about the problems with the local militia: The militia in this part of the county is by no means calculated for the defense thereof; for more than half of them are Tories and the rest but little better. I am of the opinion that if this part of the county is to be defended it must be by Continental troops who know their duty, or militia of another State. He also reported a rumor about Col. Morris's return, "if this is true, the works are gone." On February 17, the Council of Safety, acting on another nudge from Robert Morris, ordered a guard for the Pennsylvania Salt Works. “Resolved, that the armed boat Delaware , under the command of Richard Eyre, be immediately fitted out and ordered to proceed with all expedition to said works for the defense thereof, until further orders." However, there were delays in readying the vessel and it did not leave for Toms River until March 27. The defense of the Pennsylvania Salt Works was a legitimate concern. An April 1778 British-Loyalist raid destroyed several of the salt works north of Toms River and probably would have destroyed the Pennsylvania Salt Works were it not for a change in the weather inhibiting the raiders. But, in reality, Savadge’s salt work was a failing venture that, despite significant investment, did not produce any appreciable amount of salt. Labor shortages, exacerbated by mandatory militia service, blocked progress and frustrated Savadge. Similar problems would plague the Union Salt Works on the Manasquan River, the other large-scale salt works on the Jersey shore, were it not for soldiers being deployed as laborers. That topic and the demise of the Pennsylvania Salt Works are discussed in other articles. Related Historic Sites : Ocean County Historical Society Sources : William Fischer, The Toms River Block House Fight, March 24, 1782; Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 14, p419-20; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 193-4; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 419; Peter Force, American Archives, 4th series, vol. 3, pp. 182-183; Library of Congress, Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. 6, p 925; Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 6 January 1, 1777 - April 30, 1777, Robert Morris to Benjamin Rush, p311, n2; Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, Vol. I., Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, 1879, pp. 491; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 173, 182-4; William Fischer, The Toms River Block House Fight, March 24, 1782; Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 14, p420; William McMahon, South Jersey Towns — History and Legend (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1973) p 304; Samuel Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives (Harrisburg: State of Pennsylvania, 1902) First Series, vol. 5, p 177; Library Company, Minutes of the Pennsylvania Council of Safety, vol. 2, p114; Minutes of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania (Harrisburg: Theo. Fenn, 1853) vol. 11, pp. 114; Samuel Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives (Harrisburg: State of Pennsylvania, 1902) First Series, vol. 5, p 216; Paul Smith, et al, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1970) vol. 6, p 310 note 2; Library Company, Minutes of the Pennsylvania Council of Safety, vol. 2, p126, 191; Minutes of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania (Harrisburg: Theo. Fenn, 1853) vol. 11, pp. 126, 191; Clement Biddle to John Hancock, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 83, item 69, vol. 1, #355. DH Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The British Burn the Sloop, Endeavor by Michael Adelberg In April 1776, a British Navy sloop sailed off Little Egg Harbor where it chased, beached and burned a small Continental vessel. This may have been the first maritime battle on the Jersey Shore. - April 1776 - With a British naval squadron in possession of Sandy Hook, it was perhaps inevitable that an enterprising British officer would request and receive permission to cruise the New Jersey shore in order to disrupt Continental shipping, avenge prior British captures , and acquire needed fresh provisions for hungry sailors deprived of New York’s markets. Though accounts differ on the exact date and other details, it appears that a well-armed tender of the British frigate, Phoenix , a sloop commanded by a Lieutenant Butler, left its mothership April 10, 1776. Its destination was Little Egg Harbor, the busiest port on the New Jersey shore and the only one capable of admitting deep-hulled vessels. At Tucker’s Island, outside of Little Egg Harbor (on the southern end of Monmouth County, which included present-day Ocean County), the tender found an attractive prey. The Pennsylvania Journal printed an account of what happened next: A small boat belonging to a sloop from Dartmouth, bound to Philadelphia in the Continental service, came on shore at Tucker's on Flat Beach, in whom came a Captain, a mate, and three foremast men belonging to said sloop, which was taken the first inst. in the evening by a King's tender, from out of Sandy Hook, who boarded and rifled her of everything valuable on board; after which they set fire to her and burnt her to the water's edge. The same report further detailed the skirmish that occurred when the Continental boat was captured: “The Capt. has one of his thighs broke and a musket ball thro' the other and the mate is badly wounded in the breast.” And the report revealed the intentions of the British, based on intelligence from a Barnegat man who was aboard the British ship: The said tender intended to come into our inlet with the first north-west wind to take off the cattle from the beaches and destroy all the vessels that were in here. The tender is a small sloop, mounted with two six pounders, four four pounders, some swivels and some small arms, with 36 men on board. Another account of the incident revealed that the Continental boat, Endeavor , commanded by Captain Job Tripp, “was chased and came up with” by the British tender: The tender was not content with firing a broadside at Capt. Trip's vessel, after she had hauled down her sails, but went alongside, after using much scurrilous language, ordered another broadside to be fired, by which Capt. Trip received a ball in his thigh, which has broke... The Mate also had a ball went through one thigh, and lodged in the other; an officer afterwards came on board and told Capt. Trip, that Butler, the Captain of the tender, out of his clemency had consented to give him his boat, on condition he would make the best of his way ashore. Captain Tripp initially claimed that he and his crew were too badly wounded to get themselves to shore, though they eventually did so by driving the Endeavor onto the beach. This likely angered the British and may be the reason they burned the ship. This report concluded that, “The Captain and Mate are both dangerously ill, having been thirty-six hours without any suffering to their wounds. The tender's people, after plundering the sloop, scuttled and set her on fire." On April 20, depositions were taken from two of the surviving sailors, Job Tripp and James Cathill. Their accounts add visceral details about the skirmish: We hailed them twice with our trumpet, but received no answer, but another firing, and hove about, and made after us. We still kept our course, and they after us, continually firing, till about ten o' clock at night. At that time they were about a swivel-shot distance from us ... We immediately hove to, and hauled down our foresail, and were busy in hauling down our mainsail, when they fired a broadside at us; which felled both the Captain and Mate. By their account, they fired two volleys of small-arms just as they fired their cannon and swivels; each volley ten guns. Their carriage-guns and swivels were two four-pounders and six swivels on each side. The Captain was wounded in the thigh, which we imagine to be a swivel-ball, which broke the bone, and shattered it very much. The Mate was also wounded in both thighs; the ball went through the fleshy part of the right, and lodged in the left. A follow up report on the incident, also published in the Pennsylvania Journal , revealed an important additional fact. The man from Barnegat who was aboard the British tender was Arthur Green, who reportedly gave the British “an account of all the inlets about there.” The British used him as their pilot during the attack and the report suggested they would do so again. This appears to be the first instance of a shore resident working directly against the Continental cause; it certainly would not be the last. American sailors were undeterred by the defeat and destruction of the Endeavor . On April 22, a six-gun tender of a British frigate was captured off the New Jersey coast by Captain Barry of Pennsylvania; that same month, the Continental government, in combination with the state of New York, assigned two midsized ships, General Schyler and General Mifflin , to cruise the Jersey shore to pick off vulnerable British shipping and to protect American shipping. The British countered with their own naval build-up, which is the subject of another article . Related Historic Site : National Museum of the Royal Navy (Portsmouth, UK) Sources : Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v5: p 1003-4; Gardner W. Allen, A Naval History of the American Revolution (1912, 1940, reprinted New York: Russell & Russell, Inc., 1962), p 86; Pennsylvania Journal, April 10, 1777; The North British Intelligencer or Constitutional Miscellany (Edinburgh: William Auld, 1776) v 1, p 347; John Jay Papers, Columbia U., digitized, http://wwwapp.cc.columbia.edu/ldpd/jay/image?key=columbia.jay.01088&p=3&level=2&originx=0&originy=0&fullheight=2768&fullwidth=2133ℑ.x=129ℑ.y=20 ; Journals of the Provincial Congress, Provincial Convention, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the state of New-York (Albany: Thurlow Weed, printer to the State, 1842) vol. 1, p414; Maryland Journal, May 1, 1776; Pennsylvania Journal, April 17, 1776. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Controversy Surrounds Local Prisoner Exchanges by Michael Adelberg In 1777, George Washington blocked Monmouth County officers from conducting a local prisoner exchange. However, local leaders conducted several local prisoner exchanges later in the war. - June 1780 - As noted in prior articles, prisoner exchanges were contentious not just with the enemy, but within the leadership ranks in Monmouth County. They were made more contentious by the “manstealing” (kidnapping) of a dozen militia officers in summer 1780. Advocates of locally-negotiated exchanges, such as Colonel Asher Holmes (commanding the county’s state troop regiment and largest militia regiment) saw exchanges as the only means of rescuing captured comrades from dismal British prisons. Opponents of local exchanges, including Colonel David Forman (Chairman of the vigilante Association for Retaliation ) believed that exchanges enticed a ruthless enemy to conduct additional manstealings. This issue, as much as any, split Monmouth County’s leaders into antagonistic factions , the leaders of which (literally) came to blows at the county’s October 1780 election . George Washington Stops First Attempted Local Prisoner Exchange The first discussions of prisoner exchanges for captured Monmouth Countian came after the Battle of the Navesink , during which 73 Monmouth militiamen were captured. Two captured officers, Captain Thomas McKnight and Lieutenant Thomas Little, were offered in an exchange on April 30: Richard McKnight & Thomas Little, taken prisoner in Monmouth County, New Jersey, have the [British] Commander in Chief's favor to be exchanged for Peter Campbell and Charles Harrison. The bearer, Wm. Taylor, has the Commander in Chief's leave to pass with a flag of truce in Monmouth County for the above purposes. The abovementioned William Taylor is permitted to pass to Sandy Hook in any boat or vessel duly authorized. Taylor was an attorney who led a Loyalist association that was broken up by Colonel David Forman and his regiment of Flying Camp in November 1776. Taylor arrived in Monmouth County in May 1777 and presented the exchange to Forman, then commanding the militia and Continental Army in the county. On May 11, Forman wrote George Washington, apparently requesting approval to conduct the exchange. Washington promptly disapproved: The proposition of exchanging Capt. Campbell and Harrison for Messrs Richard McKnight & Thomas Little, this I can by no means ascent to, as it would be establishing a precedent of a dangerous nature in its consequences. For then, whenever any of their Provincial Officers fell into our hands, they would send out parties to pick up our inhabitants of reputation in order to procure their release by exchange. At the same time, Washington approved of Forman’s decision to detain captured Middletown Loyalist, Richard Reading “who certainly forfeited any protection he might plead from Genl. Howe's permit” and directed that another Loyalist, George Rapalje, "should be sent immediately to the Governor to be tried by the laws of the land -- none but prisoners of war & spies are proper for military jurisdiction." The exact offenses of these men are unknown. Having disapproved the proposed exchange, Washington pledged to ask Elias Boudinot, Commissary of Prisoners, to contact his British counterpart in