The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Yelverton Taylor Takes British Troop Transport by Michael Adelberg The British troop transport, Triton, was disabled in a storm after leaving Sandy Hook. It and its 214 soldiers were captured by privateer Yelverton Taylor. He took the vessel into Little Egg Harbor. - September 1779 - As noted in prior articles, in 1778, there was a sharp increase in privateering on the Jersey shore. Sailors, mostly from Philadelphia but based at Egg Harbour (today’s Little Egg Harbor), took to the sea in small ships to make their living preying on British shipping. Among the most prolific of these early privateers was Yelverton Taylor. By summer 1779, the activity of Taylor and other Egg Harbor privateers was surpassed by New England privateers hovering off Sandy Hook, but Taylor would soon capture the greatest prize taken off New Jersey during the war. Historian Donold Shomette wrote of an ill-fated flotilla that sailed from New York in August 1779 with a mission of transporting thousands of soldiers to South Carolina. The flotilla was buffeted by terrible storms off the Jersey Shore. Badger lost two masts and was attacked by a privateer. After surrendering, HMS Soleby arrived and chased off the privateer. Badger was towed back to Sandy Hook. Three other ships in the flotilla, King George, Craford , and Favorite made it back to New York under the escort of the frigate, HMS Renown . Other ships in the flotilla were less fortunate. The largest transport in the flotilla, Adamant , was lost at sea. Polly was damaged but made it to the Delaware coast before it was captured by a privateer and taken into Philadelphia. Another transport was captured by the 16-gun privateer, Pickering . But the fate of transport, Triton , is best documented. It was taken off Barnegat. The Capture of Triton The New Jersey Gazette and Pennsylvania Gazette reported in early October: On Friday last, Captain Taylor sent into Egg Harbor a transport from New York said to be bound for Halifax with a quantity of dry goods, 214 Hessians, including a Colonel, who are properly taken care of. He was chased into Egg Harbor River by a British frigate; but on his passage up, with the transport in tow, he [Taylor in the schooner Mars] was unfortunately overset by a sudden squall of wind, by which one man drowned. The vessel, it is said, will be got up again. Taylor was accompanied by Captain Stephen Decatur, sailing in the smaller privateer, Comet , which had been captained by Taylor the prior year. Their capture was the British troop transport, Triton . Triton left Sandy Hook on September 14 in a flotilla with two other transports, Molly and Archer . One of the German officers on board, Andreas Wiederhold, provided a detailed account of the vessel’s capture. The flotilla encountered “turbulent weather under persistent rain” and the British ships “quite separated themselves” from Triton in the bad weather.” The storms continued next day, Widerhold recalled: Waves, mountains in height, seemed to devour the ship. Soon we were on top of such a terrible wave, soon we drove between such cruel waves down into the abyss… It was raining and hailing horribly. One of Triton ’s masts broke. The men had to clear the mast and rigging with axes in the rough seas. On September 16, Wiederhold recalled that the sea calmed enough for the men to come on deck. “We saw the miserable state of the ship.” Many men were sick and much of the supplies were waterlogged. Wiederhold concluded, “No man should have to describe such misery.” The next day he wrote that the ship had lost its bearings (though subsequent accounts suggest that they were off Barnegat). Its stores were largely lost, “everything was corrupted and ruined.” That day and the 18th, men came on deck and repaired what they could. On the 19th, a prayer service was held to thank God for delivering the ship from the storm. However, the bad luck of the Triton turned worse. That evening, Wiederhold reported: “6 p.m. of the evening we discovered a ship not more than 3 leagues removed. …I loaded a swivel (which was still left) and fired him 2 times to give a signal that we are flying the English flag… to see whether it was friend or foe. But it was night before we got close.” The men spent the evening discussing what they would do if the vessel was a rebel privateer. Wiederhold wrote about the ship approaching Triton slowly on September 20: “9 a.m. we beheld a ship which seemed to come straight to us; we were happy and believed that it could be an English frigate” to tow us into Sandy Hook. “Because it flew no flag, we