The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Loyalist Kin Gain Pieces of Confiscated Estates by Michael Adelberg Edward Taylor, arrested for disaffection but not a Loyalist, avoided estate confiscation by cutting his Loyalist son, George, out of his will. A number of Loyalist kin held onto family estates. - April 1779 - By late 1778, the New Jersey government had established a process to confiscate and sell Loyalist estates. Selling Loyalist estates, however, was complicated by an important question: What should be done with the families of Loyalists who were living on those estates? In December 1778, a law was passed to empower the Governor to exile Loyalist wives still living in New Jersey but, realistically, the Governor was only capable of exiling a small percentage of Loyalist families. Many wives of Loyalists were the sisters and daughters of leaders in the new government, and some severed ties with their Loyalist husbands and fathers. Local authorities were tempted to break rules to help these women. The “Red House” Controversy The first and best documented case of the estate confiscation process being manipulated on behalf of a Loyalist’s family concerned the sale of “Red House.” It was one of the best houses in the village of Freehold and formerly the home of John Longstreet (who left in 1776 to become a captain in the Loyalist New Jersey Volunteers ). Longstreet’s family stayed in Freehold and apparently earned the favor of local authorities. When Longstreet’s house went up for auction on March 17, a plot was implemented to keep the house in the hands of the Longstreet family. That plot ran afoul of David Rhea, the Quartermaster agent for Monmouth County, living in Allentown but raised in Freehold. He wanted the house for himself. Depositions were taken by the New Jersey Legislature about what transpired on March 17. David Gordon, a captain in the State Troops , testified to the unusual conduct of the auction: When he asked Mr. Rhea what he was buying, he said Longstreet's house, after hearing Mr. Rhea bid near a dozen times without hearing another person bid, the crier [Daniel Harbert] turned round to Mrs. Jane Forman and asked if she bid five pounds [more], which she did, and [then the crier] immediately stopped everything. Wiliam Schenck further testified that “the crier advised Mr. Rhea to let Mrs. Forman have it, as she wanted it for Longstreet's child.” Rhea also testified: Mrs. Forman [Jane Forman] and he bid against each other some time, at length, he [Rhea] bid five pounds [more] at a bid, several times against himself & then seeing that the time was out, and it [the Red House] must be his, upon which the crier turned his watch [hourglass] upside down and kept on crying, that he [Rhea] then bid several more times afterward upon himself & stop'd, when the crier asked Mrs. Forman if he should cry £5 more for her, to which she nodded, & he [Rhea] immediately bid £5 more, when the crier told him it was too late. A fourth witness, Garrett Covenhoven, testified that he heard the auction crier tell him that Longstreet’s house “was going up for sale & wish'd the people would have pity on the child [of John Longstreet]." A fifth witness, Stophel Logan, corroborated Rhea’s and Covenhoven’s accounts. Joseph Throckmorton gave a deposition partially to the contrary: “The crier took the last bid from Mr. Rhea, the crier [then] took another bid from Mrs. Forman by a nod… and then struck it off, looking in Mr. Rhea's face and saying 'once, twice, three times'.” There was “enough time for Mr. Rhea to bid” one last time. However, Throckmorton was kin to a Loyalist officer and had a confiscated estate in his extended family. He may have had a vested interest in the outcome of the auction. The investigation into the sale of the Red House produced a reversal. The final records of the Forfeiture Commissioners record David Rhea as the purchaser of John Longstreet’s “house lot.” Jane Forman’s charitable intentions did not carry the day against the biased auction. However, there is no evidence that auction crier, Harbert, was punished for rigging the auction. Monmouth County’s four estate Forfeiture Commissioners—Kenneth Hankinson, Samuel Forman, Joseph Lawrence, Jacob Wikoff—were rebuked by the New Jersey Legislature for this and other irregularities, but the legislature stopped short of removing them from office. Other Ways Loyalists Sought to Keep Land in the Family There are several other examples of Loyalist kin keeping some of their family estates. The data below summarizes seven other cases in which special accommodations were made for the families of Loyalists—although some accommodations were temporary or subject to litigation that reversed the accommodation. There were special accommodations made for additional Loyalist wives and families, but incomplete documentation makes it impossible to know the full extent of these practices. The data is structured as follows: Loyalist Kin Left with Land Confiscated Property Land Kept in Family Rev. Samuel Cooke Mary Cooke, daughter Multiple plots of land 220-acre farm Barzilla Grover William Grover, brother Family estate Family estate** Thomas McKnight* Robert McKnight, brother Family estate Family estate Samuel Osborne Osborne’s widow Osborne’s estate 1/3 of estate James Stillwell James Stillwell, Jr., son 300-acre estate 300-acre farm Peter Stout Stout’s mother unknown unknown** Hendrick Van Mater John, Joseph Van Mater, brothers 1/3 of 480-acre estate 1/3 of estate** John Williams Deborah Williams, wife Mill and farm Mill * Family estate sold and kept in family prior to confiscation ** Outcome contested and potentially reversed Deborah Williams is a good example of a wife permitted to hold onto some of her husband’s estate. Per genealogical and antiquarian sources, Deborah’s husband, John Wiliams, became an officer in the New Jersey Volunteers; she stayed in New Jersey. Deborah’s daughter married a Continental soldier, Thomas Barclay, and the family apparently severed relations with John. When the Loyalist estate confiscation auctions were held, John’s plots of land were sold separately. Deborah was allowed to purchase the most valuable family property—the Turtle Mill at Eatontown. Other plots were purchased by other bidders. Peter Stout provides an example of special accommodation that went bad. Stout was a Loyalist. According to a memorial written in 1783, he initially stayed in Middletown, which "enabled him to maintain his wife & seven children in decency." He then fled when the Loyalist insurrections collapsed. Before doing so, he apparently transferred his estate to his mother and she remained in control of the family estate after Stout left. In August 1782, Stout was captured while visiting his family: He was about the month of August 1782 taken prisoner by the Americans & confined in Freehold gaol for near four months, after which he was exchanged upon giving bond & security in £1,000 that he would not leave the county, but should return to gaol when called for. In 1783, with hostilities cooled, Stout sought permission from Colonel Asher Holmes (the Middletown militia colonel) and John Stillwell (“the magistrate who took the bond of security”) to return to New York, “which was always refused.” He went to Colonel W. Smith (the Continental Commissary of Prisoners) for help, and Smith “wrote a letter to Genl. David Forman on the subject -- who absolutely refused suffering the deponent to come within British lines or discharging his security bonds.” Stout was then jailed and loaded in irons. A deal was apparently worked out between Stout’s mother and John Burrowes, the Monmouth County Sheriff: The deponent's mother conveyed her right to the deponent's confiscated estate unto Mr. John Burrowes, the purchaser thereof, upon which being done, the deponent was retrieved from irons, and discharged from the dungeon by John Burrowes, Jr. Like Stout, Samuel Osborne, the tax collector for Monmouth County under the Royal Government, also attempted to protect his estate. He transferred it to his sister, who then became the custodian for a mentally-disabled second sister who lived on the estate. The Forfeiture Commissioners were unsympathetic. They confiscated and sold Osborne’s estate anyway. This prompted a petition to the Legislature from Richard Van Mater, Osborne’s brother-in-law. Van Mater complained: That Samuel Osborne, who some time ago did join the enemy, did, in consequence of a previous agreement between him [Osborne] and his sister, wife of said petitioner, for the maintenance of an idiot sister of the said Osborne, leave all his moveable estate in the hands of the petitioner, for the support of Osborne's wife and the said idiot sister, and for payment of all his lawful debts; which estate was afterwards sold by the Commissioners of Forfeited Estates. The Legislature was unmoved. It referred Van Mater to the courts. Six years later, the disposition of Osborne’s estate remained in contention. There was a second challenge from Osborne’s widow. In March 1786, the New Jersey Gazette recorded a petition to the Legislature from Richard Rogers, who purchased Osborne’s estate: He had purchased a plantation at the sale of the commissioners of forfeited estates, and is in danger of losing one-third part of the usable part of the plantation during the life of the widow, whose husband [Samuel Osborne] formerly owned the same, and praying the legislature will protect him in the said purchase. The Legislature declined to consider the issue. Other potential Loyalists stayed home to avoid confiscation. Edward Taylor of Middletown endured arrests and harassments to hold onto his estate. His oldest son, George Taylor, Colonel of Monmouth County’s illusory Loyalist militia , was written out his will despite being on “affectionate terms” with his father. If Edward left any land to George, it would have been confiscated. Edward died at the end of the war and his estate was transferred to a younger son who never left Monmouth County. The sale of Loyalist estates was tainted by scandals and complications , not the least of which involved the families of those Loyalists. At times, the Forfeiture Commissioners bent the rules to protect the interest of families that severed ties with Loyalist husbands and fathers. At other times, authorities bent the rules to confiscate Loyalist estates that were lawfully transferred prior to confiscation. In either case, the willingness to bend rules is conspicuous. Related Historic Site : Marlpit Hall Sources : Jones, E. Alfred. The Loyalists of New Jersey, (Newark, N. J. Historical Society, 1927) p 49; Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), p 465. Gregory Palmer, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. and London, 1984) pp. 830-1; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p 889; Thomas McKnight in Jones, E. Alfred. The Loyalists of New Jersey, (Newark, N. J. Historical Society, 1927) p 49. Gregory Palmer, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. and London, 1984), p 564; George Taylor discussed in Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), p 477; Monmouth County Historical Association, The Grover Taylor House, (Freehold: MCHA) p 22-4; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, March 9, 1780, p 149; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, June 1, 1780, p 214; Peter Stout, Affidavit, David Library of the American Revolution, Great Britain Public Records Office, British Headquarters Papers, #9154, 9177; New Jersey State Archives, NJ Supreme Court Collection, Case # 13541; Peter Stout to Guy Carleton, David Library of the American Revolution, Great Britain Public Records Office, British Headquarters Papers, #9154, 9177; New Jersey Gazette, March 6, 1786. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Thomas Crowell and Regulating Loyalist Passage into New Jersey by Michael Adelberg Following the detention of Monmouth Loyalist Thomas Crowell for violating his passport while in New Jersey, George Washington ordered Gen. William Maxwell to limit Loyalist access to New Jersey. - October 1778 - Before the war, Thomas Crowell was a comfortable merchant who captained his own sloop. He lived at Middletown Point, but spent considerable time at both New Brunswick and New York. He was an early Loyalist who served briefly as a captain in the New Jersey Volunteers . His was among the first Loyalist estates inquisitioned and rented out in Monmouth County. Like many Loyalists who went behind British lines , Crowell maintained familial and business contacts in New Jersey. His attempt to come back into New Jersey in fall 1778 is an excellent example of the difficulties faced by state and Continental authorities when regulating the passage of Loyalists across enemy lines. At that time, New Jersey law was fairly permissive regarding who could authorize a New Jerseyan to travel to New York or receive a Loyalist from New York. According to the state’s first law on the subject, local magistrates or militia colonels could give out “passes” or “flags” to New York and receive people traveling from British lines. There were no limits on where returning Loyalists, if authorized by their passport, could go. This would complicate Thomas Crowell’s return trip to New Jersey. Thomas Crowell Returns to New Jersey On September 21, 1778, Governor William Livingston wrote George Washington. He noted that Crowell had come to New Brunswick under a flag of truce from British Admiral James Gambier “for the sole purpose of his carrying to Brunswick Lewis Costigen & his family.” On landing, Crowell “obtained leave” from Colonel John Neilson of New Brunswick to bring Costigen to the town and “to visit his old acquaintances upon plighting his word and honour not to carry off any provisions to New York.” Crowell behaved himself while in New Brunswick, but not on his way back. Livingston wrote: One of our militia officers having received information that he [Crowell] had bargained for some flour along shore, and supposing that he would receive it on board soon after he left the City, detached four men, who lay in the reeds to watch his motions. The militia fired on Crowell in an attempt to stop him from receiving the goods, but Crowell picked up the goods anyway. The militia boarded a boat and caught up with Crowell’s sloop. Livingston wrote: They found on board nine barrels of flour, three firkins of butter and some other articles. It appears from some of his papers which he threw overboard tied to a stone, and which the ebbing of the tide left dry, that he had brought a quantity of sugar to barter for those articles. The captors brought his vessel back to Brunswick, and claim both her and her cargo. Livingston ordered Crowell detained at New Brunswick. But Crowell’s status of traveling under a flag of truce raised difficult legal questions regarding him and his vessel because he was permitted to land at New Brunswick. Livingston wrote: What he has done, would by our Law have incurred a forfeiture of both vessel & cargo had the like been done by any of our own Subjects. How far his Flagg is a protection of his Vessel so as to exempt her from that confiscation which another Vessel the property of a citizen, would be liable to, in similar circumstances, is not so clear as I could wish it. Washington did not respond quickly, suggesting that he consulted with the Continental Congress or attorneys associated with it. On October 5, he finally wrote back: The conduct of Crowel appears to me to have forfeited the protection he derived from the flag and to justify in point of right the detention of his person and the confiscation of the Vessel and her effects. The obligation of a flag is reciprocal. On the one hand it ought to be inviolable, when conducted agreeable to the rules of War and honor; and on the other, any fraud or deceit committed under its sanction is doubly criminal, and the laws and practice of nations will authorize inflicting a punishment proportioned to the crime. Crowell’s vessel was impounded. It was condemned in admiralty court as a legitimate prize of war on December 1. Crowell was sent back to New York. He was hired as the Port Warden of the City of New York, a patronage position that may have been given to him as compensation for his lost vessel. Later in the war, Crowell would become a leader of the Associated Loyalists, a vigilante group in New York, and would conduct ad hoc prisoner exchanges outside of the official Continental-British exchange process. Tightening Rules on Loyalist Passage After Crowell’s vessel was taken, Washington wrote General William Maxwell, to position him as gatekeeper for Loyalists seeking entry into New York: Mr. Crowell's recent violation of the usages and laws of flags render it necessary to adopt some measures that may prevent similar proceedings in the future. For this, you will immediately fix upon a certain number of places for the reception of flag-boats, and advise the commanding Officer on Staten Island of the places, and that no flag boats will be received anywhere else without a special permission. But should the Governor think it expedient, in particular instances, to nominate any other place, at any time, you will comply with his intentions. On December 16, a peeved Maxwell wrote General Washington about the British frivolously issuing passes to Monmouth County Loyalists: I have inclosed you a Letter from General [David] Jones to Genl [Courtland] Skinner with Genl Leslie’s [Alexander Leslie] pass to Vanmater [Daniel Van Mater]; all which I think very extraordinary. I ordered this Vanmater back immediately and His Lordship [Lord Stirling] had ordered the others home before, but the inclosed shows that they had been appointed to come here long before His Lordship knew anything of the Matter & I have good reason to think that they are collecting their friends from different parts and providing passes for them on their arrival here, and