order “to bring about the exchange in some other manner." Washington further warned Forman not to accept visits from Loyalists under a flag of truce: I have no doubt of your vigilance & care, but I would beg your bear in mind that one intent of their sending those flags is to obtain intelligence which is clearly the case from their always sending people who know the country well. I therefore desire that such persons may never be permitted to come on shore. Washington’s criticism of local prisoner exchanges likely made an impression on Forman; he would carry forward Washington’s 1777 position when local exchanges became contentious again in 1780. Pressure Builds to Conduct Local Exchanges While Washington’s position had merit, local leaders faced great pressure to conduct exchanges that would bring home suffering loved ones. In June 1777, four captured New Jersey militia officers, including Capt. Stephen Fleming and Lt. Little of Monmouth County—wrote of their difficult imprisonment. They then asked the New Jersey Legislature to exchange them for captured Loyalists: Your petitioners lay our situation before you in hopes of redress, being melicia [sic] under your Government… As there are a number of people taken by our melicia going to join the King's Army, who no doubt would be as fond of exchanges as we, we beg you to use your influence to have [exchanges] effected as soon as possible. It does not appear that the New Jersey government acted on the petition, instead deferring to the Continental government which was seeking a general agreement (“cartel”) for exchanging prisoners with the British. A draft “Cartel for Prisoner of War Exchanges" was produced ten months later on April 10, 1778. It proposed an exchange schedule by which prisoners were valued by rank. Interestingly, the draft lists the last names of eleven officers held by the British, two of which were "Smock" and "Whitlock". These are Barnes Smock and John Whitlock, taken at the Battle of the Navesink fourteen months earlier. The draft cartel prioritized these officers as “objects of particular exception”—the first to be exchanged: We do hereby specially stipulate and declare, that the aforesaid officers shall be immediately exchanged on the terms of this cartel, for any officers of equal rank, or others by way of equivalent or composition; which have been or shall be delivered in lieu of them. It is unclear why Smock and Whitlock were prioritized over other Monmouth militia officers taken at the same time and still imprisoned. This cartel was not finalized. Smock stayed in jail until August (at that time, he was paroled home, not exchanged). Whitlock died as a prisoner in New York. The First Local Prisoner Exchanges With a general prisoner cartel stuck, New Jerseyans began conducting their own exchanges. Historian Edward Raser, who studied the prisoners captured at the Battle of Navesink, wrote that a militiaman named Vunck was exchanged in February 1778. Five more militiamen were exchanged in May 1778, including James Morris. These men were likely prioritized due to illness. Morris would later write that, on his exchange, he was "very sick with small pox, and looked very miserable, his hair was nearly all of his head.” Samuel Forman (not the Colonel of the same name) recalled the exchange of his brother Denice Forman. He “was confined to his bed, and for several days, nearly all hope of recovery was abandoned; but he providentially recovered." On May 27, a Loyalist party attacked Middletown Point and took John Burrowes, a leading citizen, prisoner. The next day, a mob led by Thomas Henderson (son-in-law to Burrowes) went to Middletown and took William Taylor prisoner (the same Loyalist who had sought to negotiate a prisoner exchange a year earlier). An attempt was made to conduct an exchange of Taylor for Burrowes. Burrowes was exchanged later that year, but it is unknown if he was exchanged for Taylor. Just two weeks later, the New Jersey Council of Safety authorized an “exchange” of Edward Taylor (William Taylor’s uncle) for John Willett, held by the British. Taylor (detained in Princeton ) was permitted to return to his home in Middletown in order to arrange the exchange. The order of the New Jersey Council of Safety read: That Edward Taylor, having procured the release of John Willett… Agreed, that said Mr. Taylor be discharged from his bond & have liberty to return to his place of abode, until the said John Willett be called back into British Lines. In September, the Council of Safety recommended an exchange of Anthony Woodward, a Loyalist insurrection leader, for Peter Imlay, a member of one of Upper Freehold’s leading families. Lacking a local intermediary to negotiate the exchange, it appears the exchange did not occur. In June 1779, Colonel Daniel Hendrickson and four other Shrewsbury Township militia officers were taken by a Loyalist raiding party as it razed the village Tinton Falls . While confined in New York, Hendrickson nearly arranged a six-person exchange that would have freed him and two others. Governor Wiliam Livingston endorsed the plan, but the exchange fell apart. On December 11, Elias Boudinot informed Livingston, "I am very much afraid the late proposal of an exchange by Coll. Hendrickson will not take place." Hendrickson was nearly exchanged again in March 1780 (for the Loyalist Colonel Billop) but that exchange also went awry. Exchange of James Mott Ignites Controversy In June 1780, James Mott, one of Monmouth County’s state legislators, was captured by a Loyalist manstealing party led by Colonel Tye. While detained at Sandy Hook, Mott was allowed to send note to his ally, Colonel Asher Holmes: My misfortune I suppose you have heard of before this reaches you. I would therefore beg of you to solicit my exchange, which can be done in lieu of Rich'd Reading, who was taken not many days ago, off the banks while afishing. I am obliged to go immediately for New York, which place I very much dread, as I am in an ill state of health. I am now promised here that James Wallen & John Wallen [James Walling, John Walling] would be exchanged for Richard Reading's two sons, who was taken with their father, I hope when you judge my case, you will use your interest to have an exchange effected and I make not the least doubt of you succeeding. Holmes apparently received Mott’s note and shared it. Mott’s father, James Mott, Sr., who had warm pre-war relationships in New York City, acted. Not content to let his son sit in a horrible British jail, he wrote, on June 22: "I am obliged to go to New York" to seek the release of his son “taken many days ago.” In so doing, Mott was plainly breaking the law by traveling behind British lines without a pass. Holmes and Mott’s decision to pursue an exchange drew the ire of David Forman, who complained in a July 12 letter to George Washington: The militia here [under Col Holmes] have lately gone into the exchange of prisoners taken when on duty, that the refugee parties take from their own houses or whilst about their usual business. The measure appears to me so replete with evil that I would be wanting in my duty should I pass it unnoticed... with every exchange made, we give encouragement to that British mode of manstealing, once gone into, will always enable them to hold a large ball of prisoners against us. Mott was exchanged that summer. In September, Forman and his allies again rebuked Holmes for seeking an exchange, this time for the captured Hendrick Smock. Forman and allies, on behalf of the extra-legal Association for Retaliation, summoned Holmes to answer for his conduct (sending a captured Loyalist, John Williams, to New York, offering himself in exchange for Smock). Holmes did not respond to their entreaty. Smock was not exchanged until January 1781. Complaints about Holmes’s locally-negotiated exchanges continued. This led to Governor Livingston inquiring if Holmes was improperly negotiating exchanges locally. Holmes responded stiffly on December 12: When I was last at Trenton, I informed your Excellency that one of our Commissaries of Prisoners had authorized me to exchange such prisoners of war, as are taken here; your reply then was that every commanding officer had a right to exchange their own prisoners. If any exchange going through my hands had been deemed not advisable, I think it would have been consistent with those professions you are pleased to make in your letter, to have mentioned to me at that time. Though controversial, local exchanges continued. Holmes continued conducting them even when it included frustrating negotiations with the hated Associated Loyalists . The table below shows that at least thirteen additional Monmouth County Whigs were exchanged home after Mott’s capture; the exchange of seven Loyalists is in a table in the appendix of this article. (Other attempted exchanges failed.) Monmouth Whig Date Additional Information Samuel Bowne June 1780 Re-taken three days after he exchanged home Lt. Joseph Wolcott July 1780 Provides intelligence on British ships at Sandy Hook Lt. Tunis Vanderveer July 1780 Retaken days later Lt. Tunis Vanderveer Dec. 1780 Second time exchanged Maj. James Whitlock Dec. 1780 Confined since February 1777 Capt. Barnes Smock Dec. 1780 Second time captured. Capt. Hendrick Smock Jan. 1781 Exchanged after four months of negotiation. Joseph Johnson Jan. 1781 9 ½ months in jail; sick with smallpox when exchanged Daniel Covenhoven Feb. 1781 Taken April 1779, fined for militia delinquency on return Lt. Britton Mount Feb. 1782 Taken in Jan. 1781, exchanged for Jacob Wooley John McLean Spring 1781 Taken, paroled home at Sandy Hook by family friend John Lane June 1782 Exchanged for Joel Wooley, Associated Loyalist William Everingham June 1782 Exchanged for Benjamin Dunham, Associated Loyalist Exchanged home, Mott finished his term in the New Jersey Legislature. In October 1780, he stood for re-election at the annual county election. Controversy erupted when election judges refused to hold the polls open a second day (to allow militia serving on the shore to come to Freehold and vote). When Mott protested, David Forman stepped forward and beat him in front of a crowd. This is the subject of another article . Related Historic Site : Marlpit Hall Appendix: Exchanged Monmouth County Loyalists Date Loyalist Description Dec 1777 Capt. John Longstreet Captured in August 1777, Longstreet paroled in Burlington, New Jersey, but in December he “dishonorably broke parole” by returning to be “among his friends” in Monmouth County. Ordered to be arrested. Dec 1777 Lt. Col. Elisha Lawrence His exchange is held up until he pays debt, “I doubt not that you will have honor enough to pay the balance due.” Sep 1781 George Johnson Associated Loyalists captures and jails Lt. Britton Mount and George John. Releases Johnson, “to go to Monmouth County on parole for 15 days, to effect his exchange for Mr. Raymond of Capt. Tilton's Company” Feb 1782 Jacob Wooley, Associated Loyalist Taken in Jan. 1781, exchanged for Lt. Britton Mount Jun 1782 Joel Wooley, Associated Loyalist Exchanged for John Lane Jun 1782 Benjamin Dunham, Associated Loyalist Exchanged for William Everingham Aug 1782 Peter Stout Monmouth Loyalist captured and jailed in Freedhold; “exchanged” but required to stay in Monmouth County; pressured to give up claim to family estate Sources : George Washington to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections; Joseph Loring, passport, April 30, 1777; George Johnson [for George Washington] to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections, May 9, 1777; NYHS Gilder-Lehrman Collection; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #4120. The draft cartel is in The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vol. 1, 1768–1778, ed. Harold C. Syrett. New York: Columbia University Press, 1961, pp. 466–472; Edward Roser, "American Prisoners Taken at the Battle of the Navesink," Genealogical Magazine of New Jersey, vol. 45, n 2, May 1970, p50-2; Forman, Samuel S. Narrative of a Journey down the Ohio and Mississippi in 1789-90 (Cincinnati, R. Clarke and Co., 1888) p 11; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), pp. 830-1; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p202-3; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 253; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 7; William Livingston to Elias Boudinot, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, pp. 248-9; William Livingston to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 24, 1 January–9 March 1780, ed. Benjamin L. Huggins. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2016, pp. 672–674; James Mott to ?, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; James Mott to Asher Holmes, John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany, 4 vols, Genealogical Publishing Co, 1970, v4, p90, 117; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Joseph Johnson; Information on Bowne’s exchange and recapture is in William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 406; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 68, July 12, 1780; George Washington from David Forman, 21 July 1780,” Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-02593, ver. 2013-09-28; Edward Roser, "American Prisoners Taken at the Battle of the Navesink," Genealogical Magazine of New Jersey, vol. 45, n 2, May 1970, p57; David Forman, Nathaniel Scudder, Thomas Seabrook to Asher Holmes, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; Asher Holmes to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 13, December 12, 1780; William S. Stryker, Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary War (Trenton: Naar, Day & Naar, 1872); Records of Prisoners in New York, National Archives, Collection 881, R 593; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John McLean of Middletown, www.fold3.com/image/#27289028 ; Daniel Covenhoven to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 14, February 15, 1781; The Mount for Wooley exchange is in Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, February 1782 p. 4; Elias Boudinot, The Elias Boudinot Letterbook (Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, 2002) p42, 52-3; Elias Boudinot Letterbook, Wisconsin Historical Society, p42; Peter Stout, Affidavit, David Library of the American Revolution, Great Britain Public Records Office, British Headquarters Papers, #9154, 9177; Johnson’s parole documented in Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, September 1781 p. 13; The Mount for Wooley exchange is in Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, February 1782 p. 4; The Wooley for Lane exchange and the Dunham for Everingham exchange are in Princeton University Library, Microfilms Collection, #1081.133, Board of Associated Loyalists, June 6, June 24, 1782; Michael Adelberg, Biographical File , on file at the Monmouth County Historical Association. 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Jonathan Forman’s Long Service in the Continental Army by Michael Adelberg Jonathan Forman led a company of Monmouth troops through the famous winter at Valley Forge. He served in the army from 1776 into 1783, longer than any other Monmouth County officer. - February 1783 - Jonathan Forman was born into a prominent family from Middletown Point. He was the son of a successful merchant and son-in-law to John Burrowes, Sr., the Chairman of the County Committee , (which coordinated anti-British dissent before the Revolution). Members of his extended family included several of the county’s leading supporters of the Revolution: militia colonel, Samuel Forman; judge Peter Forman; sheriff John Burrowes, Jr.; and Continental Army Colonel and judge David Forman. Born in 1755, Jonathan Forman was a recent Princeton graduate at the start of the Revolution; he was not yet deep into career pursuits that would make long term military service difficult. On June 18, 1776, Jonathan Forman enlisted for five months service in the New Jersey Flying Camp Regiment headed by his kinsman, David Forman. Jonathan was commissioned a Lieutenant under his brother-in-law, Captain John Burrowes, Jr. Since both company officers were from Middletown Point, it is probable that they raised their company from that village and the surrounding neighborhoods. Forman served through the disastrous New York campaign and retreat into New Jersey. While most of David Forman’s Flying Camp returned home at the end of November to arrest Loyalists and then laid low during the December Loyalist insurrections , Jonathan Forman stayed with the Army. He enlisted as a captain, under Monmouth County’s Lt. Colonel David Brearley, in the 1st Regiment of the New Jersey Line on November 23, 1776 (some documents list January 1, 1777 as his enlistment date). He would remain in the New Jersey Line for the rest of the war—serving longer than any other Monmouth County officer. The Military Service of Jonathan Forman, 1777-1778 Forman was with Washington’s Army all through 1777, except in the month of August when he was sent home to retake deserters. This is recorded in his journal: 12th, myself got liberty to go to Jersey on command after Deserters / 13th, set out this morning with Capt. [Isaiah] Wool, being provided with horse, arrived that day at Allentno [sic] / 14th, arrived home [Middletown Point] where continued till 27th then set out with Capt. Wool to join the Regt / 28th, Allentno / 29th, C'pers Ferry [Coopers] / 30th, join'd the Regt at Brandywine. He returned in time to be with the Continental Army for its defeats at the battles of Brandywine and Germantown . Muster rolls from Forman’s Continental Army company have survived for much of 1778 and 1779. These muster rolls reveal a lot about Forman’s command. Based on surnames of the men in Forman’s company it is safe to assume that the company was raised from Monmouth County, though it is likely that a few people from other locales served alongside the Monmouth Countians. Starting in 1777, Continental Army recruits enlisted for terms of either three years or the length of the war. Through 1777, Forman’s company had more than 50 rank and file (near full strength). At a time when much of the Army was very short on men, Forman’s company was much larger than most. However, absences were high—18 men were absent in January 1778, and a slightly different list of 18 men were absent in February 1778. The absences occurred during the fabled winter camp at Valley Forge —when Washington’s camp shivered through the winter outside of Philadelphia while the British wintered comfortably in Philadelphia. Forman’s company traveled across New Jersey that June and fought at the Battle of Monmouth . During the Monmouth Campaign the New Jersey Line saw significant action and endured losses (12 wounded, 7 missing, 9 captured, 2 killed in battle, 2 others dead). Forman’s company had only one documented loss: Private Daniel Stevens deserted on the day of the Battle of Monmouth. Forman spent four days at Englishtown after the battle, but went home for a day. Forman recorded in his journal: "29th at English Town… July 2d, went home [Middletown Point] and returned to Englishtno where we lay till Thirst [Thursday]." There is no evidence of exceptional furlough or desertions in Forman’s company even when the company was close to home. This suggests that the company had high morale; it is possible that short absences were winked at by officers and went undocumented. From Englishtown, Washington’s Army marched out of Monmouth County, but Forman’s company stayed and accompanied Colonel Daniel Morgan’s regiment as it shadowed the British on their withdrawal to Sandy Hook. Forman’s journal entries reveal that his company stayed in Monmouth County until July 14, several days longer than Morgan: The Main Army then moved to Spotswood / Our Brigade being left to observe the motion of the en'y [enemy]. Colo march'd that morning to Mr. Denice's, myself sent off to Midle Tno [Middletown] where the en'y [enemy] had possession of the heights to get intelligence[.] Col Morgan laying there with abt [about] 200 Riflemen and part of his Excellency's guards returned Saturday [the] 11th on guard / Sunday 12th, went to Mid Tno [Middletown] with Colo D [Elias Dayton] and David B [Brearley] to reconnoiter [reconnoiter]. The eny [enemy] moved off to Sandy Hook and embark'd / the Brigade moved down to VM [Van Mater] Mills where we lay till Tuesday, the 14th, march'd abt [about] 3 o'clock a.m. to Spotswood abt [about] 14 miles distant. Forman was back with the Continental Army at Elizabethtown by July 18 when he was dispatched to carry a body of British prisoners to Morristown. Forman was sent home again in October when General William Maxwell, commanding New Jersey’s troops, sent him to gather information on the British incursion at Little Egg Harbor: Genl Maxwell has sent two Messengers to Major [Richard] Howell for Intelligence, I have now desired him to send Capt. Forman (who is well acquainted in that Country) to go to Middletown, Naversink &c. and get all the Intelligence he can and immediately to return. That same month, Maxwell sent one officer to each New Jersey County to recruit for one month. Forman was selected for Monmouth County. As noted below, Forman apparently stayed home for another four months after that, missing the brutal winter of 1779 at Morristown. The Military Service of Jonathan Forman, 1779 While Forman served continuously through the war, his junior officers did not. One of his original Lieutenants, Daniel Pearson, left the army on December 1, 1778. The other, Ephraim Whitlock, transferred commands on March 1, 1779. The new Lieutenants (Cyrus DeHart, Absalom Bonham) were probably not from Monmouth County and this might reflect the company’s rank and file evolving over time to be less Monmouth County-centered. In fact, by March 1779, only eighteen of the January 1777 rank and file were still serving in Forman’s company. March 1779 also appears to have been a low point for Forman’s company—its fit and present rank and file had dipped to 33 men. 23 more were unfit: eight men had deserted, two were furloughed, one was absent with leave, eleven were sick & absent, one was confined. That same month, Forman was one of several New Jersey Line officers to petition the legislature regarding inadequate support for its soldiers. Forman followed up with a letter directly to George Washington. On March 8, he wrote: It will be proper to inform your Excellency that the officers of the Jersey Brigade have repeatedly at almost every session of the Assembly since 1777 memorialized upon the necessities of the troops but we have the misfortune to inform your Excellency that not a single resolve was entered into the minutes on our favor... We have lost all confidence in our Legislature, reason and experience forbid that we should have any. Forman specifically noted that the officers were owed several months pay and then concluded: We have the highest sense of your ability and virtue, the execution of your orders has given us pleasure, that we love the service and we love our Country; but when that Country gets so lost to virtue & justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from that service. Forman then signed another petition of complaint to the New Jersey Assembly on April 17. His discontent continued into May when he wrote Governor William Livingston on behalf of the officers of the First Regiment on May 8. Forman noted that previous pleas for assistance for their suffering families were ignored and again threatened resignation: So long ago as last winter we informed the Council of our determination to leave the service unless we were properly provided for, and from them we again received assurances that provisions should be made for us... We love the service, and we love our Country; but when a Country gets so lost to virtue and justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes the duty to retire from service. Forman was not whining without merit. A return of his company on July 30, 1779, shows that his company was shockingly short on supplies. Of his 44 non-commissioned men, they are were short on the following essentials: 9 hats, 8 coats, 19 vests, 43 breeches, 44 stockings, 11 shoes (one or more), 24 shirts, 43 frocks, 10 blunderbusses, 3 firelocks, 3 bayonets, 3 cartridge boxes, 3 belts, 6 scabbards, 9 flints, 33 cartridge boxes (less a full complement of 24), 30 turn keys, 31 priming wires, 34 canteens, and 8 knapsacks. Washington wrote General Maxwell about Forman’s protests, He was unsympathetic : Our troops have been uniformly better fed than any others—they are at this time very well clad and probably will continue to be so—While this is the case they [the complaining officers] will have no just cause of complaint. It is important that any misconception on this point should be rectified. However, Washington also used the opportunity to lobby both Governor Livingston and the Continental Congress for more provisions for the Army. It is unknown exactly when conditions improved for the Army. But New Jersey troops soon went west into Pennsylvania to fight in the Iroquois Campaign . Provisions likely flowed into camp prior to that assignment. There is no record of Forman complaining in the later years of the war. Jonathan Forman’s Military Service, 1780-1783 If there was a taint on Forman’s reputation for complaining, it was temporary. On November 20, 1781, he was promoted to major in the 1st Regiment of the New Jersey Line. He was stationed at King’s Bridge in Westchester County, New York where he married Mary Ledyard on March 5, 1782. In August, Forman was at Newburgh where he became commander of a combined New York-New Jersey battalion. General Edward Hand wrote him: “You are appointed to the command of a battalion of infantry to be composed of New Jersey and York flank companies.” His four-company command stretched as far as Peekskill. Forman was entrusted to determine who could and could not pass enemy lines. He was at Dobbs Ferry on September 11, 1782, when he forwarded George Washington letters intercepted from a Loyalist and passports from men seeking to go to New York: I do myself the honor to enclose for your Excellency the receipt for a letter sent the 8th inst. address’d for Sir Guy Carleton, together with eleven private letters receiv’d last evening… Also a passport from Brigadier Genrl. [Moses] Hazen for Mr. Garosens passing to New York who I have ordered to remain att Mr. Lawrence’s near this post untill I am informed of your Excellency’s pleasure. On December 11, Forman wrote George Washington again: Mr J. Odle who I permitted yesterday to go between the lines has just returned and informs that Sir Guy Carleton with about 5,000 of the Enemy at New York were preparing to embark; that the transports for their reception were haul’d to the wharfs on Saturday last but waited for a fair wind. The 17th Dragoons was said to compose a part tho’ he could not learn the particular