refusing all others. An enclosed pass supports Maxwell’s theory. Two Monmouth County Loyalists, Edmund Bembridge and John Van Mater were permitted “to come to Staten Island to meet Mr Daniel Vanmater & Mr Henry Vanmater. Or, in case Lord Stirling refuses them leave, Mr Danl & Henry Vanmater have my permission to pass to Elizabeth Town." Governor Livingston was concerned passes were enabling illegal trade with the enemy. He wrote Washington December 21 with a proposal to curb illegal trade between Monmouth County and New York by limiting the number of "flag vessels" to only the first day of the month. In addition to Loyalists traveling as directed by their passports, there were Loyalists who exceeded the direction on their passports. On January 20, 1779, the New Jersey Gazette reported that two weeks earlier: A certain Joseph Cassel of Philadelphia was apprehended on his way to the enemy in New York via Shrewsbury without a proper passport… he had a number of letters with him from Tories in Philadelphia to their friends in New York, from which it appears that constant correspondence is kept up and traffic carried on between the refugees in New York and the disaffected in this state and Pennsylvania, by way of Shrewsbury. This was not the only passport from New York to Shrewsbury used improperly. In May 1779, the New Jersey Legislative Council (the Upper House of the Legislature) considered the case of Abel Thomas and James Thomas. The Thomas brothers were devout Quakers who had come from Long Island to Shrewsbury with a passport, and then traveled to Manasquan, Barnegat, and Egg Harbor. Apparently, they were only permitted to travel to Shrewsbury. It was common practice for Quakers to maintain their community by sending members to visit several meetings in another region. The Legislative Council accepted an apology and suspended any punishments on the Thomas brothers because they had no "designs injurious to the liberties of America." The Thomas brothers completed their visits and returned to New York. Suspect use of passports to and from Monmouth County forced the New Jersey Government to act. On May 18, 1779, Governor Livingston wrote Elias Boudinot, the Commissary of Prisoners, to tell him about new restrictions on Loyalists coming into New Jersey, and New Jerseyans going to New York: No persons to go into the Enemy's lines from this State, or to come into it from thence but by way of Elizabethtown; You will be pleased to give the strictest orders to the persons navigating the boats with provisions for our prisoners from Shrewsbury and other parts of this State. Livingston also warned Boudinot not to tolerate backsliding from Shrewsbury leaders issuing passes. “If you detect them disobeying this order, it is expected you will immediately supersede him [them]." The New Jersey Legislature would pass three more laws further limiting who could issue passports and receive travelers from New York. At war’s end, only General Washington or Governor Livingston (including their immediate staff) could issue a passport for going to enemy lines. Further, Elizabethtown was named the only legal port of entry for people coming to New York. The British similarly cracked down on New Jersey Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) coming into New York (see appendix). On August 14, 1779, the Loyalist New York Gazette published an order from General James Pattison declaring that all small boats entering New York must have a pass, and that those boats must first visit "the commanding officer at an Out-Post" at one of six locations (one was Sandy Hook) for inspection and receipt of a British pass. Boats landing at New York City without a pass would be seized and forfeited. Whether in New Jersey or New York, whether Revolutionary or Loyalist, many people simply ignored the various laws and orders from the two governments (some travelers likely knew little about them). Illegal passage to and from New York from the Monmouth shoreline and Raritan Bay continued without an effective check for the entirety of the war. Related Historic Sites : Conference House (Staten Island) Appendix: Monmouth County Revolutionaries Legally Pass to New York The first Monmouth Countian to travel to New York under a properly issued flag of truce was militia Captain Andrew Brown. He went to New York in May 1778 with a cargo of flour for prisoners of war. On May 24, he wrote Elias Boudinot, the Commissary of Prisoners: "this will inform you of my return from Staten Island after an unsuccessful voyage." Brown was informed by a Captain Robertson that the British general overseeing prisoners "did not seem altogether pleased" by Brown's offer of a cargo of flour to feed American prisoners. Boudinot replied the next day, "You can now go home… I will send a bushel more--if you think it will be advantageous to store the flour and take the boat to Middletown." Captain John Combs of the New Jersey Line was the next Monmouth Countian documented as going to New York under a flag. On December 1, 1778, he wrote Lord Stirling (General William Alexander) of his trip to New York "for the purpose of delivering your Lordship's dispatches" to the British. Once he crossed enemy lines, Combs was detained by a Captain Ross in the sloop George , who stopped Combs. Combs wrote that "they [Stirling’s letters] were put under the care and protection of a British officer.” Combs gave Ross the letters and took a receipt from Ross which “is herewith enclosed." Ordinary citizens also had reason to go to New York and won the sympathy of local officials and Continental Army officers. One of those was Major Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee, the famous Virginia officer, who was stationed in Monmouth County twice. In December 1779, Judge John Imlay wrote Governor Livingston about Lee issuing passports. On December 18, Livingston wrote back: I believe Maj Lee has been overseen when he was granting passports when he was stationed in Monmouth; but I have lately so fully explained to him the dangerous tendency of such a practice & his want of authority for that purpose, that I flatter myself he will for the future cause no further complaint on the subject. Livingston wrote Lee cautioning him against issuing passes to civilians. Just three days later, the New Jersey Assembly passed a law restricting travel to New York only to those who obtained a passport from Governor Livingston or General Washington. The bill passed by a 26-5 vote. In the next year, at least two Monmouth County officials wrote the governor for passports. Captain Samuel Dennis wrote the Governor in April 1780. He requested a pass for Elizabeth Ritter: To go to New York and pass back again, she has a desire to see her aged father and mother, being in residence there; she has no other way to expect to ever see them, she will promise to take nothing with her except her youngest child. Dennis vouched for Ritter’s good character and called her "a peaceable body." Four months later, Nathaniel Scudder requested a passport for Reverend William Ayers to pass to New York. Scudder claimed his mission would be "of great benefit and charity, and that it cannot be of any bad consequences." It is unknown if a passport was issued for either request. Granting passports remained a complicated topic through the end of the war. In 1782, Governor Livingston wrote to Thomas Henderson, John Covenhoven, Thomas Seabrook (Monmouth's delegates to the Assembly at the time) regarding issuing a passport to Major John Cook of Toms River to go to New York. The Governor lamented that too many passports were being issued by Continental officers: "those under the direction of the Continent go often.” He, nonetheless, denied the request for Cook’s passport for New York, “I cannot think it my duty to oblige Mr. Cook in a permission to bring over goods.” However, Livingston did authorize Cook’s family, which had gone to New York while Cook was a prisoner there, to return to New Jersey: “I have cheerfully given him a pass for his family, with all their apparel and hard money they may bring.” Washington was similarly critical of passports being issued by Monmouth County’s civil officers at war’s end. He wrote in May 1782: "I am told there is quite an open intercourse between the City of New York and the County of Monmouth, by means of prostituted Flags of Truce." Sources : The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 72–74; George Washington to Wiliam Maxwell, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, p. 268-9, 282; Ruth M. Keesey, "New Jersey Legislation Concerning Loyalists," Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 79 (1961), pp. 82, 84; Elias Boudinot to Andrew Brown, Historical Society of Pennsylvania; Elias Boudinot Papers, Coll. #68, box 2, folder 16.20; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, pp. 342-3; John Combs to Lord Stirling, New York Historical Society, William Alexander Papers, vol. 1, p. 231; William Maxwell to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 18, 1 November 1778 – 14 January 1779, ed. Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 426–427; William Livingston to George Washington, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, pp. 519-20; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Testimony of Lt. Col. A. Emmerick, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Audit Office, Class 13, volume 109, folio 296-7; William Livingston to Elias Boudinot, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, p 91; Ruth M. Keesey, "New Jersey Legislation Concerning Loyalists," Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 79 (1961), pp. 86-7; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; William Livingston to John Imlay, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, p 271; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, December 21, 1779, p 93; New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 11, April 17, 1780; Nathaniel Scudder to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 12, July 17, 1780; William Livingston to Thomas Henderson, John Covenhoven, and Thomas Seabrook, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 4, pp. 367-8; George Washington to William Livingston, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw240250)) . Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Davenport’s Pine Robbers Routed at Forked River by Michael Adelberg - June 1782 - By 1782, most Pine Robber activity consolidated into gangs headed by John Bacon and William Davenport. The geographic footprint of the two gangs overlapped—with both gangs active between Toms River and Little Egg Harbor. This raises the possibility that the gangs were not distinct, but melded into each other depending upon the opportunity of the moment. John Bacon’s rise is discussed in another article . The Rise of William Davenport William Davenport was not from Monmouth County. His name does not appear in Monmouth County tax lists, militia rolls, or court documents. The earliest record of William Davenport might be in the minutes of the New Jersey Council of Safety (which investigated disloyal New Jersians before the state’s courts were functioning). On March 27, 1778, Council considered the disloyalty of ten men from Gloucester County. Davenport is listed in one of the entries: "That Jacob Jones, Gunrod Shoemaker, William Davenport, Thomas Smith and a negro man belonging to John Cox be discharged, the former four on taking the oath to government prescribed by law.” The light punishment suggests that the Council did not believe Davenport to be particularly dangerous. That would change. It cannot be stated with certainty that the disaffected William Davenport brought before the Council of Safety became a Pine Robber leader. Many documents discuss the activities of Davenport the Pine Robber, but none of these documents assign him a first name. So, while it is probable that the Pine Robber “Davenport” was William Davenport of Gloucester County, this is conjecture. By late 1780, Davenport was leading a Pine Robber gang in Stafford Township. Thomas Brown, the son of militia Captain Samuel Brown, recalled in his postwar pension application fleeing the family house on Davenport’s attack. A few nights later, Davenport returned: They robbed it of everything of value that it contained, forced his wife and children to leave it, and then burnt his house, barn and shop, and other buildings to ashes.... and they burnt a valuable schooner belonging to Captain Brown, lying in Forked River. The Brown family relocated to Woodbridge for safety. According to Brown’s narrative, Davenport's gang continued to rob local Whigs: Clayton Newbold, John Block, Caleb Shreve, and John Holmes "were all robbed of large quantities of silver plate, money, clothing, other articles, and a number of Negroes, the marauders took their booty to Clam Town [present-day Tuckerton]." Another Stafford Township militiaman, Thomas Randolph, recalled that he "was in a skirmish with a scouting party of the enemy & refugees" in which he "was taken prisoner [by Davenport] & carried to Tuckerton & released." And a Burlington County militiaman, John Ingersoll, recalled being in a party with two boats, sixteen men each, when his men ran afoul of Davenport: Followed along the coast until we came to Barnegat Inlet. We ran in and landed on Cranberry Beach. We fell in with a large body of refugees, they were far superior in number to us and they succeeded in taking us prisoners. They handcuffed and conveyed us on to a prison ship then lying in the North River, opposite the City of New York, whose name was the Scorpion. Fear of Davenport reached a crescendo in December 1781. A series of letters and petitions from the residents of Toms River described Davenport’s gang menacing the village. Captain Andrew Brown, commanding a Dover Township militia company wrote: The refugees are this time more numerous in this quarter than has been known since the start of the war. I am well informed that they are fortifying at Little Egg Harbor where they have made a stand for a considerable time. Letters from Toms River Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) estimated Davenport’s gang between 50 and 70 men. This made Davenport’s gang roughly twice the size of the small local militia units commonly arrayed against them—even the State Troop detachmen t at Toms River was only 25 men. Despite this, the arc of Davenport’s career suggests that he was a cautious leader who robbed and plundered individual homes in preference to engaging with bodies of the enemy. The Death of William Davenport On June 5, 1782, the New Jersey Gazette reported the defeat of Davenport’s gang. It described a June 1 attack on the saltworks of his old rival, Samuel Brown (who had returned from Woodbridge): On the morning of the 1st, one Davenport, a refugee, landed with about 40 whites and 40 blacks, at Forked River, and burnt Samuel Brown's salt-works, and plundered him; they then proceeded southward toward Barnegat, for the purpose of burning the salt works along the shore between those places. Thus, they are conciliating the affections of the Americans! Davenport’s attack was important enough to be reprinted in newspapers as far away as Maryland. Several antiquarian sources discuss the death of Davenport shortly after his gang plundered Brown’s saltworks. They next moved to the house of John Woodmancy but apparently did no damage (as the Woodmancy family was known to be disaffected). The Pine Robbers continued to move south in two barges (with no cannon). They were surprised at Waretown by a militia gunboat proceeding down Oyster Creek. The gunboat closed on the slower barges. Davenport, according to several secondary accounts, stood up to give orders. The militia fired their cannon at the lead barge, killing Davenport instantly. One of the barges—perhaps overloaded with plunder—overset. The Pine Robbers, though they must have outnumbered the militia, waded into the water and fled. They hiked back toward their base at Clam Town, receiving food and shelter from the Quaker, Ebenezer Collins, at Barnegat. There is no document that names the militia unit that killed Davenport. It may have been the Burlington County militia company of Captain Enoch Willetts. John Ingersoll's veteran’s pension application details that this company manned a privateer gunboat that patrolled from Cape May to Shark River through much of 1782. John Ingersoll, serving under Willetts, wrote of one of the voyages: We set sail from Cape May and again landed at Shark River. We staid at Shark River for two or three days, when we spied a refugee boat close in with the beach, steering apparently for Delaware. As they came opposite the Inlet wherein we lay, they gave [us] three cheers [mistaking them for London Traders ]. We put to sea and gave chase. We kept up a steady and well directed fire for about four miles, when they endeavored to run their boat into Squan Inlet, but in their attempting to do so they ran her ashore and fled. Before we could get on shore, they had concealed themselves in the woods which were near by. We took their boat, in which we found a six pounder mounted on her stern, together with a quantity of dry goods, with hardware and one barrel of rum, which we took. The ”40 blacks” in Davenport’s gang merit discussion. The white Pine Robbers who served with Davenport and Bacon were largely from Dover and Stafford townships in Monmouth County and Little Egg Harbor Township in Burlington County. Based on tax lists, these townships had only a small number of African-Americans, making it unlikely that 40 African Americans Pine Robbers were “home grown” in those townships. It is known that the “Black Brigade ” ceased raiding as an organized group in fall 1780 , after the death of their leader, Colonel Tye. It is also known that Davenport’s first attacks began in late 1780. This raises the possibility that many men from the Black Brigade left Sandy Hook for the lower Monmouth Shore and re-emerged with Davenport as Pine Robbers. While Davenport’s gang was routed, they suffered few deaths or captures. This is an important detail because it meant that John Bacon continued to have access to a pool of committed Loyalist partisans. The research of David Fowler, who documented Pine Robber activity more than anyone, demonstrates that 1782 was among their more active years. Bacon would remain an active Loyalist partisan into 1783. Related Historic Site : Lake Champlain Maritime Museum (New York) Sources : Minutes of the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey, (J. Lyon: Jersey City, 1872) pp. 220-221; Thomas Brown’s pension application in John C. Dann, The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980) pp 141-3; Private Correspondence: Jack Fulmer, Veteran's Pension Application of John Ingersoll of New Jersey, pp 4; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Thomas Randolph of New York, National Archives, p36-7; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 39; Maryland Gazette, June 30, 1782; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; William Fischer, Biographical Cyclopedia of Ocean County (Philadelphia: A.D. Smith, 1899) p 59; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 80; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987). Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Auction of Loyalist Estates by Michael Adelberg In early 1779, 70 Loyalist estates were confiscated and sold in Monmouth County. In addition, Col. Samuel Forman purchased the Middlesex County estate of New York Loyalist Oliver DeLancey. - March 1779 - In the early years of the Revolutionary War, Americans on both sides believed the war would be short and reconciliation was possible. Through 1777, punishments meted out against Loyalists through the New Jersey Council of Safety and first courts were generally light. While New Jersey passed laws that foreshadowed the confiscation of Loyalist estates, the state was not ready to do so. It appointed Forfeiture Commissioners for every county (Kenneth Hankinson, Samuel Forman, Joseph Lawrence, Jacob Wikoff for Monmouth, but only empowered them to inventory Loyalist estates in 1776 and then rent-out those estates in 1777. In 1778, hopes of reconciliation faded. In New Jersey, leaders were now ready to take the ultimate step of confiscating and selling the estates of Loyalists. In agricultural society, real estate was the primary path to gaining wealth. Once real estate was confiscated, the loyalist could not return; enmity would be permanent. Further, the families of the departed Loyalists, many of which laid low on the family farm, now needed to be turned-out—creating hardships and sympathy for families who, in many cases, had done nothing wrong. Historians Ruth Keesey and Larry Gerlach separately studied the Loyalist estate confiscation and sale process established by the state of New Jersey. They note that an April 1778 law, "An Act for Forfeiting the Real Estate of Certain Fugitives and Offenders” built on previously passed laws. It provided necessary details regarding the final steps for confiscation and sale of estates. The law required each county’s three Forfeiture Commissioners (plus one alternate) to perform the following tasks: 1.) Gather information against Loyalists who have left the State; 2.) Present evidence to a grand jury presided over by a Justice of the Peace (magistrate); 3.) Summon and advertise the accused Loyalist to appear before the grand jury and answer charges; 4.) If the grand jury finds cause, the magistrate forwards the case to the Court of Common Pleas; 5.) Court of Common Pleas, with a full jury, determines if the estate should be confiscated; 6.) If the jury determines the estate should be forfeited, Commissioners hold an auction and sell the estate. The law was controversial. The same month that it passed, the New Jersey Assembly debated a bill that would effectively derail it by establishing a permanent estate-rental process to supersede confiscations. That bill failed by a 9-19 vote, despite the support of James Mott—one of Monmouth County’s three delegates in the Assembly. Mott would later be targeted by more strident Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) in Monmouth County for not being more spirited in his support of the Revolution. The multi-step confiscation process proved difficult to execute. Courts had just started meeting again—and were often hamstrung by incomplete juries, unclear procedures, and first-time judges still learning the law. In September 1778, the Monmouth and Middlesex County Commissioners for Forfeited Estates petitioned the New Jersey Assembly "setting forth that they find difficulties in the execution of their duty.” They “mentioned sundry cases in which further legal provision is necessary in order to enable them to fulfill it [their duty] to an effect.” The specifics of their complaints are unknown, but the New Jersey Assembly soon passed two laws to ease the confiscation progress. In December 1778, the Legislature passed a law clarifying that Loyalists from other states who owned land in New Jersey could have their New Jersey estates confiscated under New Jersey law. In January 1779, the Legislature empowered Governor William Livingston to exile the wives and children of Loyalists from their estates if the husband had gone behind enemy lines. Moving a family behind British lines removed a physical obstacle to confiscation and a financial burden from the poor relief rolls—but it created ethical dilemmas which led to rule-bending on behalf of favored families. It is worth noting that a handful of Loyalist women were exiled from Monmouth County prior to the passage of this law. Since October 1776, under authority granted from previous laws, Monmouth County's commissioners had already performed the first three steps of the confiscation process and were renting out Loyalist estates before the April legislation. This is the subject of prior articles. Monmouth County’s First Loyalist Estate Auctions The first auction of Loyalist estates in Monmouth County took place on March 17, 1779. Sixteen estates of eleven Freehold Township Loyalists were sold off at auction. Within the next month, similar auctions were held in Middletown (March 22), Upper Freehold (April 5) and Shrewsbury (April 9). The sparsely populated townships of Dover and Stafford did not have auctions in 1779, though Loyalist estates from these townships were auctioned off in 1784. Chart 1a shows the 1779 confiscations and sales by township. The Loyalists whose estates were confiscated and sold at auction in 1779 included several key pre-Revolution county leaders: John Wardell (judge of the county courts), Samuel Cooke (minister of the county’s most important pre-war congregation ), Thomas Leonard (sheriff), and Samuel Osborne (tax collector). They were early and vocal opponents of the Revolution. Four were officers in the Loyalist New Jersey Volunteers : John Morris, Leonard, John Longstreet and John Throckmorton. Some Loyalists may have been guilty of nothing other than relocating to New York (Thomas Bills and Benazer Hinckson, for example). While many of the county’s most prominent Loyalists were targeted, a few were conspicuously absent from these confiscations. For example, the estate of Elisha Lawrence, Lt. Colonel of the 1st Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers, was not confiscated. Perhaps this is because his cousin, also named Elisha Lawrence, was a Lt. Colonel in the county militia. The impact of family connections on confiscations are discussed in another article. Chart 1b shows that about half of all confiscations were from yeoman; rich and poor men together comprised the other half. Loyalist Estates Confiscated and Sold at Auction in 1779 by Estate Size: Note : People holding less than five acres of land were commonly listed as “householders” or “cottagers” in tax records to denote their lack of an appreciable parcel of land. The owners of these small plots were generally agricultural laborers who worked the lands of others. Estate purchasers were predominantly powerful men in the local Revolutionary movement—including Colonel David Forman (who purchased four estates), Quartermaster officer David Rhea, delegate to Congress, Nathaniel Scudder, Colonel Samuel Forman (who purchased three estates, one in Middlesex County) and four other militia officers who purchased two estates each: Captain John Schenck, Lieutenant Tunis Vanderveer, Thomas Seabrook, and Thomas Chadwick. A complete list of the 1779 estate confiscations and purchases is in the appendix of this article. Curiosities and irregularities plagued Monmouth County’s proceedings from the start. For example, on January 29, 1779, the New Jersey Gazette advertised that at the Court of Common Pleas for Monmouth County nine Loyalist estates were condemned for confiscation: William Perrine of Upper Freehold; John Williams of Freehold; Henry Reiter, Samuel Stevenson, William Stevenson, George Rapalje of Middletown; Silas Cook, James King, and Joseph Price of Shrewsbury. All were charged identically with "joining the Army of the King of Great Britain." But only the estates of the Perrine and Williams families were sold at auction in March and April. Monmouth County’s Forfeiture Commissioners prepared different confiscation lists at different times, and they contain inconsistencies and omissions. For example, the set of records used for this article list John Wardell and Thomas Leonard as holding more plots of lands than records compiled later in the war. The records used for this article do not include the mega-estate, “Morrisdom,” owned by Philip Kearney of Middletown. This 900-acre estate was likely the most expensive confiscated estate in the county. Kearney’s Loyalist compensation claim at war’s end asserts it was confiscated in 1779 but this estate only appears in some forfeiture records. Only six of the estates confiscated in March-April 1779 appear in the Book of Inquisitions that should have prefaced confiscation. These and other oddities, as well as scandals surrounding certain estate sales, are discussed in the next article. According to historian Cornelius Vermuele, 150 Monmouth County Loyalists had their estates confiscated. Only one New Jersey county had more Loyalists who lost land (Bergen, 167) and only two other counties approached Monmouth’s total (Middlesex, 130 and Essex, 128). I am unable to fully affirm Vermuele’s figure (a British list compiled in 1787 lists 113 Loyalists), but given the different lists in existence, his figure is certainly plausible. In a county with less than 3,000 households (including householders and single men), it can be credibly estimated that roughly 5% of all estates were taken. Related Historic Site : New Jersey State House and State Museum Appendix: Table Group 8 : Monmouth County Loyalist Estates Auctioned in March-April 1779 Sources : Ruth M. Keesey, "New Jersey Legislation Concerning Loyalists," Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 79 (1961), p 87; Larry Gerlach, New Jersey in the American Revolution 1763-1783 A Documentary History (Trenton: New Jersey Historical Commission, 1975) pp. 259-60; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 3, p 89; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives and History, Manuscript Collection, Manuscripts, box 37, #78; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives and History, Manuscript Collection, Manuscripts, box 37, #78; Monmouth County Commissioners for Forfeited Estates, Rutgers University Special Collections; Philip Kearny, Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/109, reel 8; David Fowler, egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 95 note 79; Cornelius G. Vermeule, "The Active New Jersey Loyalists," Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 52 (1934), p 93; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 3, p 111; Princeton University Library, Stockton Family Papers, box 2, folder, 2, "Deed of the Commissioners of Middlesex & Monmouth Counties to Samuel Forman" Princeton University Library, Accessed Nov. 2019; Book of Inquisitions Against Loyalist Estates, Monmouth County Archives, Revolutionary War Papers, Aaron Dunham, Auditor for New Jersey, "A list of names of those persons whose property was confiscated in the several counties of the State of New Jersey, for joining the Army of the King of Great Britain", box 1; Great Britain, Public Record Office, Audit Office, Class 12, Volume 85, folios 43-46. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Continental Army Draft in Monmouth County by Michael Adelberg Thirty Monmouth Countians were drafted into the Continental Army in May 1778. They arrived at Valley Forge just in time to march back into New Jersey for the Monmouth Campaign in June. - April 1778 - In early 1778, New Jersey was responsible for filling four regiments (about 2,400 men) for the Continental Army. Washington’s Army, following demoralizing defeats in Pennsylvania and the harrowing winter at Valley Forge, was vastly understrength and recruiting had slowed to a trickle. In February 1778, the Continental Congress, at the urging of Nathaniel Scudder (a newly-arrived delegate from Freehold) and a few others, admonished the states to fill their quotas “by a draft of the militia or any other way that shall be effectual.” George Washington underscored Congress’s resolution with direct appeals to several state governors. He wrote William Livingston of New Jersey about the need to meet the state’s quota via a strictly-enforced draft: The Government must have recourse to coercive measures; for if quotas cannot be had by voluntary enlistment and the powers of the Government are not adequate to drafting, there is an end to this contest and opposition becomes vain. Livingston supported the draft and, after some debate, the New Jersey Legislature acted accordingly. New Jersey Drafts Men into the Continental Army On April 3, 1778, New Jersey passed a law instituting a draft. Under the law, each militia company in the state would divide into 18-man classes (three such classes to a full-sized company), and each class would select one man for nine months service in Continental Army. The means of selection would be determined locally, but, as a last resort, would consist of drawing lots. The law included a $300 fine for any draftee who did not show up for service, but permitted draftees to find substitutes. The law was controversial and compliance was not uniform because it put military impressments into effect—a British practice that was loathed in the colonies prior to the war. To make the law more palatable and reduce the number of needed draftees, New Jersey reduced its Continental Army obligation to fill-out regiments from four to two. The two undersized Additional Regiments of the Continental Army created for the defense of New Jersey—under David Forman and Oliver Spencer—were also merged into the New Jersey Line to help fill the remaining regiments. The Draft in Monmouth County In Monmouth County, compliance with the draft was higher than in much of the state. The county had 26 militia companies , the majority of which were full-sized on paper, but turnout was spotty. If compliance was complete, the county would have raised about 60 men through the draft; instead, 30 draftees were raised from Monmouth County (another list records 24-men raised, but is presumed to be pre-final). While 30 men was only half of what the law called for, Monmouth’s draftees were more than one-fourth of all of the impressments from across the state. The list of Monmouth County draftees has survived. They ranged in age from 16-year old Bedford Boltenhouse and 17-year old William Tennent (presumably the son of the recently-deceased Presbyterian minister of the same name) to 40-year old George Smith. The majority of the recruits (19) were aged between 19 and 27. Two men, William Hall and William Starkey (from Middlesex County), served as substitutes for draftees. Draftees were officially raised on May 14 and given until June 2 to report for duty. Given that these men had to walk from Monmouth County to Valley Forge in that time, the window to report was quite narrow. Records are incomplete, but at least one Monmouth draftee did not arrive in camp until June 11. The men had little time to train; Washington’s Army left Valley Forge to pursue the British Army across New Jersey on June 19 and engaged the British at the Battle of Monmouth on June 28. With Wiliam Tennent as the notable exception, none of the draftees were from the families of leaders. No Formans, Scudders, Smocks, Motts, Holmes, Schenks, Andersons, etc., were among the draftees. Based on the review of tax lists, none of the draftees (except one discussed below) owned a significant estate. This in line with research from historian Mark Lender who demonstrated that, following an initial burst of patriotism in 1776, the rank & file of the Continental Army was comprised of poor people. Besides Tennent, the most noteworthy draftee was Josiah Halstead. A man of this name owned the leading tavern in Shrewsbury. Halstead hosted the township’s annual meeting and his tavern boarded military officers intermittently stationed in Shrewsbury. It would be extraordinary to draft a prominent tavern keeper. This raises a few possibilities: 1.) Halstead, a supporter of the Revolution, believed himself to be in danger in Shrewsbury and allowed himself to be drafted in order to gain relative safety with the Army; 2.) Halstead was drafted as a punishment from local militia officers, perhaps for not being sufficiently accommodating to the local war effort; 3.) Halstead had fallen into debt and military service kept his creditors at bay for nine months; 4.) a different man named Josiah Halstead was drafted (although county tax lists record only one man with this name). The relatively high turnout of Monmouth County draftees is an indicator of the county’s turnaround from a year earlier when the county’s civil government was non-existent and its militia was largely dysfunctional . Another reason for the high turnout may have been the growing understanding in May that the British Army would soon be leaving Philadelphia and marching across New Jersey—with a probable path through Monmouth County. The strength and competence of Washington’s Army would soon have direct bearing on the welfare of Monmouth County. The 1778 draft was greatly unpopular and New Jersey would never again use a draft to fill its Continental Army ranks. However, in 1781, Monmouth County was permitted to conduct a local draft to fill a regiment of State Troops (state-financed soldiers for the defense of the state) established to guard the Monmouth shoreline. That draft raised seventeen men—four of whom—Boltenhouse, Tennent, Smith, and John Robins—were among the Monmouth Countians drafted in 1778. Related Historic Site : Valley Forge National Historical Park Sources : Mark Lender, “The Enlisted Line: The Continental Soldiers of New Jersey”(Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1975) p 86; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3628; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #7199; Mark Lender, “The Enlisted Line: The Continental Soldiers of New Jersey”(Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1975) pp. 87-9; Lender, Mark, “The Conscripted Line: The Draft in Revolutionary New Jersey,” New Jersey History, vol. 103 (1985), pp. 28-37; List of Recruits, New Jersey State Archives, Dept of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #2325-2330; List of Draftees, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #2328. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Provisions Taken from Shore Residents for the Continental Army by Michael Adelberg The need to get provisions for his army and keep provisions from the British Army led George Washington to order troops to impound livestock from people living on the Monmouth shore. - December 1779 - With more than 10,000 British troops, thousands of sailors, and thousands more Loyalist refugees , the teeming population of Revolutionary War-New York City was in constant need of food. Monmouth County’s long shoreline—20 miles on the Raritan Bayshore and 50 miles of Atlantic shoreline - was also teeming with so-called “London Traders ” (Loyalist middlemen who sold goods from New Jersey to the British). Further, the livestock of Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) living near the shore was also vulnerable to capture, as when Loyalist raiders attacked Tinton Falls and took dozens of livestock in June 1779. Keeping provisions secure and away from the shore was, therefore, a continuous interest of New Jersey and Continental leaders. First Impressments The first time the New Jersey government took an interest in Monmouth County’s vulnerable livestock was July 23, 1776. Daniel Hendrickson, the Colonel of the Shrewsbury militia, came before the New Legislature to warn that "all stock on the sea coast… be in danger of falling into enemy hands." The Legislature directed Monmouth County’s Revolutionary leaders to “without delay, remove all stock on their coast which may be in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy, back into the country." William Applegate of Freehold, recalled participating in the campaign to take livestock at this time. He wrote: "Marched from Freehold to Middletown to bring off & secure the cattle & c., the British having at that time arrived in the Narrows." Farmers were given vouchers for the impounded livestock. But the vouchers were to be paid in low value New Jersey or Continental currencies. Clayton Tilton was a shore resident who had cattle taken in 1776. After this and other harassments, he turned Loyalist. Later in the war, he became a captain in the vigilante Associated Loyalists and was indicted for murder in the Monmouth County courts. In early 1777, Loyalist raiding parties from Sandy Hook began coming into Monmouth County via the Raritan Bayshore. This came to the attention of George Washington, who wrote Governor William Livingston on April 4, 1777: “I think the removal of the provisions in the County of Monmouth within reach of the Enemy (if they make descents) of so much Consequence, that I shall direct Colonel Forman [David Forman] to set about that work as soon as he collects a sufficient force to do it effectually." Forman dispatched Captain John Schenck to seize the goods of Shrewsbury Township residents. On April 15, Schenck recorded taking a variety of provisions, including guns and wagons: Deborah Wardell ("wife of Joseph Wardell absconded”) - 2 horses, wagon, 6 bushels of potato; Zilpha Corlies - 2 horses, wagon, gun; William Corlies - 2 horses, wagon, gun; Jacob Hance - horse; Benjamin Corlies - 30 bushels of corn. One of Schenck’s men, Job Throckmorton, later wrote that in May 1777 he went from "Freehold to Middletown to bring off & secure the cattle, horses & sheep to Freehold, to prevent their capture." It is probable that other impressments occurred at this time, but documentation is lacking. Washington and Livingston again considered impounding provisions along the Monmouth shore in early 1778. On January 12, Livingston wrote Washington about “great quantities of grain in the county of Monmouth in places much exposed to the Enemy.” He further wrote: The purchasing of this would be doubly advantageous, by supplying ourselves, and keeping it from the Enemy. From Shrewsbury Middletown Point & Amboy, I believe, New York receives considerable Supplies; and it is not in our power to secure by our Militia, those places from that infamous traffic. A few weeks later, Washington, from Valley Forge, wrote about the need to destroy supplies on the Jersey shore, because they were accessible to the British and not the Continental Army: "As it is impossible to secure the hay on the Jersey shore for our own use, it is certainly advisable to destroy it, that the enemy shall derive no benefit from it." It is unclear if Washington’s uncharacteristically harsh order was put into effect. In December 1778, Washington again worried that livestock on the Monmouth shore would fall into British hands. He wrote Livingston on December 7, 1778 “that the enemy shortly intend to make a forage upon the Monmouth coast.” He further wrote that this: Obliges me to desire your Excellency to give orders to the militia in that County to remove the stock near the coast, and to have particular regard for the houses of the disaffected, who always have previous notice to the designs of the enemy and lay up stores of provisions that may be at hand when they [the British] make their descent. By doing this, they screen themselves from the charge of having voluntarily contributed. Five days later, Livingston directed Colonel Asher Holmes, commanding the Middletown militia: I do hereby direct you, upon intelligence received of the enemy's approach or invasion of Monmouth, to remove to a place of safety, by such a number of militia as you may find necessary for the purpose, livestock, provisions and carriages as may be in danger of falling into the enemy's hands, on notice first given to owners & their neglecting or refusing to do the same. Unlike earlier impressments in which farmers along the shore were compensated for their losses, this time, the farmers had to pay the militia for safekeeping their livestock inland. Holmes would have his expenses paid "by the owner or owners of such livestock, provisions & carriages removed.” Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee and Later Impressments A year later, Major Henry Lee was stationed at Freehold with his cavalry regiment. In December, Lee proposed seizing the goods of disaffected living along shore. Washington was cool to the idea. He cautioned Lee that any actions must “not be incompatible with the laws of the State" and asked Lee to familiarize himself with New Jersey law. Lee was feuding with Quartermaster agent , David Rhea, and admiralty court judge, John Imlay. Imlay asked Livingston to complain about Lee to Washington. While Washington had previously supported what Lee was proposing, he pulled Lee out of Monmouth County on January 7, 1780. Only three weeks later, Colonel Caleb North was sent into Monmouth County for the second time, with his Pennsylvania regiment , to curb the illegal trade to and from the Monmouth shore. He arrived with a letter from Washington instructing township magistrates "to furnish the quantity of provision required, provided I would assist them with a guard, where necessary.” The result was that North and the magistrates of Middletown and Shrewsbury townships: Impressed the following quantity of provision: forty seven barrels of beef and pork, fifty barrels of Tory bread which was taken aboard a brig near Middletown, the full quantity of grains, which is sent to the neighboring militia, with orders to be prepared for immediate use, and one hundred six head of good cattle (chiefly from the townships of Middletown and Shrewsbury) as being most in the power of the enemy. North further noted that the Commissary Agent for Monmouth County, John Lloyd, “being well acquainted with the stock and disposition of the people and this place” concurrently impressed provisions from shore residents and “came on to camp with the cattle, beef, pork & biscuit.” Loyalist raids in spring 1780 led to new efforts to impound provisions. On June 18, Commissary Officer Azariah Dunham wrote Washington about “several thousand bushels of Indian meal in the County of Monmouth belonging to the public in the greatest danger of spoiling.” Dunham would send David Forman to collect the provisions. Meanwhile, David Rhea employed Captain Joshua Huddy to round up provisions in Shrewsbury Township: Rhea wrote of Huddy, "he has drawn five teams from the remote parts of Shrewsbury, I expect more from that quarter tomorrow." Later that month, Livingston wrote the Continental Congress. He acknowledged a request from Congress to raise horse teams in anticipation of driving provisions to the French fleet on its arrival on the Jersey shore. Livingston noted "a resolution of both houses directs Magistrates to impress all the teams they possibly can in the counties of Hunterdon, Burlington, Monmouth, Middlesex, Somerset and Sussex." David Forman set about the difficult task of raising provisions for the fleet. He wrote on July 12: "It would give me great pleasure to give our allies assistance - [but] in the present situation of officers in the county I fear little will be in my power.” This is a reference to the many Whig leaders captured by Loyalist raiders in 1780. Forman also recalled the difficulties raising provisions for the French fleet when it anchored at Shrewsbury Inlet in July 1778 due to the disaffection of shore residents: When Count D'Estaing lay off Shrewsbury, he was exceedingly imposed on in point of price & could draw but little supply - the disaffection in Shrewsbury is since that time greatly increased... yet I am convinced that several hundred sheep and some cattle might be taken from some people who at several times withheld supplies from the American army & are strongly suspected of sending supplies to the enemy. Information like this from Forman pushed Washington to return Major Lee to Monmouth County to impound livestock. On July 24, Washington wrote Lee: “I am informed by General Forman that there is a great number of horses in Monmouth County [are] within the enemy's power, belonging to disaffected persons." He ordered Lee: To prevent the enemy from having benefit of these, you will immediately set about driving off from that part of the country, all horses fit for riding or wagon service, and deliver them to the Quartermaster General, giving certificates to the persons from whom they are taken. You will do the same with respect to cattle. Washington then wrote Forman about Lee’s orders. He asked Forman to confidentially cooperate with Lee: “He will apply to you for advice, which you can give him privately, as I imagine it will not be prudent for you to appear in this matter." The next day, July 25, Lee was at Shrewsbury. He acknowledged Washington’s order but also referred to an urgent need to go to Easton, Pennsylvania. He wrote Washington: "I shall arrange matters here & commit the execution of them to Capt. Rudolph." Forman went to Shrewsbury to assist Lee’s men. He wrote from Shrewsbury on July 27 that he was with Captain Rudolph “respecting the horned cattle and horses from the parts of Shrewsbury and Middletown.” But Forman was disappointed: Major Lee has marched all his horse previous to my getting this letter to East Town [Easton] except Capt. Rudolph's troops, about 24 in number. From a conviction that so few was entirely unequal to the task, I procured press warrants to the amount of about thirty for the militia to operate with him, and yesterday morning Capt. Rudolph, I expect, began to collect from the seaboard side of Shrewsbury. Forman noted that his goal was to impound 1,000 livestock, but he and Rudolph had taken only 160. He blamed the shortfall on Lee, who was in Easton by July 30. Lee wrote from Easton that his officers were “discontented” by the “evident neglect” of commissaries while he was in Monmouth County. He mentioned his recent service at Shrewsbury “for the purpose of impressing teams" without noting his decision to prematurely quit that mission. Forman further complained that Lee had allowed shore residents to voluntarily drive their livestock inland, rather than have it impounded: Success would not be considerable as I expected, occasioned by an order from Major Lee which has given the inhabitants the week before to drive up all their live cattle. That order will induce, I apprehend, the people to secret part of them. While the 160 head of livestock was far less than projected, it was still a large quantity. And, the French fleet never returned to Shrewsbury. The livestock were, instead, penned inland for several months and then finally marched to the Continental Army in January 1781. Two Monmouth County militiamen recalled driving the livestock all the way to Tappan, New York. Samuel Holmes wrote: He marched as far as Tappan [New York] under the command of Lieutenant Isaac Imlay of Upper Freehold, where they drove about 250 horses and cattle from Shrewsbury, John Lloyd, Esq., of Upper Freehold was their commissary on that occasion, after delivering the cattle, he served out the month at Morristown. John Clark also recalled marching all the way to Tappan, New York: "I was employed by the commissary to drive wagons, haul forage & provisions to Trenton [Tappan] from Monmouth Court House and was engaged in this service until April." Livestock impressments continued to occur at the direction of David Forman. As head of the extra-legal Retaliators , Forman impounded goods from several disaffected citizens. Then, in June 1782, Forman used his power as judge of court of common pleas to issue warrants for impounding livestock from four disaffected citizens. However, these were local events that were not endorsed by state or Continental leaders. The right of the government to impound provisions was unclear. At times, Washington and Livingston restrained officers from impressing provisions; at other times, they championed it. In either case, the confiscation of valuable property from citizens without due process was a troubling practice. The confiscation of goods from two Middletown farmers without a full jury trial led to Holmes v Walton , in which the New Jersey Supreme Court struck down a law that enabled goods to be seized without a full trial. After this decision—issued in the fall of 1780—the New Jersey and Continental governments never again attempted to impound provisions from Monmouth County’s citizens. Related Historic Site: Valley Forge National Historic Park Sources : Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 6, p 1651; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, William Applegate of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#11273804 ; Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), pp. 490-1. Jones, E. Alfred. The Loyalists of New Jersey, (Newark, N. J. Historical Society, 1927) p 166; George Washington to Gov. William Livingston, Library of Congress, George Wahsington, Papters, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw070361)) ; Receipts of Captain John Schenck, Beekman Papers, Rutgers University Special Collections, box 2, folder: Monmouth County Misc., 1727-1799; George Washington, Official Letters to the Honorable Congress (London: Caddel, Junior & Davies, 1795) vol 2, p61; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Job Throckmorton; William Livingston to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 13, 26 December 1777 – 28 February 1778, ed. Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2003, pp. 208–209; George Washington to Nathanael Greene, The Papers of General Nathanael Greene (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1976) vol. 2, pp. 288, 292 note; George Washington to William Livingston, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 13, pp. 379-80. Leonard Lundin, Cockpit of the Revolution (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950) p 408; William Livingston to George Washington, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, p 505; William Livingston to Asher Holmes, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 8, December 12, 1778; George Washington to Henry Lee, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, General Correspondence; Caleb North to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 63, January 27, 1780; George Washington to Azariah Dunham, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 19, pp. 24-5; David Rhea to Moore Furman, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #5594; William Livingston to Congress, Library of Congress, Peter Force Collection, Series 7C, box 31, folder 2, 68:305; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 68, July 12, 1780; Henry Lee to Governor Reed, Literary and Historical Manuscripts--Bound Oversize, Record ID:122286, Morgan Library; Nathanael Greene, The Papers of General Nathanael Greene (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1976) vol. 6, p 218 note; George Washington to Henry Lee, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 19, p 248. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 68, July 24, 1780; George Washington to Henry Forman, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 19, pp. 244-5; Henry Lee to Captain Rudolph, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, General Correspondence; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, General Correspondence; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Henderson of of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#23260727 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John Clark of PA, www.fold3.com/image/#12752854 ; Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The "Tory Ascendancy" in Upper Freehold by Michael Adelberg William Imlay was a supporter of the Revolution who was visited by a Loyalist gang led by Richard Robins during the Loyalist insurrection. The Loyalists took his guns, horses, and wagons. - December 1776 - As noted in a prior article, many people in Upper Freehold Township opposed independence. In July, a low-level insurrection had to be quelled by Burlington County and Freehold militia. But the leaders of that insurrection rose up again with greater vigor when the British Army swept into New Jersey in early December 1776. This was part of a larger movement known locally as the “Tory Ascendancy.” It spawned three concurrent Loyalist insurrections in Monmouth County—in Upper Freehold, Freehold-Middletown , and from Shrewsbury down the shore. The Insurrection Begins The second Upper Freehold insurrection lasted about three weeks. Starting on December 10, groups of insurrectionists confiscated property for the benefit of the British Army; gradually, the activity shifted toward administering British loyalty oaths and mustering men for a new Loyalist militia . The documents excerpted below provide a sample of the activities of the Loyalist insurrectionists. In the interest of brevity, many additional documents are not specifically discussed. On December 10, Joseph Holmes, a member of the New Jersey Assembly, recalled: Anthony Woodward, Jr., of Upper Freehold, came to my house in said Township, with others, seized my Negro man, two horses and wagon, and sent them into the service of the British Army; and at Trenton. One of my horses was taken up by an officer of said Army. Lewis Bestedo of Upper Freehold recalled another incident that day: He, the deponent, was at the house of Arthur Barkalow and there saw Richard Robins in arms & in company with Anthony Woodward, Jesse Woodward & others, all armed except Barzilla Grover, who this deponent said was one of the company. This deponent further saith that his company did at this time apprehend him, sd deponent, and put him under guard, and afterwards the same day compelled him to go to Trenton [held by the British]. William Imlay later testified about an event on December 11: Robins did take from the possession of him, the deponent, two guns and some powder, which he delivered into the hands of Jesse Woodward... [Robins] did assist said Jesse Woodward in impressing this deponent with his horses and wagons into the British service.... saw the said Robins with the Enemy at Trenton, where he did publicly damn this deponent. Two New Jersey Supreme Court Indictments summarized two actions against Michael Mount on December 11: First, Robins and two others took "a wagon and two horses… [and] a flintlock, gunpowder & shot, did take & carry away.” Second, John Grover and seven others "with force and arms, to wit, sticks, staves, swords and guns and other offensive weapons… did break open and enter, and a gun and power & shot did take and carry away... and continue armed in a tumultuous manner for the space of one hour." Thomas Forman testified about an incident at the house of William Hendrickson on December 12: Anthony Woodward, John Leonard, John Leonard (son of John), Jesse Woodward, John Parent, Nicholas Williams, Samuel Stillwell & others were armed, came up the sd. Hendrickson & enquired of him whether he had any arms & ammunition; and took out of the barn of sd Hendrickson a musket belonging to Christopher Longstreet, whom they called a rebel; after which they took this deponent prisoner, saying he was a rebel who had been very active against the king; and carried him to his own house, which they searched for arms & ammunition - the above persons then obliged the deponent to go with them. While in custody, Forman further recalled meeting with a second Loyalist group led by John Grover. The Loyalists discussed gathering arms and people to attack the militia at Freehold. The party then took arms from Nathaniel Cook and released Forman on the promise that he would bring them his arms. John Andrews recalled an incident on December 13, while he was in a wagon at William Tapscott’s mill: He saw a party of men ahead, whom he took to be Light Horse belonging to the British Army. That upon observing said horsemen, this deponent immediately turned about & drove off, that one of sd horsemen, a certain [David] Heslip pursued this deponent and overtook him and obliged him to return to said party, which he found to consist of Thomas Woodward, William Grover, Jonathan Coward & some others. The sd Woodward accused this deponent of being active against the King & therefore, he, sd Woodward, said he would impress him, sd deponent, with his wagon & horses, and take them off to the enemy at Trenton. Andrews also stated that “William Grover at the same time declared that, as this deponent had acknowledged he had been a member of the Committee, he would be hanged without a pardon." Historian David Fowler noted that the Upper Freehold insurrectionists ranged outside of their home township. For example, on December 14, a party of mounted and armed Loyalists captured Samuel Tucker of the New Jersey Assembly a mile from Crosswicks. Tucker later recalled: He was met by John Leonard, Anthony Woodward and a number more, he believes upwards of twenty, on horseback; Leonard presented a pistol to the deponent's breast, said he had General Howe's order to take this deponent prisoner, and abused him very much with ill language. Tucker was then taken to Trenton and put under British custody. James Cox recalled an incident on December 15 in which he saw John Lawrence, leader of the first insurrection. Lawrence “did qualify persons to the effect of the declaration contained in the proclamation issued by Lord and General Howe... when any person subscribed to sd declaration or swore thereto, to sd John Lawrence did thereupon deliver out [British] protection." George Hullet also testified to seeing Lawrence giving out protections on December 15. Hullet further recalled being threatened by two Loyalists that if he refused a protection they would “shute [sic] a ball through them, and Jacob Dancer made anger and said that is our orders." On December 18, Anthony Woodward drove a wagon train to the British at Trenton. He was given a receipt titled: “A list of Wagons & Horses brought into Trenton by Anthony Woodward for the use of His Majesty's Army.” The receipt listed wagons and horses taken from 26 Upper Freehold citizens in addition to four wagons loaded with 50 barrels of pork and 11 barrels of flour. Woodward later claimed he brought the British “seventy six wagons and seventy two horses,” so it is possible that he drove a second caravan after December 18. Woodward’s actions were supported by the British. John Montressor, Aide de Camp to the Commander in Chief, authorized Woodward and John Leonard to gather up the materials they pressed: “His Excellency, Genl. Howe hereby empowers Anthony Woodward and Mr. Leonard to seize any provisions they may find belonging to the inhabitants & acquaint the Commissary of Provisions.” Woodward’s caravan did not end the activities of insurrectionists. As Woodward was driving his wagons to Trenton, a Loyalist gang led by Richard Robins broke into the houses of William Imlay and David Brearley, Upper Freehold’s first militia colonel. Per Supreme Court indictments, Robins “did break open & enter, and two gun and a powder horn… and a wagon and two horses, did take & carry away” from Imlay. From Brearley, Robins "did then & there riotously remain, and continued armed in a tumultuous manner for the space of one hour.” On December 20, a Loyalist gang with Anthoney Woodward, according to a Supreme Court indictment, “with force of arms at the house of the said Rodgers [Isaac Rogers of Allentown].. did break and enter" and "take and carry away" 12,500 pounds of salted pork. Rogers had contracted with the government of Pennsylvania to sell this pork. His finances were ruined by the confiscation and Rogers died in early 1777. The Pennsylvania Evening Post published an angry obituary: “Vile Tories! It cannot go unnoticed that through your gross abuse and continual harassing, you brought him a dejection of spirits and broken heart, by which he fell to your villainous conduct." Raising the Loyalist Militia As December progressed, the insurrectionists shifted their focus from confiscating goods to establishing a new Loyalist militia. Gilbert Barton, a tavern keeper and militia Lieutenant, recalled being visited by John Lawrence on December 20: John Lawrence, Esq., of Upper Freehold came to his house and delivered him, sd deponent, an advertisement which he, sd Lawrence, advised him to set on his [tavern] door, which sd advertisement was signed by John Taylor, John Wardell & John Lawrence, the purpose of which advertisement was to warn all inhabitants of sd county to come in & take oaths of allegiance... and more particularly commanding all such as were between the ages of 16 & 50 years to meet at the Court House in Freehold, with their arms, on the Thirtieth day of that month. James Cox and Thomas Farr also recalled Lawrence administering British Loyalty oaths on December 20. Farr’s description is below: Thomas Farr, with sundry other persons, went to Bordentown and applied for protections; that John Lawrence, Esq., in company with two Hessians did tender and administer the oath... This deponent further saith that he heard the said Lawrence very urgent with certain persons to bring supplies to the Enemy. Abraham Hendricks similarly recalled seeing an advertisement at the tavern of Mary Davison at Imlaystown, posted by John Lawrence: The purpose of the advertisement was to require all the inhabitants of the county aforesaid between sixteen and fifty years of age and capable of bearing arms to meet at Monmouth Court House on the 30th day of December, to take oaths of allegiance to his Majesty, King George. Turning out men for the Loyalist militia co-mingled with recruiting for New Jersey Volunteers (a provincial corps of the British Army). John Forman recalled meeting Joseph Horner on the road on December 28 and being tempted by "a new suite of clothes and one shilling per day, Sterling.” Forman “told Horner it was not enough.” Horner responded that: He was listed under Col. Lawrence [Elisha Lawrence] and that they, sd. Lawrence and others, were to meet on Monday at the County House in Monmouth when they were to have the company full; if the people would not [come], they would press them. The “ascendancy” in Upper Freehold (and elsewhere in Monmouth County) figured into British strategy. On December 14, General William Howe suggested that providing cover to the insurrections was the reason that the British Army extended its winter camps all the way to Trenton: "My reason for extending to Trenton was that a considerable number of inhabitants came in with their arms in obedience to the Proclamation." Later, Howe blamed the need to support the Monmouth insurrection for the defeat at the Battle of Trenton: "The chain of cantonments I own is rather too extensive, but I was induced to occupy Burlington to cover the County of Monmouth, in which there are many loyal inhabitants." It is hard to know exactly how many Loyalists actively participated in the Upper Freehold insurrection. John Leonard claimed that he, “with near 100 of his friends, in a body armed, joined his Majesty's troops at Trenton.” Throughout the first half of 1777, the New Jersey Council of Safety and the state’s Supreme Court tried dozens of Upper Freehold Loyalists. Documentation is incomplete, but the table at the end of this article summarizes the actions of 56 Upper Freehold insurrectionists named in contemporary documents. None of these 56 were African-American. However, there is testimony that Upper Freehold slaves used the insurrection as an opportunity to prove their owners rebels and thereby win freedom through the British. Few of these documents provide insight into the motivations of the insurrectionists. Anthony Woodward said he took a leading role in the insurrection because of “a strong sense of duty induced me to join the Royal Army." One of his followers, Thomas Fowler, joined Woodward based on reports that the Revolution was collapsing and the British Army would soon win the war. He “thought it was a fine thing to be a Tory, to be secure.” Dispiriting talk was rampant. Peter Imlay, recalled being taunted by John Lawrence: “The rebels at Freehold had laid down their arms and were quiet, the war would soon be at an end." An unknown number of Upper Freehold Loyalists went to Freehold starting on December 28 where they were soon sworn into Monmouth County’s new Loyalist militia. They were reunited with and put under command of Elisha Lawrence, who had led 60 Upper Freehold Loyalists into British service a half year earlier. By December 29, Allentown would be occupied by Continentals pushing east after the Battle of Trenton. They arrested five Loyalists and changed the affection of several fickle locals who had backed the Loyalists just days earlier. On January 2, the ill-equipped and ill-trained Loyalist militia was routed by Pennsylvania Flying Camp in a short battle that was fought roughly where the Battle of Monmouth would occur eighteen months later. After that, the Loyalist insurrection in Upper Freehold quickly collapsed. Pennsylvania and Delaware Continentals occupied Allentown and several Loyalists fled with the retreating British to New York and Sandy Hook. Upper Freehold’s Known Loyalist Insurrectionaries and their Loyalist Insurrectionist Act(s) John Backus - Confiscated horses Richard Britten - Cheered for Loyalist Gang Solomon Brown - Confiscated horses Jonathan Coward - Confiscated property William Fowler - Stood Sentry for Loyalists; Confiscated property Jacob Dancer - Threatens to shoot Whig William Ferguson - Confiscated horses Barzilla Grover - Captain in Loyalist militia John Grover - Confiscated property Joseph Grover - Confiscated property William Grover - Confiscated property David Heslip - Confiscated property Fuller Horner - Confiscated horses Isaiah Hopkins - Confiscated horses Moses Hopkins - Confiscated horses John Horner - Confiscated property Joseph Horner - Recruited by British Army William Horner - Confiscated horses Frances Jones- “acted as traitor” Caleb Jones - Confiscated horses Caleb Ivins - Confiscated arms Moses Ivins - Takes up arms for British; Confiscated horses James Lawrence- Confiscated property John Lawrence- Administered British Oaths John Leonard - Confiscated property; leads Loyalists to British John Leonard, Jr. - Confiscated property Thomas Leonard, Jr. - Confiscated property Thomas Limon- Confiscated horses Jonathan Lippincott - Captain in Loyalist militia Charles McCoy- Confiscated Continental supplies; took horses Joseph Miers - Confiscated property Moses Mount - “acted as traitor”; slandered Continental Gov’t John Parent- Confiscated property Moses Robins - Confiscated wagon; burned Continental money Richard Robins - Confiscated property; Captain in Loyalist militia Jacob Roter - Confiscated property Jacob Rowling - Confiscated horses Isaiah Seaman - Confiscated horses Samuel Stillwell - Confiscated property Walter Milton Thorn - Seeks to serve with British William Throp - Confiscated property William Wade - Confiscated horses Confiscated horses Richard Waln - Administered British Oaths; hosts Loyalist meeting Thomas Watson - Signed receipts as British agent John Williams - Confiscated property Nicholas Williams - Confiscated property Anthony Woodward - Confiscated property Anthony Woodward, Jr. - Confiscated property; drives caravan to British Jesse Woodward - Confiscated arms John Woodward - Confiscated property Samuel Woodward - Confiscated property; Guide to British Army Thomas Woodward - Confiscated arms William Woodward - Confiscated horses Aaron Wright - Confiscated horses Robert Wright - Confiscated horses Samuel Wright (of U. Freehold) - Confiscated horses Note: Data includes anyone accused of actively participating in the Loyalist insurrection, but it is unknown if all accusations were determined to be true. Table does not include passive Loyalists who signed British protection papers but are not documented as participating in more affirmative acts. Related Historic Site : Old Barracks Museum Sources : Earl Miers, Crossroads of Freedom: The American Revolution and the Rise of a New Nation (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1971) p 54; Gregory Palmer, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. and London, 1984) pp. 344-5; David Hackett Fischer, Washington's Crossing, NY: Oxford UP, 2004, p260; David Hackett Fischer, Washington's Crossing (NY: Oxford UP, 2004) p260, 344; Undated MSS, NJ Council of Safety, New Jersey State Archives, box 2; Memorandum of Some Disaffected Persons, Princeton University, Barricklo Collection, box 1, folder: Misc.; Thomas Fowler deposition, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives and History, Manuscript Collection, box 38, #36-37; Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims, Anthony Woodward (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), pp. 534-5; Jones, E. Alfred. The Loyalists of New Jersey, (Newark, N. J. Historical Society, 1927) p 127; Gregory Palmer, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. and London, 1984), pp. 487-88. Rutgers University Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Compensation Claims, D96, AO 13/18, reel 6; United Empire Loyalists, Loyal Directory, John Leonard: http://www.uelac.org/Loyalist-Info ; Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims, Samuel Woodward (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), p 534; New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 4, April 17, 1777; Pennsylvania Gazette, May 21, 1777 (CD-ROM at the David Library, #23695); Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 1, pp. 380-1; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 1, pp. 380-1; Library Company, Pennsylvania Evening Post, March 27, 1777; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #3; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, pp. 304-5. Peter Coldham, American Loyalists Claims: Abstracted from the Public Record Office (Washington, DC: National Genealogical Society, 1980) p 418. New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #10703; John W. Taylor, Loyalist Richard Robins (Moorestown, NJ: John W. Taylor, 1995) p 209-10; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, # 34595; New Jersey State Archives, Collective Series, Revolutionary War documents, #31; New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 4, April 23, 1777; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #37; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 70-2; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, February 17, 1777, pp. 68-9; Online Institute for Loyalist Studies, www.royalprovincial.com : Great Britain Public Record Office, Headquarters Papers of the British Army in America, 30/55/7445; William Howe, Narrative of Lieut. General Sir William Howe (London: H. Baldwin, 1780) p7-8, 51; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, I152, Letters of George Washington, v3, 355; Deposition of James Cox, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #2; Deposition of George Hulletts, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #15; Certificate, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives and History, Manuscript Collection, Manuscripts, box 35, #5; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, # 35504; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #34540; Certificate, Public Record Office, Headquarters Papers of the British Army in America, PRO 30/55/7440; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #37486; John W. Taylor, Loyalist Richard Robins (Moorestown, NJ: John W. Taylor, 1995) p 205-7; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #35257; NJ State Archives: NJ Supreme Court Records, case # 33444; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, # 35918; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #35494; Deposition of Abraham Hendricks, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 295; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, pp. 310-1; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #37072; John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany, 4 vols, Genealogical Publishing Co, 1970, v5, p417; Israel Putnam to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 8, 6 January 1777 – 27 March 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1998, pp. 362–363; James Ferrell, Isaiah Horner, Princeton University, Firestone Library, CO387, Barricklo Coll., box 1, folder Miscellaneous; Obituary, Isaac Rodgers, Pennsylvania Evening Post, March 29, 1777; Fines on Moses Ivins and Nathaniel Woodward in David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 83 note 61; Statement, James Sexton, New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives and History, Manuscript Collection, Manuscripts, box 38, #87; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 7; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 8; John Cox, Deposition, in Carl Prince ed, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 288-9; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) pp. 13-5, 23-5; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, Moses Mount; William Livingston to Asher Holmes, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 296; John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) v3, p 271, 274; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 294; Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 6, folder 4; Morris, Margaret, Private Journal Kept during a Portion of the Revolutionary War, (Philadelphia, 1836. Reprint. New York: The New York Times, 1969) p 29; New Jersey State Archives, Collective Series, Revolutionary War Documents, #44; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) pp. 81, 8 7; Anthony Woodward and John Leonard to Guy Carleton, David Library of the American Revolution, Great Britain Public Records Office, British Headquarters Papers, #7445. DH Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > British and Loyalist Attack Monmouth County Salt Works by Michael Adelberg Reenactors march in the original green uniforms of the New Jersey Volunteers. Loyalists, including many from Monmouth County, raided Manasquan and destroyed its salt works in April 1778. - April 1778 - When the American Revolution started, the British Navy blockaded American ports. As a result, the new nation experienced a severe salt shortage (essential to food preservation). The Jersey shore was thinly-populated and poor before the war; its sandy soil was ill-suited for farming and the inlets were dangerous and too shallow for large vessels. However, New Jersey’s shallow tidal inlets were ideal for salt making and a dozen salt works sprung up on the Monmouth shore within a year. These salt works were vulnerable to British-Loyalist attack. The importance of salt and protection of the salt works was discussed by New Jersey Governor William Livingston and General George Washington. Livingston wrote in September 1777: “the scarcity of salt is a serious consideration, and has been industriously perverted by our internal enemies.” He lobbied for bills to support and protect the salt works. Washington deemed the protection of the salt works important enough to grant Colonel David Forman a temporary reprieve from joining the Continental Army in the defense of the Delaware River: Am very sorry to hear that the information you have heard on the intent of the enemy to destroy the salt works upon the coast of Monmouth County will divert you from coming to the reinforcement of the Army; but these works are so truly valuable to the public that they are certainly worth your attention. The salt works were also on the minds of American Loyalists eager to punish their former neighbors and disrupt the Continental Army’s food supply. On January 1, 1778, an anonymous Loyalist from Shrewsbury wrote about the salt works owners and their salt works: A great many of them pretend to be friends of the King--perhaps they have sent some provisions to New York and got four times as much as they could get at home, and then they think they can make salt freely & call themselves friends of the Government, but you will judge whether or not they are friends of their own pockets... You know that these works stand near the waterside, that 200 men might destroy them all. In March, General William Smallwood, stationed in Delaware, wrote George Washington about nine Loyalist sailors captured near Cape May. Smallwood interrogated the men and learned of a plan to attack the New Jersey salt works: “They give out their Intentions are to destroy our Salt Works at Egg Harbour, to collect all the Forage adjacent to the River on both Sides.” Historian Arthur Pierce, who studied the New Jersey shore during the American Revolution estimated that the salt works may have produced 2,000 bushels of salt a month at their peak. The most productive salt works on the Jersey shore in April 1778 were the Union Salt Works on the Manasquan River (in present day Brielle). An antiquarian source claims the Union Salt Works contained "no less than one hundred houses" each with 6-10 copper pans and kettles. The largest house was said to be the property of the Continental Congress and was valued at £6,000. Surviving original documents do not confirm these details. The only force assigned to defend the salt works was David Forman’s under-sized Additional Regiment , which Forman, in a blatant conflict of interest, used in 1777 to construct the Union Salt Works. In the resulting scandal , Forman lost command of his regiment; it was sent to the Continental Army camp at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania in late March 1778. The Attack on the Monmouth County Salt Works It was not long before an attempt was made to raze the salt works. The New Jersey Gazette reported on a raid made by roughly one hundred New Jersey Volunteers and forty British regulars: The enemy landed on the south side of Squan Inlet, burnt the salt works, broke the kettles; stripped the beds of some of the people there, who I fear wished to serve them; then crossed the river and burnt all except Derrick Longstreet's. The next day they landed at Shark River and set fire to two salt works... one of the pilots was the noted Thomas Okerson. The report further noted that the raiding party went in three large boats and a war-sloop commanded by Captain Henry Collins of the Royal Navy; they landed at Manasquan on April 5. Captain Boyd Potterfield of the British Army led the landing party, which faced no significant opposition. Potterfield sent his commander, General Henry Clinton, a lengthy report on the raid on April 7: The 5th, about 3 o'clock in the morning, we weighed and at 8 o'clock we anchored off Squan Inlet; after reconnoitering the place from the vessels, we landed at about one hundred yards distance from a salt work, which we immediately destroyed. We then proceeded and most completely demolished a very considerable work on the right of the Inlet, which belonged to the Congress, and is said to have had six thousand pounds--likewise some of the contiguous, but of less consequence—after completing the above, we reimbarked without opposition. Potterfield continued: The same day in the afternoon we anchored off Shark [River]; we landed a party to examine the country, but the wind coming from the eastward occasioned a very high surf, and made it necessary in the opinion of Capt. Collins to re-embark, as he apprehended it would increase, and render it impracticable to get the boats off. We immediately & with some difficulty re-embarked & proceed to the Hook. The dispatch that was necessary in destroying the works prevented our taking an exact account of everything; but there was at least one hundred houses, each containing 8 to 10 kettles and boilers (a great part of which were copper) for the purpose of making salt. We also destroyed a great quantity of beef and bacon, mostly dried, & a great deal of ready-made salt. We likewise destroyed a sloop partly loaded with flour belonging to Boston & a quantity of grain, which we found on the beach. A week later, the Loyalist New York Gazette corroborated this account, but suggested a larger raiding party of "200 of the King's troops." New York’s other Loyalist newspaper, the Gazette and Weekly Mercury , also reported on the raid, adding a detail on the limited damage at Shark River: “The wind coming eastward occasioned such a high surf, they were under necessity of re-embarking, which prevented them from demolishing the salt works there that the rebels had at that place.” Ambrose Serle, a British officer periodically stationed at Sandy Hook, noted the raid on April 7. He wrote, “Two or three small armed Vessels, with Troops on board arrived last night from Egg Harbor, [actually Manasquan] where they had destroyed some Salt Works erected by the Rebels, and other Stores, to the Value of near £30,000, without the least Inconvenience.” After the Attack On April 15, the Pennsylvania Ledger reported on a storm that compounded the damage: The late storm has destroyed many of the small salt works on our shore--with all the salt in them. The night tide was several feet higher than has been known before--a considerable number of horned cattle were drowned on Long Beach and other places. The Long Beach is almost wholly leveled, with but little more than a sand bar left. The furniture has floated out of the rooms of some houses that flood low on the waterside. The inhabitants never saw so distressing a time. The Ledger further reported that the raid and storm had destroyed 100 salt work buildings and further “destroyed immense quantities of salt, beef, salted hams, sides of bacon, corn and hay." However, the high surf at Shark River “prevented them [the raiders] from demolishing those works." On April 9, Colonel Samuel Forman, commanding the Monmouth County militia at Toms River, wrote of the raid and suggested that the Monmouth militia offered some resistance: "15 Mounted militia” under Asher Holmes harassed the raiders’ departure at Shark River. Forman also noted that two booty-laden boats capsized as the raiders hastily rowed into the rough surf. However, Noah Clayton, a militiaman at Tinton Falls, offered a different perspective on the militia’s role: While we lay there, an express arrived stating that the Tories had burned the Squan River salt works, and [we] immediately marched in pursuit of them, but they got into their boats and made their escape, and we returned to the Falls again. News of the raid prompted letters from the leading Continental Army officers near the shore—Colonels David Forman (recently stripped of the regiment assigned to guard the salt works) and Israel Shreve (who gained Forman’s men and now had responsibility of protecting the shore). On April 7, Forman, who had predicted an attack on the salt works, wrote Shreve: I gave orders to the troops to march and were to have gone this morning. Yesterday evening the enemy had landed and destroyed the Union & other salt works; altho' the militia on duty in Shrewsbury had immediately marched to their assistance, they could not get down timely to save them - Col [Samuel] Forman and myself immediately set off in the night and after giving all the necessary orders came down to Toms River and there immediately set off in the assembled militia to reinforce the guard stationed for the protection of [Thomas] Savadge's and other works… They [the raiders] will in all probability return as soon as the militia are discharged. Forman noted that he had left some men under Captain Thomas Marsh Forman at Toms River with the militia to protect the large but non-productive Pennsylvania Salt Works . Shreve then wrote George Washington, exaggerating the size of the raiding party and requesting reinforcements: This moment I received Intelligence that the Enemy has Landed at Squan between 600 & 1000 men, and Distroyed [sic] all the Salt works in that Neighborhood. If your Excy should think proper to send more troops to this Quarter, with Artillery, I Beg for the Jersey Compy of Artillery, at present commanded by Capt: Lt Seth Bowen. Washington did not send Bowen’s company, but forwarded Shreve’s note to the Continental Congress with a cover note of his own: "The enclosure, NJ 2, is the copy of a letter from Colonel Shreve of the Second Jersey Battalion, containing an account of the destruction of the salt and salt-works at Squan." That same day, Washington directed that the men from Forman’s regiment who had just arrived at his camp at Valley Forge to return to New Jersey (under Shreve) where they could be temporarily used to protect the shore. Concurrently, the New Jersey Legislature authorized raising two companies of State Troops (militia paid by the state to serve continuously) to protect the shore. This would be Potterfield’s only foray into Monmouth County, but Henry Collins would lead an even larger raid (against Egg Harbor at the southern tip of present-day Ocean County) six months later. The salt works on Falkinburg Island in Little Egg Harbor were one of his targets. On learning of Collins’s attack, John Cooper, owner of the salt works, wrote his manager: I have just learned that there is an expedition going in towards Egg Harbor and I understand you have a quantity of salt there. I hope you will think as I do and remove it as soon as possible for, depend on it, the works will be destroyed and there should be no time lost. Collins’s Loyalist guide, Lt. Thomas Okerson, would participate in additional raids, including one a year later that razed his home village of Tinton https://www.monmouthhistory.org/250/the-loss-of-tinton-falls Falls . Related Historic Site : Valley Forge National Historical Park Sources : William Livingston to New Jersey Assembly, in Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 173, 182-4; George Washington to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections; Anonymous Loyalist, quoted in Arthur Pierce, Smugglers' Woods, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1960) p 228-9; William Smallwood to George Washington, March 20. 