Corps, or given destination for the troops; for this purpose I shall permit him again in two or three days, when he says he will be able to obtain a better account, of the whole. Forman might have indicated a desire to finally leave service at this point. A December 26 order notes discharge from the Continental Army. However, Forman did not leave the Army and he was, in fact, promoted to Lt. Colonel and given a short-lived regimental command on February 11, 1783. In April, when Washington’s Army downsized, Forman was furloughed home. He remained commissioned in the Army until November 13. Three other Monmouth Countians—David Forman, David Brearley, and David Rhea—were also colonels in the Continental Army. The former lost his command in early 1778 and the latter two left the army in 1778 and 1779 respectively. Jonathan Forman was younger than David Forman, Brearley and Rhea and started the war at a more junior rank than these men. Despite Forman’s discontent in 1779, he endured the many battlefield defeats, late pay, scant supplies, and many other privations to serve all the way through the war. He was a true patriot. Jonathan Forman was a founding member of the Society of Cincinnati in 1783 and remained active in the New Jersey militia after the war. He was colonel and led a regiment of federalized New Jersey militia into Pennsylvania to suppress the so-called “Whiskey Rebels” in 1794. Forman was living in New York State by 1800, and became a Brigadier General in that state’s militia on April 14, 1800. Related Historic Site : Valley Forge National Historical Park Sources : Richard Harrison, Princetonians: 1769-1775: A Biographical Dictionary (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014) vol. 1, pp. 377-8; Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army during The War of the Revolution April 1775 to December 1783 (Washington DC: The Rare Book Shop Publishing Company, Inc., 1914) pp. 110, 179, 216; Some muster rolls from Jonathan Forman’s company are mistakenly included in Muster Rolls of New York Provincial Troops, 1755-1764, Collections of the New-York Historical Society for the Year 1891 (New York: New York Historical Society, 1892), pp. 324-33; Captain Jonathan Forman’s Muster Rolls, National Archives, Revolutionary War Rolls, Coll. 48, p44, 47, 48 & Coll. 11, p6; John Rees, 'They Answered Him with Three Cheers': New Jersey Brigade Losses in the Monmouth Campaign, www.revwar75.com/library/rees/Njlosses.htm ; Munn, David, Battles and Skirmishes of the American Revolution in New Jersey, (Trenton: Bureau of Geology and Topography, New Jersey Geological Survey, 1976) p 132; Jonathan Forman, Anonymous Revolutionary War Diary, Fellows Papers, box 2, Special Collections, Rush-Rhees Library, University of Rochester; transcribed by John Rees; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 16, 1 July–14 September 1778, ed. David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006, pp. 94–95; Lord Stirling to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 300–301; Orders to from William Maxwell to Capt. Jonathan Forman, Library of Congress, Peter Force Collection, 7E, reel 1, William Alexander, #70; William S. Stryker, Officers and Men of New Jersey in the American Revolution (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co, 1967); Jonathan Forman to George Washington, Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 13, 2018, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-10176 ; New York Historical Society, Fairchild Collection, item: Jonathan Forman; Selections from the Correspondence of the Executive of New Jersey, From 1776 to 1786 (Newark, NJ: Newark Daily Advertiser, 1848) p 146; Dennis Ryan, A Salute To Courage The American Revolution as Seen through Wartime Writings (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979) p 151; New Jersey Historical Society, Jonathan Forman, Account Book; National Archives, Numbered Record Books, Records of Military Operations and Service, Orderly Books 60, Apr 27, 1782-Aug 9, 1782, p145; Forman’s discharge is mentioned in John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 24, p 474; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 20, 8 April–31 May 1779, ed. Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010, pp. 439–441; Berg, Fred A., Encyclopedia of Continental Army Units: Battalions, Regiments, and Independent Corps (Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1972) p 82. Daniel Morgan essay David Brearley leaves Army Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Continental Army Draft in Monmouth County by Michael Adelberg Thirty Monmouth Countians were drafted into the Continental Army in May 1778. They arrived at Valley Forge just in time to march back into New Jersey for the Monmouth Campaign in June. - April 1778 - In early 1778, New Jersey was responsible for filling four regiments (about 2,400 men) for the Continental Army. Washington’s Army, following demoralizing defeats in Pennsylvania and the harrowing winter at Valley Forge, was vastly understrength and recruiting had slowed to a trickle. In February 1778, the Continental Congress, at the urging of Nathaniel Scudder (a newly-arrived delegate from Freehold) and a few others, admonished the states to fill their quotas “by a draft of the militia or any other way that shall be effectual.” George Washington underscored Congress’s resolution with direct appeals to several state governors. He wrote William Livingston of New Jersey about the need to meet the state’s quota via a strictly-enforced draft: The Government must have recourse to coercive measures; for if quotas cannot be had by voluntary enlistment and the powers of the Government are not adequate to drafting, there is an end to this contest and opposition becomes vain. Livingston supported the draft and, after some debate, the New Jersey Legislature acted accordingly. New Jersey Drafts Men into the Continental Army On April 3, 1778, New Jersey passed a law instituting a draft. Under the law, each militia company in the state would divide into 18-man classes (three such classes to a full-sized company), and each class would select one man for nine months service in Continental Army. The means of selection would be determined locally, but, as a last resort, would consist of drawing lots. The law included a $300 fine for any draftee who did not show up for service, but permitted draftees to find substitutes. The law was controversial and compliance was not uniform because it put military impressments into effect—a British practice that was loathed in the colonies prior to the war. To make the law more palatable and reduce the number of needed draftees, New Jersey reduced its Continental Army obligation to fill-out regiments from four to two. The two undersized Additional Regiments of the Continental Army created for the defense of New Jersey—under David Forman and Oliver Spencer—were also merged into the New Jersey Line to help fill the remaining regiments. The Draft in Monmouth County In Monmouth County, compliance with the draft was higher than in much of the state. The county had 26 militia companies , the majority of which were full-sized on paper, but turnout was spotty. If compliance was complete, the county would have raised about 60 men through the draft; instead, 30 draftees were raised from Monmouth County (another list records 24-men raised, but is presumed to be pre-final). While 30 men was only half of what the law called for, Monmouth’s draftees were more than one-fourth of all of the impressments from across the state. The list of Monmouth County draftees has survived. They ranged in age from 16-year old Bedford Boltenhouse and 17-year old William Tennent (presumably the son of the recently-deceased Presbyterian minister of the same name) to 40-year old George Smith. The majority of the recruits (19) were aged between 19 and 27. Two men, William Hall and William Starkey (from Middlesex County), served as substitutes for draftees. Draftees were officially raised on May 14 and given until June 2 to report for duty. Given that these men had to walk from Monmouth County to Valley Forge in that time, the window to report was quite narrow. Records are incomplete, but at least one Monmouth draftee did not arrive in camp until June 11. The men had little time to train; Washington’s Army left Valley Forge to pursue the British Army across New Jersey on June 19 and engaged the British at the Battle of Monmouth on June 28. With Wiliam Tennent as the notable exception, none of the draftees were from the families of leaders. No Formans, Scudders, Smocks, Motts, Holmes, Schenks, Andersons, etc., were among the draftees. Based on the review of tax lists, none of the draftees (except one discussed below) owned a significant estate. This in line with research from historian Mark Lender who demonstrated that, following an initial burst of patriotism in 1776, the rank & file of the Continental Army was comprised of poor people. Besides Tennent, the most noteworthy draftee was Josiah Halstead. A man of this name owned the leading tavern in Shrewsbury. Halstead hosted the township’s annual meeting and his tavern boarded military officers intermittently stationed in Shrewsbury. It would be extraordinary to draft a prominent tavern keeper. This raises a few possibilities: 1.) Halstead, a supporter of the Revolution, believed himself to be in danger in Shrewsbury and allowed himself to be drafted in order to gain relative safety with the Army; 2.) Halstead was drafted as a punishment from local militia officers, perhaps for not being sufficiently accommodating to the local war effort; 3.) Halstead had fallen into debt and military service kept his creditors at bay for nine months; 4.) a different man named Josiah Halstead was drafted (although county tax lists record only one man with this name). The relatively high turnout of Monmouth County draftees is an indicator of the county’s turnaround from a year earlier when the county’s civil government was non-existent and its militia was largely dysfunctional . Another reason for the high turnout may have been the growing understanding in May that the British Army would soon be leaving Philadelphia and marching across New Jersey—with a probable path through Monmouth County. The strength and competence of Washington’s Army would soon have direct bearing on the welfare of Monmouth County. The 1778 draft was greatly unpopular and New Jersey would never again use a draft to fill its Continental Army ranks. However, in 1781, Monmouth County was permitted to conduct a local draft to fill a regiment of State Troops (state-financed soldiers for the defense of the state) established to guard the Monmouth shoreline. That draft raised seventeen men—four of whom—Boltenhouse, Tennent, Smith, and John Robins—were among the Monmouth Countians drafted in 1778. Related Historic Site : Valley Forge National Historical Park Sources : Mark Lender, “The Enlisted Line: The Continental Soldiers of New Jersey”(Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1975) p 86; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3628; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #7199; Mark Lender, “The Enlisted Line: The Continental Soldiers of New Jersey”(Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1975) pp. 87-9; Lender, Mark, “The Conscripted Line: The Draft in Revolutionary New Jersey,” New Jersey History, vol. 103 (1985), pp. 28-37; List of Recruits, New Jersey State Archives, Dept of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #2325-2330; List of Draftees, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #2328. Previous Next