1778, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4. Accessed via https://navydocs.org/ ; The Library Company, Pennsylvania Ledger, vol. 2, Oct. 1777-May 1778; William MacMahon, South Jersey Towns (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1973) p 304; The Revolutionary Salt Works of the New Jersey Coast (Trenton Past Times Press); The Revolutionary Salt Works of the New Jersey Coast (Trenton: Past Times Press, 1923) pp. 41-42. John Barber, Henry Howe, Historical Collections of New Jersey (New Haven, Connecticut: n.p., 1868) p351; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 422-3; Harry B. and Grace M. Weiss, The Revolutionary Salt Works of the New Jersey Coast (Trenton: Past Times Press, 1933) pp. 41-42; The Library Company, Pennsylvania Ledger, vol. 2, Oct. 1777-May 1778; Online Institute for Loyalist Studies, www.royalprovincial.com : University of Michigan, Clements Library, Henry Clinton Papers, vol. 33, item 15; Monmouth, Page in History (Freehold: Monmouth County Bicentenial Commission, 1976) p 33; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 2, p 160; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) p 371; Israel Shreve to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 14, 1 March 1778 – 30 April 1778, ed. David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2004, pp. 420–421; Edward H. Tatum, Jr., ed., The American Journal of Ambrose Serle, Secretary to Lord Howe, 1776-1778 (San Marino, Ca.: The Huntington Library, 1940), 282–83. Accessed via https://navydocs.org/ ; David Forman to Israel Shreve, April 7, 1778, University of Houston, Israel Shreve Papers; George Washington to Congress, George Washington, Official Letters to the Honorable American Congress Written During the War between the United Colonies and Great Britain (Boston: Manning & Loring, 1796) v 2, p245; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Noah Clayton. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Disaffection in the Monmouth Militia by Michael Adelberg Charles Pettit was one of New Jersey’s leading statesmen. He spent much of the war at Little Egg Harbor, just south of Monmouth County. He often wrote about affairs along the Jersey shore. - February 1777 - As discussed in prior articles, the Monmouth County militia was rendered largely dysfunctional by disaffection in its ranks and among its leaders (including the defection of its most senior leader, Colonel George Taylor of Middletown). When Loyalists rose up in late 1776, it was regiments of soldiers (David Forman’s Flying Camp in November and Francis Gurney’s Pennsylvania regiment in January) who took the fight to the Loyalists. The county militia was notably absent from both campaigns. Disaffection in the Monmouth County Militia With the Pennsylvanians leaving the county on February 5 and Forman’s Additional Regiment stymied by slow recruiting, Monmouth County’s Whig leaders scrambled to re-assemble the county militia in early February 1777. But observers were skeptical of the value of a militia company that was largely disaffected. Thomas Savadge, the administrator of the Pennsylvania Salt Works at Toms River, offered an opinion that was echoed by others: The militia in this part of the county is by no means calculated for the defense thereof; for more than half of them are Tories and the rest but little better. I am of the opinion that if this part of the county is to be defended it must be by Continental troops who know their duty, or militia of another State. A similar opinion of the shore township militias was offered by Charles Pettit, a New Jersey legislator and quartermaster for the state of New Jersey: “I fear but little is to be expected, a baneful influence has spread among the people.” Nonetheless, the 1st Regiment of the Monmouth County Militia (from Freehold and Middletown townships) assembled around February 1 and marched 140 men forward to the Navesink Highlands where they set up camp opposite the British base at Sandy Hook. They were promptly routed by British regulars at the Battle of Navesink . It appears that the 2nd and 3rd militia regiments remained largely non-mustered. On February 21, Samuel Forman, Colonel of the 2nd Regiment, and Daniel Hendrickson, Colonel of the 3rd Regiment, with 19 other Monmouth militia officers, petitioned the New Jersey Legislature. They noted past troubles in the county: “the inhabitants of this County, being cut off from all communication with Continental forces & surrounded by those of the Enemy, were compelled to lay down arms and accept a protection after being disarmed.” The officers stated that earlier in the month “a considerable number of them, upon the first call of their officers, turned out & have been on duty since.” The officers, then, frankly assessed the weakness of the Monmouth militia: It is deplorably true that a large proportion both of the publick & private arms were taken away by the Tories, in consequence of which not more than half of our militiamen are to any effect until they shall be supplied with arms from abroad. –That a very considerable portion of the inhabitants, themselves, are notoriously disaffected, and stand ready not only to give the enemy, from every part of the coast, all possible intelligence, and also join them in arms, upon the very probability of success. – That parties of the enemy are daily watching for opportunities for making descents & carrying off all such they know to be well-affected. –That one of the largest guards of militia here… has lately been surprised and the greatest part of them either killed or carried off into captivity, which has exceedingly depressed the spirits of their friends. The officers ended the petition with two requests: First, “this Country can never be protected unless a very considerable body of troops be introduced into it.” Second, they requested the appointment of David Forman as a General of the New Jersey militia with authority over the militias of neighboring counties: “No person whose knowledge of or attachment to the Country is as great as Coll. David Forman, and therefore pray he may have the appointment of a Brigadier.” At roughly the same time, the officers appealed for troops to help General Israel Putnam, who led the Continental Army in central New Jersey. On February 26, Putnam turned down the request and wrote George Washington about the decision: “Frequent Applications have been made to me from Monmouth for Reinforcements and I have not a Man to spare them.” However, Putnam was sympathetic to sending men at some point in the future because of the disaffection of the Monmouth militia: I am credibly informed many of those lately taken, engaged in our Service with a View to assist the Enemy by behaving ill—and that a constant Correspondence has been carried on between some of them and [Elisha] Lawrence of the New Jersey Volunteers]. A March 14 petition from several senior militia officers (including Samuel Forman, Elisha Lawrence (cousin of the Loyalist of the same name), Asher Holmes, Aucke Wikoff, and Thomas Henderson) also spoke of disaffection in the Monmouth militia: As our affairs now stand, the disaffection is so general and great that even amongst the guards assembled there are some that have declared that they would not fire an alarm gun should they be on duty and see the enemy approach. In short, we are fully convinced that unless some very spirited and speedy measures are taken, we will fall to the enemy within our own bowels. This was not an unfounded concern. The county militia’s dragoon company—theoretically, an elite unit——suffered a string of captures and resignations among its officers (see appendix). The company lost its first three captains in 1777 and 1778 (see appendix). Along the shore, the residents of Toms River generally supported the Revolution. But the majority of residents in between the neighborhoods were disaffected . On May 18, the residents of Toms River petitioned the New Jersey legislature for a special guard to disrupt illegal trade with the enemy and protect the village: Finding our strength insufficient, beg leave to inform your honors that the enemies of the United States, as well as the more secret ones within, do carry on a clandestine trade contrary to the laws of the State... and the inhabitants of Toms River, in said town, have been frequently threatened to be plundered and their houses razed. The petitioners continued, “the militia is not very numerous and hard to collect on any occasion… therefore we beg that an act be passed for forming a volunteer company to consist of about thirty men, properly officered & provisioned." Petition signers included Toms River’s leading militia officers: Major John Cook, Captain Samuel Bigelow, and Lieutenant Joshua Studson. Charles Pettit, at Little Egg Harbor (just south of Monmouth County), made a similar request on June 19. Attempts to Improve the Monmouth County Militia At least in Upper Freehold, Colonel Samuel Forman started moving against the disaffected men inside his regiment in March. On March 15, he directed Captain John Walton to “take charge of” seven men for “refusing to bear arms” and bring them to Haddonfield to stand before the New Jersey Council of Safety. Walton was also directed to take six other men “to Philadelphia & deliver them to the proper authorities” though the charges against these men were not stated. On May 1, the Monmouth militia held a general muster in which all men were required to turn out. The muster roll for the 1st Regiment still exists and reveals that the militia was very much a work in progress: nearly 10% of the militia was listed as captured (primarily as a result of the defeat at the Battle of Navesink in February) and more than 20% of the militia was listed as absconded. The incomplete ranks were likely even larger in the 2nd and 3rd regiments which came from townships with higher rates of disaffection. By summer, more officers were enforcing militia turnout. On July 21, Captain John Covenhoven (not the political leader of the same name) was ordered to: Warn all men in your district to appear at Allentown on Tuesday morning at 8 o'clock, you're to admit no excuse, those that refuse, you're to bring by force of arms, you are likewise to collect what arms you can find in your district. Other militia captains in the same regiment likely received the same orders. But Colonel Samuel Forman was doubtful that a majority of militia, even with the tougher policy, would turn out. “If we can get only 50, I shall well be pleased." Two weeks later, on August 5, Colonel Daniel Hendrickson ordered the eight captains of the Shrewsbury regiment to "immediately advertise every delinquent that does not appear, and hear their excuses... every delinquent that does not have reasonable excuse, you are to return to be fined agreeable to the law; these orders order, I strictly enjoin to execute." Yet militia delinquency in Shrewsbury would not be significantly punished for another three years. Gradually, the Monmouth militia improved. David Forman successfully raised a party of militia to march fifty miles to the Sourland Hills in order to join the Continental Army when the British Army went in motion in June 1777. In September 1777, when the British Army menaced Philadelphia, a large contingent of Monmouth militia under Asher Holmes (now the Colonel of the 1st Regiment) marched into Pennsylvania to assist the Continental Army. The organization and spirit necessary to take such an action was finally evident in at least some of the Monmouth militia. Related Historic Site : Seabrook-Wilson House Appendix: The Monmouth County Militia’s Dragoon Company The Monmouth County militia included a dragoon (cavalry) company in early 1777. Following the defeat at the Battle of the Navesink. It was raised mostly from Middletown for the purpose of observing and rapidly alerting local militia companies of threats. Private Hendrick Hendrickson recalled their duty was "scouting the shores" and alerting other militia of enemy threats. To serve in the company, the men had to provide their own "dress, horse and accoutrements" according to Lewis Covenhoven, one of the company’s privates. An undated return of the company noted its officers were Captain Jacob Covenhoven, Lt. Barnes Smock (a second Barnes Smock served as a private), and Ensign John Forman (of Middletown Point). It had 25 privates, including Stephen Seabrook (who would soon be bayoneted inside his father’s home). Twelve men “did not attend” the muster during when the return was compiled. Covenhoven was the company’s third captain; the first captain, Benjamin Randolph, was captured before the return was compiled. The second captain was Jacob Remsen, who promptly resigned. Jacob Covenhoven, its third captain, was captured during a raid of Middletown Point in May 1778 (and reportedly remained in prison until 1781). Lt. Barnes Smock was then elected captain, and Prvt. Barnes Smock promoted to an officer. Captain Barnes Smock was captured by Black raiders in 1780. Sources : Thomas Savadge to Pennsylvania Council of Safety, Samuel Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives (Harrisburg: State of Pennsylvania, 1902) First Series, vol. 5, p 216; Israel Putnam to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 8, 6 January 1777 – 27 March 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1998, p. 448; Asher Holmes, Militia Return, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 6, folder 7; Petition, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War Collection, Numbered Manuscripts #10336; Petition, National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Henderson of of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#23877637 ; Samuel Forman to John Walton, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #1062; Dover Township Petition, Monmouth County Historical Association, J. Amory Haskell Collection, folder 22, Document G; Charles Pettit to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, Collective Series, Revolutionary War Documents, #40; Elisha Lawrence to John Covenhoven, National Archives, Misc. Numbered Records, 12: 4010; Daniel Hendrickson to Captains of Militia, Monmouth County Historical Association, J. Amory Haskell Collection, folder 10, Document E; Muster Roll, Capt Jacob Covenhoven's Company, undated, National Archives, Washington DC, RG 93, reel 64; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Barnes J. Smock; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Lewis Covenhoven; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Hendrick Hendrickson of NJ, National Archives, p10-15. Previous Next

Links and Resources ~ Historic House Research ~ Historic Sites Inventory Historic Maps of Monmouth County Historic Aerials Photographs House Research at MC Archives Historic House Research Resources MC Genealogy Society Genealogy Society of NJ MC FamilySearch Wiki NJ Vital Records Dept. of Health MC Archives Genealogy Resources NJ State Archives Geni Resources at Rutgers NJ Afro American Historical & Geni MC Historical Commission Monmouth County Library Weekend in Old Monmouth Friends of Monmouth Battlefield Monmouth Battlefield Revolutionary NJ NJ Historical Commission NJ State Library Special Collection Preservation NJ National Register of Historic Places NJ Historic Preservation Office NJ Historic Trust NJ Historical Society ~ Monmouth County History ~ ~ Genealogy Resources ~ ~ New Jersey History ~

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Nathaniel Scudder Killed during Loyalist Raid by Michael Adelberg Nathaniel Scudder, who had served in the Continental Congress, joined a militia party in repelling Loyalist raiders who took six prisoners at Colts Neck. Scudder was killed in the ensuing clash. - October 1781 - As noted in prior articles, Nathaniel Scudder was Monmouth County’s most important political figure. He was an early Committeeman and militia officer. In January 1777, Scudder attached himself to Lt. Colonel Francis Gurney’s Pennsylvania regiment and guided them as they toppled Loyalist associations at Freehold, Middletown, and Shrewsbury. Scudder helped reassemble the dispersed Monmouth County militia on February 1 and marched the Freehold-Middletown regiment to the Navesink Highlands where it was promptly routed by British regulars. Nearly 100 men were killed or captured at the Battle of the Navesink —the worst defeat of the war for the Monmouth militia. Scudder served in the Legislative Council (Upper House of the legislature) in 1777, and then was selected to the New Jersey Council of Safety . In fall 1777, Scudder was selected to the Continental Congress where he served for two years. He declined to serve a third year, citing strains on his family and finances. Scudder returned to public life in summer 1780, helping to found the Association for Retaliation , a vigilante society. He was elected to the New Jersey Assembly that fall in an election tainted by Retaliator voter intimidation . He was re-elected on October 10, 1781, in another election tainted by Retaliator intimidation . Just five days later, a Loyalist raiding party landed at Shrewsbury and raided Colts Neck. Scudder responded to an alarm. The Death of Nathaniel Scudder The Pennsylvania Journal reported Scudder’s death on October 27, based on a letter that appeared in a Loyalist newspaper: The refugees who lately had their shallops burnt at Sandy Hook went into the county of Monmouth as far as Colts Neck, where they made prisoners of six notorious rebels, vizt. Hendrick Vanderveer, Joseph Maxson, Lt. John Fleming and three others. A party of the rebels, headed by Nathaniel Scudder and David Forman, pursued them as far as Black Point, when Mr. Scudder was killed; he had been for several years a member of the Continental Congress, and was at present a member of the New Jersey Assembly. The refugees got off safe with their prisoners to Sandy Hook. The Pennsylvania Evening Post published a longer narrative on October 30: A party of Refugees from Sandy Hook landed at Shrewsbury in Monmouth County, and under cover of night marched undiscovered to Colts Neck, near 15 miles from their place of