VOLUNTEER The generosity and efforts of our valued volunteers are integral to the ongoing operation of MCHA and its many programs. Volunteers fill a wide variety of roles and opportunities are available to suit multiple interests, time and skill levels. MCHA continuously recruits new volunteers throughout the year. Apply Volunteer Opportunities Internships We do not currently have available internships. If one becomes available, we will post it here! Please email Dana Howell at dhowell@monnmouthhistory.org if you would like your resume to be kept on file. Education / School Program Volunteers Help introduce a new generation of students to the fun and fascinating world of history! A background in education or drama is preferred, but all are welcome! Covenhoven House conducts school programs for 3rd and 4th graders, where we focus on Colonial America and the Revolution. Costumes for this program are provided from our fabulous reproduction wardrobe! We do not use costumes for our Marlpit Hall program, which focuses on the history of slavery in New Jersey. Marlpit Hall receives students grades 3-12, and is a highly rated student experience for all. Historic House Docent Volunteers are needed to staff each of the five Historic House Museums during the summer season, from the beginning of May to the end of September on Friday, Saturday, and Sunday from 1-4pm. Period clothing is not required, but you can certainly wear it if you like! Training and support are provided for these positions. Museum Docent Docents staff the Freehold Museum by greeting visitors, giving tours and processing admissions. Volunteers work in 3-hour shifts; the current available shifts are from 1-4 Fridays through Sundays. Orientation and instruction for gallery exhibition tours is provided. Bilingual Volunteers MCHA serves a diverse population and has a special need for volunteers who can deliver programs for non- English speaking for visitors. Currently there is a need for volunteers fluent in Spanish. Property and Program Event Volunteers Program Event Volunteers Ideal for volunteers with more limited availability , these positions include assisting with events such as Wool Days, Weekend in Old Monmouth, Open Hearth-Open House events and Lantern Tours. Relevant training is provided and roles incorporating period clothing are available. Eagle Scouts MCHA is always honored to collaborate with Eagle Scout candidates in reaching their goal. The Association staff can consult with Scouts to identify appropriate and interesting potential projects at one of the five historic properties around the county and help to facilitate successful results. Historic House Gardens Each historic house is enhanced with a garden and the Association welcomes local community garden clubs as well as individuals interested in showcasing their talents while heightening the beauty of these historic treasures. Corporate Volunteers MCHA is always excited to collaborate with corporate groups who are interested in volunteering their time. The Association staff can consult with company representatives to identify appropriate and interesting potential projects at one of the five historic properties around the county and help to facilitate successful results. Frequently Asked Questions Is there a specific time commitment required to volunteer? Volunteer hours are at your discretion and contingent on the projects that interest you, ranging from once or twice a year to every week. The Association staff is flexible and willing to work with your schedule to find the ideal situation for each volunteer. What if I have limited knowledge of history? Can I still volunteer? Yes! There is always a need for individuals with a variety of skills. A warm, friendly demeanor and keen interest are often the most crucial skills required to volunteer. Training is provided for all programs, exhibits, and positions before and during your volunteer time with MCHA. The staff will also work with you to match your skills with an appropriate position. What are the benefits of volunteering with MCHA? By volunteering, you are giving a gift of your time, your effort, and your commitment to the Monmouth County Historical Association. As part of MCHA’s volunteer staff, you will have the opportunity to present and educate visitors on the history of our area. In turn, with ongoing training and support, you will learn about a diverse number of subjects. In addition, volunteering offers you the opportunity to meet interesting people from all parts of the county who share your volunteer passion and interest as well as the nation and even the world through the visitors you will serve. MCHA honors its volunteers each year with an appreciation event and gifts. Students can also gain valuable experience and service hours through volunteer assignments. Why do you need my help? MCHA operates with a very small staff and a limited budget. Without our volunteers, much of what we do would be impossible to achieve. Your gift of time and effort to us allows the organization to grow and expand our mission into the community. How can I get more information? For school programs, email Yvette Rego at education@monmouthhistory.org For all other opportunites, email Tom Ballard at volunteer@monmouthhistory.org MCHA Volunteer Application Please fill out the form completely to be considered for a position Name Email Phone Address Which volunteer opportunities interest you? * Required Historic House Docent Museum/Exhibition Docent Administration/Fundraising Volunteer Educational Programs Special Events Hours of availability Our volunteering hours vary depending on the location or event. 11am-2pm Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday 2pm-5pm Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday 5pm-8pm Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday How did you hear about us? Language skills About yourself References Submit Thank you! Your application has been sent Volunteer Application

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth County's Black Loyalists Emigrate to Canada by Michael Adelberg The town of Shelburne and its Port Roseway was a common destination for Black Loyalists in 1783, 28 of whom are identified as being born in Monmouth County. - April 1783 - As discussed in prior articles, Monmouth County had a large African-American population prior to the start of the American Revolution—roughly 10 percent of the population, both slave and free. Free Blacks were generally poor; they are listed as “householders” and “single men” in the tax lists. In an agricultural society where farming was the primary path to wealth—only a few owned enough land to be taxed as landholders. In addition, African-Americans were excluded from the militia and did not meet the property requirements to vote or serve on juries. The first campaign of Monmouth County’s Revolutionary militia was to enforce a curfew on African-Americans and confiscate their guns. When the British fleet landed at Sandy Hook in July 1776, they were soon met by Virginia’s Royal Governor Lord Dunmore and his Ethiopian Brigade. Dunmore had given freedom to the slaves of rebels who would join the British. Within a month, a handful of Monmouth County slaves escaped bondage to join the British as Loyalists. British promises of freedom throughout the war encouraged more slaves to seek their freedom behind British lines. But the British created few good opportunities for these African American Loyalists. Black Loyalists were banned from the British Army and its Loyalist corps. Some served as “pioneers” (manual laborers and earthwork diggers for the Army) and others became sailors. By the middle years of the war, African Americans were common in the irregular Loyalist raiding parties operating out of Sandy Hook. In summer 1780, they confederated as the “Black Brigade ,” conducting their own raids. After the death of their leader, Colonel Tye, in September, the Black Brigade lost cohesion though individual African Americans continued to be active Loyalists. 40 African American Loyalists reportedly joined the Pine Robber gang of William Davenport. African American Loyalists Emigrate to Canada It does not appear that a large number of African Americans boarded the first ships for Canada (in fall 1782 ). Perhaps these earlier groups were mostly self-financed white Loyalists. However, in April 1783, the preliminary terms of the peace treaty reached America and the British started shipping out black Loyalists with greater urgency. This was in large part because Article VII of the peace plan prohibited "carrying away any Negroes or other property of the American inhabitants." A black Loyalist, Boston King, wrote of his worries that American slave owners would take them, "This dreadful rumor filled us with unexpressible anguish and terror." Indeed, George Washington wanted black Loyalists returned. His counterpart, General Guy Carleton and other British leaders claimed that the treaty language did not reverse the status of black Loyalists already free. Carleton wrote, "I have no right to deprive them of that liberty." On April 16, 1783, the remnants of the Black Brigade (49 men, 23 women, 6 children under 10 yrs old) boarded the vessel L'Abondance in Manhattan. The emigres ranged from Sarah, a 72-year-old woman, to small children. Sixteen were from New Jersey and eight from New York. Interestingly, 31 were from southern states and seven were seven years with the British (suggesting they may have arrived at Sandy Hook with Lord Dunmore). Almost half (32) were young adults between the agenda of 16 and 30. At least five of these emigres (probably more) were formerly from Monmouth County: Thomas Drake, 17 yrs old, 5 yrs away from Thomas Thurman; Oliver Vinson, 30 yrs old, 6 yrs away from John Freeman; Sarah Jones, 42 yrs old, 6 yrs away from Richard Stout; Isaac Jones, 10 yrs old, 6 yrs away from Richard Stout; Aaron Jones, 12 yrs old, 6 yrs away from Hendrick Smith. Other transports brought off hundreds more African Americans in spring 1783. In New York, under the leadership of General Samuel Birch, black Loyalists were given passports to Canada and recorded in the Book of Negroes (sometimes called “The Black Books ”). In Canada, attempts were made to list all of the African American Loyalists within a larger effort to log all Loyalist emigres—resulting in a compendium called “Carleton’s Loyalist Index.” The Book of Negroes identifies 24 African American emigres as from Monmouth County. In addition, the baby, Peter Van Sayl, was free born in New York to Monmouth County parents. 21 were born into slavery. Five are listed as former members of the “Black Brigade” (Aaron Jones, Isaac Jones, Sarah Jones, Thomas Drake, Oliver Vinson)—they emigrated with the Black Brigade on the L’Abondance. Two others (Rose French; Jane); are listed as serving in the British Army’s Wagonmaster department. About half had been employed as servants or waiters to comfortable men. The Book of Negroes also includes descriptors of the African Americans similar to the short descriptions in colonial newspapers when advertising the sale of a slave or the return of a runaway slave. For example, 15-year-old Joseph Stewart is listed as a "stout healthy Negro"; 24-year-old Lucy Lykes is listed as a “squat wench”; 27-year-old Judith Johnson is an “ordinary wench.” Since the African Americans were free people (with one exception discussed below), it is unclear what purpose these descriptions served—white Loyalists were not described this way. Three of the African-Americans from Monmouth County have interesting additional information listed about them. Peter Johnson "says he got his freedom from Stephen Brinley, Quaker, New Jersey.” Anthony Loyal is listed as "born free at Monmouth” but was apparently laboring under an indenture: “served his time with William Wikoff, Monmouth County." The most interesting circumstance is that of Betty, a 20-year-old woman. She is listed as having an infant with the additional note: "Conradt Hendricks of St. John's claimant… property proved." Betty had likely escaped from Hendricks during the war, but because Hendricks was a Loyalist, Betty was apparently returned to him. (Slavery was not abolished in Canada until 1834.) Carleton’s Loyalist Index contains much of the same information as The Book of Negroes . But the sources are not identical—each source lists a few emigres not contained in the other source. Further, there are small differences in the names and ages of some emigres. Carleton’s Index also includes additional information: the name of the vessel that transported the emigre, the date of arrival, and the place of settlement. From this, we learn that African American Loyalists were transported on five different vessels between April and October 1783. They settled in six different places. See table 17 for Monmouth County African Americans resettled in Canada. When combined, the two sources place 28 African American emigres as being from Monmouth County. This undercounts the total because the books include a number of emigres and slaveholders with Monmouth County names (e.g., Covenhoven, Longstreet, Hendrickson), but the emigres are listed as from “New Jersey.” Since these names were not exclusive to Monmouth County, these individuals are not included in the table, though it is very likely that some/most were from Monmouth County. The last group of African American Loyalists to leave New York for Canada appear to have left in October 1783. It was a large group—more than 700 emigres—and they were settled in three areas: 102 men, 59 women, and 61 children at St. John; 171 men, 145 women, and 114 children sent to Port Roseway; 84 men, 49 women, and 38 children sent to Annapolis. Interestingly, while there are several surviving land grant lists for white Loyalists, the author has not located land grant information for African Americans. Historian Mary Tsaltas-Ottomanelli notes that many free blacks were settled in segregated communities like Birchtown outside of Port Roseway (present-day Shelburne). This raises the possibility that the African American emigres were not offered land, but instead they were expected work as laborers and servants to white Loyalists. It has been estimated that 35,000 Loyalists went to Canada at war’s end. More than 10%, roughly 4,000, were African American. Despite affirming the freedom of African American Loyalists, the British, it appears, had no intention of treating African American Loyalists as equal to whites. The move to Canada was hard for nearly all Loyalists, but African Americans faced an added measure of discrimination. Related Historic Site : Shelburne Historic Waterfront District (Nova Scotia) Sources : Mary Tsaltas-Ottomanelli, Black Loyalists in the Evacuation of New York City (The Gotham Center for New York City History, November 15, 2023); Black Loyalists: Our History, Our People, http://blackloyalist.com/canadadigitalcollection/documents/official ; Black Loyalists: Our History, Our People. Book of Negroes http://www.blackloyalist.com/canadiandigitalcollection/documents/official/black_loyalist_directory2.htm ; Black Loyalists: Our History, Our People, http://blackloyalist.com/canadadigitalcollection/documents/official ; Graham R. Hodges, The Black Loyalist Directory: African Americans in Exile after the American Revolution (New York: Garland Publishing, 1996); Runaway Slaves in Carelton’s Loyalist Index, Carleton's Loyalist Index, http://www.uelac.org/SirGuyCarleton/PDF/NEGR_CLI.pdf . Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Major Richard Howell's Continentals Camp at Black Point by Michael Adelberg Major Robert Bayard was the East India Tea Company’s agent in New York City. He was one of the first New York City Loyalists to join the British at Sandy Hook. - August 1778 - The naval stand-off between the British and French fleets off Sandy Hook in July 1778 pushed George Washington toward action that he had previously resisted—stationing Continental troops in Monmouth County on a long term basis. Starting with Benjamin Tupper’s futile attempt to capture Sandy Hook in June 1776, detachments of Continental troops entered Monmouth County for specific, short-term purposes—e.g., Daniel Morgan’s Rifle Regiment shadowed the British Army on their march through the county (June-July 1778). But only David Forman’s Additional Regiment (raised from Monmouth County for the defense of Monmouth County) spent more than a month in-county. There were good reasons to resist stationing men in Monmouth County. When Governor William Livingston asked Washington to do so in April 1778, Washington declined, writing that a regiment of Continentals “would do rather more harm than good” by provoking attack from larger British forces without having the strength to resist them. He also feared the effect of placing his soldiers in daily contact with disaffected locals who might dispirit the men and increase misconduct. Nonetheless, the difficulties experienced while provisioning the French fleet in July 1778 convinced Washington of the need to send men into Shrewsbury Township. On July 19, he wrote General William Maxwell, leading the New Jersey Line, “You are to detach a good officer with about 200 men to Monmouth; they will be sent to keep that part of the Country in order, and will preserve the communication between us and the French fleet." Maxwell was slow to comply. His men had not arrived in Shrewsbury by August 4, prompting Colonel Asher Holmes of the Monmouth County militia to complain to Governor Livingston: Sometime past, Col Hendrickson [Daniel Hendrickson] with myself wrote your Excellency respecting a guard for the County of Monmouth but received no answer, I now make the same application as the enemy on Sandy Hook are very strong ; deserters come from the Hook say there are 2,500 men at that place... The inhabitants of the lower part of the County are much exposed. Holmes predicted a British foraging raid as “the country abounds with grain and forces are not sufficient to oppose the enemy in case they should come, which I have the greatest reason to believe they will, as it is in their power at any time.” He noted that “not one Continental soldier [is] near for our defence.” He referred to people near Sandy Hook as living on a “frontier” and concluded “they are now left at the mercy of the enemy, without assistance." Holmes’s complaint made it to Washington who, on August 8, again directed General Maxwell to send men to Monmouth County: I am uncertain whether you may not already have a party somewhere in Monmouth County, but however this may be, it is my wish you should without delay have one of 50 men stationed under a very vigilant and intelligent Officer. Washington specifically requested that Maxwell put the men under the command of either Lt. Colonel David Brearley, Lt. Colonel David Rhea, or Major Richard Howell. Brearley and Rhea were the seniormost Continental Army officers from Monmouth County; Howell was not from Monmouth County, but apparently spent time there before the war. Washington further asked for a mounted party to accompany the men, as it would be needed to quickly relay information about the British or French fleets at Sandy Hook (though the French had left for Rhode Island ). The practical commander-in-chief likely knew he had lowered his request for the Monmouth contingent from 200 to 50—a change presumably made to improve the chances that Maxwell would promptly comply with the order. A captured British vessel may have figured in the final decision of Maxwell to send troops to Shrewsbury. On August 12, the New Jersey Gazette reported that “this day, a row galley, carrying one 18 and 2 four pounders, belonging to the Enemy at New York, was drove ashore near Shrewsbury, and fell into our hands with 30 men [on board]." The Loyalist New York Gazette provided more information on the vessel: "The ferret galley, Capt. O'Brien, was cast away near Shrewsbury in a late violent gale of wind, and the crew are prisoners, on their parole at Princeton.” The hope of capturing another enemy vessel, a high prestige and often lucrative activity, likely hastened the arrival of Richard Howell at Shrewsbury. Richard Howell Camps at Black Point On August 21, Washington wrote General Nathanael Greene that Howell was now at Black Point (present-day Rumson). Howell’s first surviving letter from there is a personal letter dated August 23. Howell writes about preparations for a visit from "the lovely Kizey Burr” (a relative of Aaron Burr) whom he was courting. He worried about the implications of hosting a woman at his current camp with nothing to entertain her "but a few dusty law books and a sword." Howell’s first surviving military letter from Black Point is an August 26 letter to General Maxwell. Howell discussed hiring a local to get information from the British, “a fisherman for intelligence.” Howell also wrote about efforts to infiltrate the Pine Robber gangs that were operating on the shore: I sent out two men who pass for deserters to join the wood Tories, but could not join them, from their caution, having been deceived before. Since that measure was defeated, I now propose to go down by night & surround the swamp in which they are from, with this intelligence, and burn their cabins. Four days later, Howell had not moved on the Pine Robbers, but wrote Maxwell that he expected to: A few days past, the wood Tories attacked a man & robbed him -- they have said they will make their fortunes tomorrow out of the inhabitants on their way to the sale of a ship and cargo at Toms River -- I shall march all night and may perhaps mar their sport in the morning. Howell wrote that he was receiving intelligence from locals: "I have established connections with both Whigs and Tories in this place & hear everyday from the Hook and N. York." In addition, Howell noted that while the British have moved ships away from the Hook, they had left in place their floating battery , "the Leviathan lays off the Hook with one tier of guns, as a battlement." Washington originally wanted 200 Continentals to camp near Sandy Hook, but then revised his request to 50 men. But on August 30, Howell had only 30 men with him. This led Maxwell to send a few more men. Muster rolls indicate that four men from Nathaniel Polhemus’s Essex County company were sent to Monmouth in September and October, seven in November, and five in December. Howell’s reports on British activities apparently declined in frequency. Washington grew frustrated with the lack of intelligence, writing on October 5: Of the different observers in New York and those places proper for attending the motions of the fleet, not one has made any return of such an occurrence. Major Howell in particular whose station is at Black Point for the express purpose of watching the fleet, and giving regular information of their movements, has afforded me no light on this subject. He wrote Howell that day about a report claiming that a British fleet had left New York to attack French: I cannot suppose this account to be well founded because I have heard nothing of the kind from you; and I have too good an opinion of your vigilance to suppose it possible a circumstance of such importance could escape your knowledge—I shall however be glad to hear immediately from you; and must desire you will take measures to ascertain the truth or falsehood of this report—I must also desire, that besides communicating instantly any event of importance that takes place among the enemy’s shipping, you will every two or three days let me hear from you, if it be only to inform me that nothing new has occurred. The British fleet that cleared Sandy Hook was not attacking the French. It was carrying a 1,000-man raiding party headed for Egg Harbor to destroy the village of Chestnut Neck and the privateers based there. Lord Stirling [William Alexander] informed Washington of this on October 7. Stirling was disappointed that he did not learn of the raid from Howell: “I am much surpriz’d at Major Howels [Howell’s] silence.” Stirling reported that he had ordered Captain Jonathan Forman (of Middletown Point) to the Highlands to provide intelligence due to Howell’s silence: Genl Maxwell has sent two Messengers to Major Howell for Intelligence, I have now desired him to send Capt. Forman (who is well acquainted in that Country) to go to Middletown, Naversink &c. and get all the Intelligence he can and immediately to return. Two days later, Howell defended his conduct in a letter to George Washington. He said "nothing can escape my notice" and provided information on the Egg Harbor raid "based on a spy I sent last evening." Howell noted the danger of camping men on the Highlands to observe British movements: "I have but thirty men, insufficient to guard this little post & I am unable to dispatch a party on so dangerous a command.” He remained confident in the locals who were reporting to him, "I have made good connections and believe I shall be master of every intelligence so as to communicate it speedily." On October 11, two letters from Howell reached Lord Stirling via Captain John Burrowes, (who went to Middletown instead of Forman). Howell reported on the attack on Egg Harbor and forces sent to defend the area. Stirling forwarded these letters to Washington and also reported that “two classes of the Militia of Monmouth County are now out… I hope to quiet Major Howells’ fears and give him an opportunity of affording us somewhat better Intelligence." Howell next wrote on October 15. He reported on the return of the British raiders from Egg Harbor. He also discussed an unusual prisoner: “We receiv’d a prisoner as a Spy taken by some men on the shore—He is a genteel well bred man came from No. Carolina” and “hid in a barn when pursued.” Howell asked his commanders for information on the man and noted that “he is under the direction of the militia who took him.” From the earliest days of the war to the end of the war, Loyalists journeyed from other states to enter British lines at Sandy Hook. On October 21, Washington wrote Lord Stirling with a new concern about Howell’s party. He wrote that "instances of commerce between the inhabitants and the Enemy may be have been tolerated [by Howell’s men]." Washington asked Stirling to investigate, "if you discover any improper connivance on the part of the officers at Shrewsbury, that you will take proper care measures not only to prevent it in the future, but to punish it in the past." The outcome of the investigation is unknown, but it would not be the last time that Continentals camped in Monmouth County turned a blind eye to illegal trading. Howell’s next surviving letter is from November 23. He reported on British ships arriving at Sandy Hook. He also wrote of two American ships taken near Sandy Hook, a Philadelphia vessel, Abingdon , and a vessel from Egg Harbor. He further reported on two Loyalist boats that landed near Black Point “with a party plundering most villainously an old man." Howell attempted to take the raiders: "I received intelligence and marched after them and marched as fast as possible against them, but they run off & soon the [New Jersey] Volunteers made their escape." On December 1, Stirling wrote Washington of another small Loyalist raid: "the troops from the Hook went towards Middletown last night, are gone; the night before last, the militia of that place firing in a boat in the Gut kill'd one of the enemy." On December 20, Howell sent his last dispatch from Black Point, bundling reports from 16th, 17th, 19th and 20th. The reports mostly summarize ships coming in and out of Sandy Hook. Beyond that, the report for the 19th noted “a foraging party to go to the southward” into Monmouth County though Howell downplayed the threat. He also heard from a Loyalist informer: “Through the Tory channel… I heard that one Mount [James Mount], formerly a Major of militia in this place and now a refugee, lost his trading set and a number were taken prisoner.” Howell noted his inability to stop these incursions, “I went with some troops to patrol the shore at night to no effect." He reported on intelligence of three or four enemy vessels anchoring off Middletown that proved to be false. By now, Washington and Stirling were ready to pull Howell’s small command out of Monmouth County and replace it with a larger detachment that might do better at curbing the illegal trade with Loyalists on Sandy Hook and Staten Island. Washington wrote Stirling on January 8: I have received such repeated information of the trade that is carried on between Monmouth and New York… that I find it an absolute necessity of sending down a party to that quarter to put a stop to that intercourse. Be pleased therefore, to order about 250 men of the line under the command of a field officer to go immediately upon that service. There