landing, and took six of the inhabitants from their houses. The alarm reached Freehold before dawn and the local militia assembled to pursue the raiders, including Nathaniel Scudder. Scudder responded as a volunteer; as a legislator, he was not required to turn out. The Freehold militia pursued the raiders to Black Point (Rumson) where they attacked the rear of the raiding party. The report continued: “Dr. Scudder, whilst bravely advancing on the enemy, received a wound by a musket ball passing through his head." He died soon after. His minister at the Tennent Church , Reverend John Woodhull offered a "most excellent and affecting sermon" on October 17. The funeral was attended by "the most numerous and respectable concourse of people." Scudder’s friend, Colonel David Forman, was standing next to him when the musket ball passed through his head. The New Jersey Journal printed a long eulogy for Scudder, dated October 17, presumably written by Forman. Excerpts are below (the full eulogy is in the appendix of this article): To the great grief of the party, Doctor Nathaniel Scudder, whilst he was bravely advancing on the enemy, received a wound from a musket ball passing through his head, of which he instantly expired. His remains were removed from this place of action to his own house, with all the decency and solemnity suitable for such a mournful and melancholy event. The eulogy then discussed Scudder and his family: Few men have fallen in this Country who were so useful in life, so generally mourned in death. He was a tender husband, an affectionate parent, a sympathetic generous and real friend, a disinterested and determined Patriot, and has since the commencement of this war devoted his time, talents and a large part of his whole comfortable estate to this service of his country, and what will add luster to the whole, he is a finished Christian. Thus, a great and good man fallen in the prime of his life, and in the midst of his usefulness, having left behind him an unconsolable widow, five amiable children, and very numerous acquaintances to lament his fall. Forman also wrote George Washington about Scudder’s death on October 18: "I, this day, had my good friend, Doct. Scudder killed by my side on the banks of Black Point in Shrewsbury and that my particular attention is demanded to his widow and children." He wrote from Scudder's house of "the uncommon deep distress of the Doctor's widow and large family of children, when added to my own feelings for the loss of a sincere friend and worthy patriot, really rendered me incapable to discharge my duty." Despite this, Forman continued sending intelligence reports on British fleet movements at Sandy Hook. Elias Boudinot, a New Jersey delegate at Congress, wrote about Scudder’s death on October 21: He went out as usual to see his patients, on the way met Gen. Forman, who was getting a few men together to drive off some refugees who landed on the shore. Them coming down, at about 500 yards distant, one of them fired his piece, a random shot, but from above. The ball entered just one side of his nose & went thro' the Doctor's head -- He died in about two hours, thus a helpless family is left in a very destitute circumstances, as I believe the Doctor's attention to politicks has been very prejudicial to his little estate. Two of Scudder’s sons, Kenneth and Joseph, wrote of their father’s death in Kenneth’s postwar veteran pension application. Kenneth Scudder wrote that the family “lived only seven miles from the said village [Freehold].” His father was killed “at a place called Black Point… by the British & Tories.” Joseph Scudder recalled of his father’s death: When he was a member of the state legislature, and when the enemy was driven off by the militia, under the command of General Forman, on which occasion… the said Nathaniel Scudder volunteered his services and was killed in the service of his country - information he received from General Forman, who was standing by his side when he fell dead. The postwar pension application of Lewis Compton of Middletown provides additional information on the skirmish that resulted in Scudder’s death. He recalled that "the British were driven back by Capt. Barnes Smock's artillery, at which time Coll. Scudder was killed near Genl. Forman by a musket ball fired on board the enemy's boat, directly in his chin." Compton noted that it was a Middletown militia company, with artillery, that drove the raiders to their boats. The Freehold volunteers with Scudder and Forman arrived after the raiders had started to withdraw. Scudder was the only member of the Continental Congress to die in combat. The outpouring of sympathy after his death likely led the New Jersey Legislature to ignore three petitions that protested Retaliator interference in the county’s election (tainting Scudder’s re-election the New Jersey Assembly). The legislature, instead, ordered a new election for Scudder’s seat, to be held on November 28. At that election, Thomas Seabrook, also a Retaliator, was elected to replace Scudder. Related Historic Site : Tennent Church Appendix: Eulogy to Nathaniel Scudder, printed in the New Jersey Journal, October 17, 1781 “The day before yesterday a party of Refugees from Sandy Hook landed at Shrewsbury River in Monmouth County, New Jersey, and under cover of night marched undisturbed to Colt’s Neck, near fifteen miles from their place of landing, where they took six of the inhabitants from their houses. The alarm reached the Court House between four and five o’clock in the morning, when a small number of the inhabitants of the village of Freehold and its vicinity went immediately in pursuit of them, hoping either to relieve their friends who had been stolen into captivity, or to chastise the enemy for their temerity. They rode to Black Point, the place where the Refugees had landed, and with all possible speed, fell in with and attacked the rear of the Refugee party, and drove them on board their boats; in which skirmishing, to the great grief of the party, Doctor Nathaniel Scudder, whilst he was bravely advancing on the enemy, received a wound from a musket ball passing through his head, of which he instantly expired. His remains were removed from this place of action to his own house, with all the decency and solemnity suitable for such a mournful and melancholy event. Today, a most excellent and affecting sermon was preached on the occasion of his funeral by Rev. Mr. Woodhull, after which his remains, attended by the most numerous and respectable concourse of people ever known on similar occasions in this country, were interred at Presbyterian Church in Freehold, with the full honours of war; …Few men have fallen in this Country who were so useful in life, so generally mourned in death. He was a tender husband, an affectionate parent, a sympathetic generous and real friend, a disinterested and determined Patriot, and has since the commencement of this war devoted his time, talents and a large part of his whole comfortable estate to this service of his country, and what will add luster to the whole, he is a finished Christian. Thus, a great and good man fallen in the prime of his life, and in the midst of his usefulness, having left behind him an unconsolable widow, five amiable children, and very numerous acquaintance to lament his fall.” Sources : National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Lewis Compton; Library of Congress, Early American Newspapers, Pennsylvania Evening Post; New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930, October 24, 1781; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Oakey Vanosdol, National Archives, p4-9; Pennsylvania Journal, October 27, 1781; Elias Boudinot to Hannah Boudinot, Paul Smith, et al, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1970) vol. 18, p 150; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 88, 210-1; Hamilton Cochran's Scudders of the American Revolution (Peterborough, N.H.: Scudder Association, 1976) pp. 99-100; Contained in: National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Kenneth Scudder of NY, www.fold3.com/image/# 20161011; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 81, October 17-19, 1781; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Shrewsbury Friends Move to End Slaveholding by Michael Adelberg In 1776, Shrewsbury’s Quaker meeting pressured its members to free their slaves. The Meeting House, rebuilt in 1816, was likely where the Friends provided education to the recently freed slaves. - August 1776 - As noted in prior articles, slaveholding in Monmouth County was destabilized during the ramp up to the American Revolution. There was increased agitation from African Americans, a number of whom escaped behind British lines. Relatedly, the Quakers of Monmouth County, following the lead of Philadelphia’s Quaker meeting, sought to end slaveholding in the summer of 1776. On August 19, the combined Shrewsbury and Rahway Friends Meeting issued a new code of conduct for its members as the war commenced. While much of the code was focused on maintaining neutrality and not giving offense to others, the code also included a provision banning “any further buying or selling of slaves.” Item #7 of the code pertained to “manumitting slaves, educating children of slaves.” That same day the Shrewsbury Friends meeting discussed efforts to have its members free their slaves: Those [Quakers] who hold negroes in bondage have been labored with, in order to prevail on them to do justice... some of which have manumitted, some of them as are arrived to the age of 18 & 21 years, one has manumitted several young negroes who are to be freed at that age, some others say that those that are young shall be free when of age, but have not yet manumitted them & divers [sic] others cannot be prevailed with to set them at liberty. Shrewsbury Friends Move to End Slaveholding in Their Meeting Three months later, the meeting appointed Joseph Wardell, Joseph Jackson, and Edmund Williams from Shrewsbury and three more Friends from Rahway as a committee to counsel slaveholders and report on the results. The committee filed its report on August 18, 1777, the anniversary of the first direction to manumit slaves. It wrote: "a number of them [slaveholders] have been prevailed upon to execute proper manumissions... others seem senseless with respect to their duty." The committee determined to further counsel the holdouts. Regardless of good intentions, resetting relationships with former slaves caused tensions. On May 5, 1777, the Friends recorded that James Williams and John Williams beat the freed slave, Caesar Moore. The Friends appointed a committee to investigate. On July 7, the committee reported that James and John Williams had submitted a letter of apology but the committee rejected the letter because they deemed the apology insufficient. In August, John Williams apologized again: “I have deviated so far from our principles as to strike a black man through a passion, for which I am sorry," but James Williams "showed a condescending disposition toward reconciliation." His apologies were not accepted until October. In April 1778, the Shrewsbury meeting reported on continued slaveholding among Friends. It was noted that: Amos White of Rumson and Jonah Parker have freed their slaves; Essek Hartshorne agreed to free his adult slaves on bond and pledge to release child slaves when they reach the age majority; John Stevenson "has left his Negroes in such a situation that they cannot legally be freed as yet"; Jonathan Wright had made "several manumissions." The one strident hold-out was John Corlies who "continues to decline to comply with the annual meeting's advice on that head, therefore John Hartshorne is appointed to inform him that unless he complies with the said advice, this meeting will be under the necessity to disown him." After another counsel, Corlies was disowned on December 7. In 1779, the Friends turned their attention to the few members who still owned slaves. Essek Hartshorne, it was reported, "showed a willingness to comply with the advice of the yearly meeting, he is desired to produce proof of his manumissions for his negroes.” Proof of the manumissions was provided later in the year. The report also noted that William Corlies freed the slave, Jack, and William Parker freed the slave, Neamus Parker. However, Parker continued to keep another slave named Robin (though Parker committed to freeing Robin in April 1780). The report concluded: "We are nearly clear of them (slaves)." In November 1779, two problems remained: William Parker had manumitted Robin, but in a manner judged "not satisfactory." Full manumission was completed in October 1780. Benjamin Corlies sold his last slave, but to Esek Hartshorne. Hartshorne promised manumission, but only after this slave worked off the debt related to his purchase. This slave was freed in July 1780. Support for Freed Slaves In 1780, the Shrewsbury Friends shifted their focus from freeing slaves to supporting freed slaves. In January, they noted that "it don't appear that the committee appointed to have care & oversight of the freed Negroes have made any report… some of them have been entirely unthoughtful of their charge." In August, the committee appointed for supporting freedmen met with several freed slaves. It reported giving “such counsel as we are capable of... said advice seemed acceptable to most of them, and Friends that have them under care seem disposed to do justice to them.” By January 1782, that same committee optimistically reported, "not any negro has been offered to that meeting as suffering & that care is extended toward the free negroes there." An August report also offered an upbeat assessment: "Those negroes who have been manumitted have a comfortable subsistence & justice, in a good degree, administered to them by some.” An August 1783 report concluded: It appears that those negroes who have been manumitted are generally well provided for as to the necessities of life, & some care taken for their school learning, except for the cases of some, who are placed with those not in society with us [non-Quakers]. However, a second report noted that while most of the freed slaves were being assisted, several were not. The report expressed concern about “those freed by Josiah Parker, a part of those freed by Elihu Williams & two of those freed by Essek Hartshorne, which are under care of those not in society with us." The report also discussed the freed child slave of Samuel Allison: “there is cause to fear are [is] sold back into slavery." As the war drew to a close, there were still three slaveholders among the Shrewsbury Quakers. Curiously, the names of two of the hold-out Quakers are not offered in the minutes in the Shrewsbury meeting: “None [are] held in bondage except one friend who purchased & manumitted, but with a promise from the slave of having the purchase money restored;” “One other difficult case of which care has been taken but that nothing can be done at present." The third member of the meeting was “Widow Stevenson.” It was reported that she maintained "6 [slaves] in the estate of John Stevenson.” The report suggested there is no executor to the estate and the family was in debt. Attempts to counsel widow Stevenson were unsuccessful: “The widow cannot be reasoned with." The Shrewsbury Quakers were part of a larger New Jersey community that frequently discussed the future of slavery. The state’s primary newspaper, the New Jersey Gazette , printed a number of essays on the topic—both in favor of and opposed to slave manumission. New Jersey’s Governor, William Livingston, was a known opponent of slavery. In 1778, he called it "utterly inconsistent with the principles of Christianity and humanity: and in Americans who have idealized liberty, particularly odious and disgraceful." Neighboring Pennsylvania—the state with the largest Quaker population—abolished slavery in 1780. While ending slaveholding was clearly important to Shrewsbury’s Quakers, an argument could be made that it was not among their top concerns. Between 1775 and 1783, the Shrewsbury Friends meeting censured or disowned two members for refusing to free their slaves. The infomation below lists other misconducts that resulted in more than two censures or expulsions. Marrying Outside the Faith - 19 censures or expulsions Fornication - 16 censures or expulsions Quarreling/Fighting - 7 censures or expulsions Marrying without Approval - 7 censures or expulsions Drinking Alcohol - 6 censures or expulsions Profane Language - 4 censures or expulsions Meeting Non-Attendance - 4 censures or expulsions Horse Racing/Fox Hunting - 3 censures or expulsions The gravest threat to the Friends, however, was the war itself. Strict Quakers vainly struggled to keep other members from militia service or otherwise align with the Continental or British armies; that was the Shrewsbury Meeting’s continuous worry. Some Shrewsbury Quakers faithfully served in the local militia; others took up arms for the British, including those who joined an ill-fated Loyalist association in the neighborhoods of Deal and Shark River. Related Historic Sites : Shrewsbury Friends Meeting House Sources : Swarthmore College, Friends Historical Library, reel: MR Ph 585, Shrewsbury Meeting; Swarthmore College, Friends Historical Library, Reel MR-PH, 51; J. T. Main, The Sovereign States, 1775-1783 (New York: New Viewpoints, 1973), pp. 290-1; William Livingston, quoted in Benjamin Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), p 49; John Corlies expulsion discussed in, Graham Hodges, African Americans in Monmouth County during the American Revolution (Lincroft, NJ: Monmouth County Park System, 1990) p 15; David Fowler, Egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 90 note 70; The abolition of slaveholding in Pennsylvania is discussed in Gary B. Nash, Race and Revolution (Madison: Madison House, 1990) p 19. Previous Next