will be a necessity of Major Howell's remaining in Monmouth until after the party goes down. On January 30, Washington wrote Governor Livingston, "I had ordered a party under Colo. North [Caleb North] into Monmouth County with a view of restraining the malpractices which prevailed there, the measure may lighten the service of the militia." After more than five months at Black Point, Howell’s small detachment rejoined the Continental Army. Howell’s men spent more time in Monmouth County than any army detachment besides Forman’s Additional Regiment. While Howell provided semi-regular reports on British movements, his small command was incapable of curbing illegal trade, battling Loyalist raiders, or suppressing Pine Robber gangs. North’s regiment, though far larger than Howell’s company, would also struggle against local Loyalists and their elusive disaffected allies. This is the subject of another article . Caption : Major Richard Howell spent five months at Black Point watching the British fleet at Sandy Hook. His small detachment attempted to provide security to the region, but was unable to do so. Related Historic Site : Portland Place Sources : George Washington to William Livingston, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 11, pp. 256, 436; Tench Tilghman to William Maxwell, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 50, July 1 9, 1778; Asher Holmes to William Livingston, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; George Washington to William Maxwell, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw120326)) ; George Washington to James Caldwell, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw120328)) ; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 2, pp. 368, 380; Maryland Gazette, September 1, 1779; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; George Washington to Nathanael Greene, Nathanael Greene, The Papers of General Nathanael Greene (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1976) vol. 2, p 487; Richard Howell to Hose Evers, Howell Family Papers, HM67368, HM67369, Huntington Library; Richard Howell to William Maxwell, George Washington Papers, Library of Congress, Series 4, Reel 5; Richard Howell to William Maxwell, George Washington Papers, Library of Congress, Series 4, Reel 6; Capt. John Polhemus, Muster Roll, National Archives, New Jersey Continental Army Muster Rolls, posted at: https://sites.google.com/site/garlandsboutique/home/McDonaldFamilyHistory/benjamin-mcdonald/soldier-of-the-american-revolution/1775---1780-new-jersey-continental-line; Richard Howell to William Maxwell, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 16, 1 July–14 September 1778, ed. David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006, pp. 468–470, note 3; George Washington to Richard Howell, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw130036)) ; George Washington to Richard Howell, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 266–267; Lord Stirling to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 300–301; Richard Howell to George Washington, George Washington Papers, Library of Congress, Series 4, Reel 7; Lord Stirling to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 345–346; Richard Howell to Lord Stirling, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 472–475, note 3; George Washington to Lord Stirling, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw130091)) ; George Washington to Lord Stirling, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 13, p 120; Richard Howell to Lord Stirling, New York Historical Society, William Alexander Papers, vol. 1, p. 207-10; Richard Howell to Lord Striling, Richard Howell to Lord Stirling, Rowan University Special Collections, NJ 03, MSS; Richard Howell to Lord Stirling, New York Historical Society, William Alexander Papers, vol. 1, p. 251; George Washington to Lord Stirling, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 5, p 388. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth Loyalists Jailed at Frederickton, Maryland by Michael Adelberg The Hessian Barracks in Frederick, Maryland was built to hold British prisoners starting in 1777. Before that, in early 1777, 50 Monmouth Loyalists crammed into the six-room prison that preceded it. - December 1776 - In the sixty days between November 15, 1776 and January 15, 1777, at least two hundred Monmouth County Loyalists were arrested, detained, and imprisoned out-of-state (see table at end of this article). Monmouth County’s Loyalist insurrections made it impossible to hold Loyalist prisoners after December 3, when Sheriff Asher Holmes sent his prisoners to Easton, Pennsylvania . The scramble to get prisoners transported on the same day that Loyalists gangs rose up illustrates the improvisational and reactive nature of Continental governance during these desperate times. Loyalist prisoners were treated inconsistently and, sometimes, incompetently. Sending away the Monmouth Loyalist Prisoners Most arrested Monmouth Loyalists were sent to the jail in Philadelphia, but that jail was overcrowded with Loyalists and British prisoners of war. So, many of the Monmouth prisoners were sent more than 200 miles to Fredericktown (Frederick), Maryland. In 1776, the town hastily constructed a two-story 30 x 20 jail that first took in North Carolina Loyalist prisoners in May. It was described as “a dreadful place… so crowded at present that we fear it may be dangerous to their health.” The prison, at the time, held 27 prisoners. It would soon hold 50 from Monmouth County alone—at least until 1777 when a more accommodating barracks-prison was started. The first Monmouth County Loyalists sent to Fredericktown were captured in November. They were members of Samuel Wright’s Loyalist Association , Shrewsbury Township men taken during Colonel Charles Read’s campaign, and men taken in Colonel David Forman’s campaign in Freehold and Middletown townships. William Taylor, leader of the Loyalist association broken up by Forman, recalled: In November 1776, Mr. Washington detached a regiment from his army, under command of Col David Forman, to take up and secure your memorialist and other friends of Government in Monmouth County, they actually took near 100 of your memorialist's friends and relations, and removed them 200 miles to Fredericktown in Maryland, and there closely confined them in gaol. David Forman corroborated this recollection in a letter to George Washington, stating that he “took nearly 100 of his [Taylor’s] friends and relatives, who were removed 300 miles to Fredericktown, Maryland, and there confined to jail." It is interesting that the one point of disagreement between the two accounts was over the distance between Monmouth County and the far-off prison. The prisoners stopped in Philadelphia on their way to Fredericktown. An entry in the Journals of Continental Congress, on December 5, notes the receiving Monmouth County prisoners, "inhabitants of New Jersey being sent under guard to Philadelphia, being charged with the crime of enlisting men for General Howe, and some enlisting themselves in the service of the enemy.” Congress then resolved “that they be sent under guard to Frederick, Maryland, there to be safely confined." However, the prisoners did not leave Philadelphia for Fredericktown until December 10. On that day, Congress’s agent, Captain Mountjoy Bailey, assigned an 18-man guard to transport the prisoners. Fifty Monmouth Loyalists arrived in Fredericktown on December 18 and were put under the care of Frederick County’s Committee Observation. According to a receipt made out to Mountjoy Bailey, the prisoners included John Van Mater, a former Committeeman whose brother helped capture Richard Stockton, and Henry Weatherby, the second-in-command in Samuel Wright’s Loyalist association. The fifty men were a subset of Monmouth prisoners in Philadelphia. On December 15, General Israel Putnam wrote to Mountjoy Bailey about sixteen prisoners in Philadelphia: In consequence of an application from a number of Gentlemen in this city, together with the presentation of Colo. [Nathaniel] Scudder, who is personally acquainted with many of the prisoners, a list of names enclosed. I am induced to authorize you to cause a guard to be immediately provided, which shall convey the 16 persons to the gaol at Lancaster, where they are to be delivered and left... The expense of such an extraordinary guard & the whole process to be defrayed by the prisoners themselves. Some of the prisoners to be shipped to Lancaster were active in Samuel Wright’s association or were Freehold-Middletown and Shrewsbury Loyalist insurrectionists. Noteworthy names include: John Van Mater, Daniel Grandin, Morford Taylor, Thomas Leonard, and Robert James. Curiously, Van Mater, Grandin, and two others on the Lancaster prisoner list also appear on the Fredericktown list. The same man could not have been sent to both places. This raises the strong possibility that the prisoners were lying to jailers about their true identity, perhaps in order to protect their family name and kin still in Monmouth County. Further muddying the documentation is an undated “List of Tories” that includes 53 names. It was likely compiled in Philadelphia in December. It includes several names from the list of 50 Loyalists sent to Fredericktown and several from the list of 16 sent to Lancaster. But it also includes names that are not on either list. And there are interesting annotations next to eight of the names. They are below: Ren Cooke -- "helped discover Tories" John Bennett -- "of Samuel Wright's men" William Dennison -- "escaped" Robert James -- "again apprehended" William Tie -- "taken by Capt. Wikoff" Charles Lucas -- "released" William Jones -- "discharged" William Woolley -- "in Frederick". Based on the annotations, at least three of these men were cooperating with Continental authorities. Returning the Monmouth Loyalist Prisoners On January 2, 1777, Pennsylvania Continentals under Lt. Colonel Francis Gurney routed the new Loyalist militia at Freehold. Gurney pushed east and further broke up Loyalist stores at Middletown and Shrewsbury. The British Army concurrently withdrew across New Jersey. The New Jersey government regained its bearings. On February 13, before learning of the disastrous defeat of the Monmouth militia at the Battle of the Navesink , the New Jersey Assembly passed a resolution to bring back the Frederick Loyalists and "convey them into this State to stand trial." It appears that the Monmouth Loyalists in Maryland were moved to a prison in Salem County. On March 19, the New Jersey Council of Safety , considered trying the Loyalists: “Ordered, that the prisoners lately ordered to be brought from Fredericktown in Maryland and lodged in the gaol of the County of Salem, to be conducted under guard to Bordentown [to appear before the Council].” Three of the Frederick-detained Loyalists appeared before the Board on March 29: "the Board proceeded to examine Major Seabrook [Thomas Seabrook] respecting three prisoners who were sent to Fredericktown in Maryland & are now returned to this State." Meanwhile, the Philadelphia prison remained overcrowded and a breeding ground for disease. In early April, Nathaniel Scudder wrote of the Monmouth prisoners in Philadelphia, including some recently moved to Bordentown, New Jersey, that they “are in a wretched condition, many sick - [John] Sears apparently dying yesterday morning." Three other prisoners, John North, William North, and James Journee–were in the hospital recovering from smallpox. They would soon be permitted to leave prison in exchange for enlisting in the Continental Army. Thomas Wharton wrote Governor William Livingston about the prison overcrowding on March 26. “The prison is much crowded and many of the prisoners are sick, which renders it necessary to take every step possible to lessen their number." Wharton noted that "several of the prisoners from the State of New Jersey have petitioned for a hearing." On April 2, Livingston replied, "the difficulty of knowing how to dispose of them has given me great anxiety" but he also reminded Wharton that the Loyalists were “in treason and rebellion against the United States.” Livingston asked Wharton to continue to hold the Loyalists until David Forman arrived to testify to “several of the delinquencies.” But Livingston then moved to bring home the Loyalists, “I have sent Lt. Smock [Barnes Smock] with a guard to receive them from your State." As late as October 1777, 79 New Jersey prisoners were still being held in the Philadelphia jail. Based on the surnames, as many as 50 of those men could have been from Monmouth County. On April 3, the New Jersey Council of Safety began a long series of trials against Monmouth Loyalists. A few of the men--Garrett Covenhoven, Thomas Woolley, Charles Lucas, Zachariah Sickles—were identified as taken by David Forman in November. They likely showed contrition and were released after taking loyalty oaths. Other jailed Loyalists, such as Edmund Harris and Richard James, remained in prison until their eventual trials before Monmouth County first Court of Oyer Terminer in January 1778. On May 1, the New Jersey Council of Safety noted that William Woolley was still in Fredericktown. The council wished to “deliver said Woolley to Richard Bell, he having promised to bring him into this State, and enter into a bond for his appearing before the Council of Safety." On June 10, the Council noted another Monmouth Loyalist still in Frederick, James Paterson; it permitted Peter Paterson and Thomas Jeffrey “to bring them into this State at their own expense & entering into a bond of L500." Solomon Wardell and Moses Havens were also permitted to retrieve David Brown and George Johnson from Fredericktown under the same conditions. It is unclear why these Loyalists were left behind. The irregularities regarding the out-of-state confinement and return of the Monmouth Loyalists illustrates that the nation’s new leaders, acting under difficult conditions, made significant mistakes. Major Events Resulting in the Capture of Monmouth Loyalists 13 of Samuel Wright’s Party taken by VA. Continentals c. November 15, 1776 70 Shrewsbury Loyalists taken by Col. Charles Read c. November 30, 1776 "Near" 100 Freehold Loyalists taken Col. David Forman c. November 30, 1776 5 Upper Freehold Loyalists taken by DE. Continentals c. December 29, 1776 23 Loyalist Militia taken by PA. Continentals on January 2 and 3, 1777 15 Loyalist insurgents taken by PA. Continentals on January 6 and 9, 1777 The statistics above undercount the complete number of captured Loyalists. They include only documented events resulting in five or more captures. Captures of less than five are not listed. Additional captures likely occurred that are not documented in surviving records and, therefore, cannot be included. Related Historic Site : Fort Frederick State Park (Maryland) Sources : “You shall be carried to the gaol of Fredericktown,” Emerging Revolutionary War Era, January 29, 2019 ( https://emergingrevolutionarywar.org/2019/01/29/you-shall-be-carried-to-the-gaol-of-fredericktown-part-1/#_edn7 ); “Conveyance of Tory Prisoners of War,” correspondence from the Frederick County Historical Society; Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, Hendrick Van Mater, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/112, reel 11; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 186, 182, 315 note. William Dwyer, The Day is Ours! An Inside View of the Battles of Trenton and Princeton (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1998), p38. Harry Ward, Major General Adam Stephen and the Cause of American Liberty (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1989) pp. 146-7; Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, William Taylor, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/112, reel 10; John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 6, p 307; Peter Force, ed., American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution 1774–1776, 9 vols. (1837–53), 5th Services, vol. 2, pp. 1599, 1603; General Israel Putnam to Capt. Mountjoy Bailey, Dec 15, 1776, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 84, item 70, #117; Prisoner List, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 53, item 42, vol. 2, #301; George Washington to Israel Putnam, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw060334)) ; List of Tories, undated, Princeton University, Firestone Library, CO387, Barricklo Coll., box 1, folder Miscellaneous; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, I78, Miscellaneous Letters to Congress, v22, p193; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, February 13, 1777, p 66; Willliam Livingston to Owen Biddle, New York Public Library, Emmet Collection, #9455; Thomas Wharton to William Livingston, in Carl Prince ed, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, pp. 285-6, 291; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) pp. 9-10; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 292; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 13; Pennsylvania Gazette, December 24, 1777(CD-ROM at the David Library, #24267); Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 209; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, April 9, 1778, p 104-105; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 251; New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 7, June 16, 1778; Nathaniel Scudder to David Forman, Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Neilson Family Papers; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) pp. 255, 283; Memorial of John Williams, Great Britain Public Record Office, British Headquarters Papers, 30/55, #4907; List of Prisoners in Philadelphia Gaol, October 1777, New Jersey Council of Safety, New Jersey State Archives, b2, n120. 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Capture of the William and Anne and Post-Capture Maneuvering by Michael Adelberg The William & Anne resembled this British brigantine. In July 1777, it grounded on the Monmouth shore and was taken. It took months to determine who had rights to sell the vessel. - August 1777 - As discussed in prior articles, the large British Army in New York required continuous re-provisioning. This meant that an unprecedented number of ships were entering New York harbor via Sandy Hook. Many of those ships were captained by officers navigating the unmarked waters near Sandy Hook for the first time. Groundings and ship seizures were inevitable—the first one occurring in 1775. Over the course of the war, opportunistic shore-neighborhood militia, though often dysfunctional , demonstrated a willingness to fight when unloading ships and protecting cargoes from British capture. As early as July 1776, the British brig, Halifax , was fired on by local militia in two separate incidents on the Monmouth shore. In December, HMS Syren , while “moored at Sandy Hook… landed the Marines” on a beach near Shrewsbury “in order to examine a Schooner which was run a Shore.” Syren’s “marines took possession of the Schooner” and “27 rebel prisoners.” However, local militia chased off the marines. Syren was forced to return, “firing a number of swivels & small arms at the Rebels who were plundering the Schooner.” Syren ’s men “set fire to the schooner” but local militia prevented its capture. The Capture of the William & Anne In spring 1777, a British brig from the Caribbean bound for New York beached near Long Branch. The crew came ashore looking for provisions. A local militiaman, William Applegate, recalled that the crew was “captured by Capt. Morgan who surprised the crew resorting on the shore procuring provisions & thereby became possessed of the vessel, they having negligently left no guard on board except one sick man.” The vessel “was armed & had sugar aboard.” Probably informed by Loyalists who went to Sandy Hook, the next day “2 English armed vessels and attempted to regain” the brig and its valuable cargo. Local militia arrived in time to reinforce Morgan and defend the prize. John Howland, a militia sergeant, recalled: They were ordered to defend her [the beached brig]. They had a piece of artillery mounted on a turret threw upon her, which they defended the brig until they got the sugar out, they were found only among the vessel for the best part of a day. A similar and better-documented incident would occur two months later off of Deal. On July 28, 1777, the New York Gazette & Weekly Mercury , a Loyalist newspaper, printed a brief account about the capture of the merchant vessel, William & Anne : “A brig supposed to be from the West Indies, run ashore last evening at a place called Deal… and the rebels on shore have been seen unloading her." The brig was an ocean-going vessel that had previously made ports of call in Russia and Portugal before heading for the Caribbean. More detail on ship’s capture was provided the in the same newspaper the following week: The brig mentioned in our last to be ashore at Deal, near Sandy Hook, was the prize to the Milford and Thomas frigates; she taken by a rebel privateer and ordered for Boston, and on the voyage was re-taken by the above mentioned frigates, and sent for this port, but the prize master thought proper to call on the coast of New Jersey, where the cargo, consisting of oil, lemons, wine, basil and sugar, was immediately taken ashore and carried up into the country. The key phrase “the prize master thought proper to call on the coast of New Jersey” raises two possibilities. 1.) The prize master, a junior British officer named Jacobs, may have grounded the ship by accident off Deal, where it was taken by rebels; the report sought to downplay this grievous error. 2.) Alternatively, as the story suggests, the prize master may have steered for Deal intentionally because he expected a friendly reception, including picking up a local pilot, along the largely disaffected Shrewsbury Township shoreline. This mystery is solved by a subsequent report in the Pennsylvania Evening Post . On August 15, the newspaper advertised an admiralty court to be held at Gilbert Barton's Tavern in Allentown. The court would hear "the bill of James Morgan, captain of a company of militia… against the brigantine or vessel called the William & Anne , lately commanded by Capt. Jacobs, and taken as a prize by the said Capt. Morgan near Long Branch." The referenced “Capt. Morgan” was James Morgan, a militia captain from the Cheesequake neighborhood of Middlesex County. His militia company consisted largely of Raritan Bay boatmen. When the William & Anne beached, Morgan’s men likely rowed to it and demanded its surrender in the same way that Essex County men rowed to and demanded the surrender of the Blue Mountain Valley in 1776. The residents of Deal, disaffected or not, offered the British no aid. Instead, as they had with the British ship, Good Intent , earlier that year, they willingly unloaded the vessel’s valuable cargo once the ship was secured for a share of the prize. Job Throckmorton of the Monmouth Militia recalled the capture. He recalled that Morgan “imprisoned the crew whilst on shore procuring provisions, and thereby became possessed of the vessel, they having left no crew on board except a sick man.” Throckmorton also recalled an attempt by the British to recover the vessel: “The day after, Captain Morgan became possessed of the brig, an English armed vessel endeavored to reclaim her, but making use of the guns still on board, they eventually drove her off.” After the Capture The William & Anne was certainly not the first vulnerable British ship taken off the Monmouth shore, but it was the first to be formally condemned through New Jersey’s newly-established Admiralty Court . Ownership and rights to prior captured ships, such as the Betsy , bogged down in months of confusing debate over rightful ownership of the ship and its cargo. The admiralty courts were established to hear claims on the vessel and its cargo, and then promptly settle questions of ownership. The court’s appointed agent would then advertise the sale of the vessel and its cargo, attend the sale, and collect fees for the state. Over the next five years, Gilbert Barton’s tavern—likely due to Allentown’s central location—hosted more admiralty courts than any other New Jersey location. Interestingly, the August 15 Evening Post report contradicted a prior announcement in the same newspaper. This prior notice claimed that the William & Anne was already condemned at Freehold, and would be sold at auction at Long Branch on August 5 with “a cargo of sugar, oil, lemons, sumack, figs, wine vinegar, corks, almonds, and wine.” This errant notice suggests that Monmouth Countians had locally determined ownership of the vessel and condemned it to a body “Continental soldiers.” The only Continental soldiers on the Monmouth shore at this time were David Forman’s Additional Regiment . Perhaps David Forman, who was holding extra-legal tribunals for other purposes, condemned the vessel to his troops. This would have placed him at odds with Captain Morgan of the Middlesex militia, but Forman was also the militia general for Monmouth, Middlesex and Burlington counties at the time and the commanding officer over Captain Morgan. Forman could have sent Morgan home. The state’s assertion of the admiralty court’s jurisdiction clarified that a state-appointed Admiralty Court judge would determine the vessel’s rightful owner and the person entitled to the windfall from the sale of the vessel and its cargo. In a final twist on the post-capture maneuvering, the Admiralty Court hearing in August 1777 did not lead to the prompt sale of the William & Anne . The following April, the New Jersey Gazette advertised that the William & Anne would be sold at the house of James Wall in Freehold on May 15. The agent of the Admiralty Court who advertised the sale was David Forman. Related Historical Site : Mystic Seaport Museum (Mystic, CT) Sources : Journal of H.M.S. Syren , Captain Tobias Furneaux, December 13, 1776, Great Britain Public Record Office, Admiralty 41/930. Accessed via https://navydocs.org/ ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John Howland of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#27247928 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, William Applegate of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#11273804 ; American War of Independence at Sea - American Privateers: http://www.awiatsea.com/pl/Br/British%20Prizes%20July%201777/William%20and%20Anne%20Brig%20(Edward%20Howe).html ; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 1, pp. 434, 443-4; William Morgan, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1970), vol. 9, p 704; Pennsylvania Evening Post, August 15, 1777; The Library Company, Pennsylvania Evening Post, August 23, 1777; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Job Throckmorton. 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