could not tell whether it was friend or foe!” On September 21, the vessel closed gradually: “the night was very restless,” the vessel stood landward and “soon came to us from the face.” The Germans determined the vessel to be a rebel schooner and planned their defense. Then the vessel sailed away; it did not return until September 26. By September 25, Wiederhold was more optimistic: “We were … excited to come through the country complete with grazing privateers and to regain the open sea.” With favorable winds, he predicted “we would be happy to be the following day at Sandy Hook.” The optimism was misplaced. He wrote on September 26 of “a sad and unfortunate day.” The guard on the Triton spotted a vessel at dawn. “Everyone dressed and went to the top and all with the hope the vessel is from the friendly port of New York.” The Triton was too wounded to evade an enemy, and Weiderhold wrote of the moment he recognized the vessels as rebel privateers: We were according to the Capt. in so miserable circumstances that they would be unable to turn or evade an enemy. O! We were cheated in our hope because after they came so close and their breeze was felt, we saw a 13 stripes flag, which transformed our joy in suffering… on the right was a schooner named Mars, 14 Cannon, Capt. Taylor commander; that to the left was a shallop named Comet of 10 Cannon, Capt. Decatur commander. What likely happened is that one of the privateers spotted Triton several days earlier and, seeing the size of the transport, sought the assistance of a second privateer before moving against it. By 8:00 a.m. on the 26th, the two privateers were alongside the transport; they were the schooner Mars and schooner Comet . Wiederhold wrote of the transport being defenseless: We were completely unable to defend ourselves since all our cartridges were stuck together and our rifles were useless, and both ships, which remained a considerable distance from us, would have sunk us at the slightest resistance. There was nothing to do but surrender. The Triton sent an officer to Taylor to negotiate a surrender, the terms of which were not honored: They promised to leave the officers with their baggage and the soldiers with their knapsacks, a promise they kept badly. As we left our ship, our chests and boxes had to be opened and they searched them carefully, as well as the soldier’s knapsacks; and whatever they fancied, they took, so that little remained. I protested against this procedure, but received the answer that we should be glad we kept what we did. As privateers, they were entitled to everything. Weiderhold recorded that “the intention of the privateers was immediately to collect us for Philadelphia and the Delaware.” The privateers put the Triton in tow. However, a large ship was spotted in the distance, and, given its size, it was “considered an English ship and it moved always on us.” This forced the privateers to “settle for the entrance of the Little Egg Harbor.” The ships anchored at dusk at the mouth of Little Egg Harbor. Wiederhold wrote of little progress on September 28, perhaps because one of the privateers, Mars , grounded in the shallows of the unmarked harbor. Weiderhold wrote: It went aground on a shoal or a sandbank not more than a good musket shot from us. Since the wind was blowing strong and the waves beat violently against it, all their efforts to get it afloat were in vain. It capsized before our eyes and everything [on it] was lost. All the people on board were sitting on the keel, which was just about even with the surface of the water and over which the waves broke constantly, until they were fetched, little by little, in boats. So, the men “again anchored” at 7 pm. On the 29th, Wiederhold recorded that, “We ran into the little harbor… and dropped the anchor.” Then on the 30th, “Capt. Reiffurth [of the Triton ] and several crew” loaded into a boat and went ashore. On October 1, Wiederhold went ashore with 45 men in a shallop. This occurred even as the shallop grounded and required assistance: “When trying to navigate toward a house, [it] ran aground until a ship's boy steered us off with his oar and directed us to the right channel.” A privateer schooner, presumably the Mars , “remained on sandbank” grounded. The local geography fascinated Wiederhold, who wrote of Little Egg Harbor and its narrow channels: In reality, it isn't a harbor at all, but an expansive place with sandbars, shoals, swamps, large and small morasses, and sandy islands… The channels are so narrow that in many places a ship can only pass in the middle. In others, the ship can sail so close to shore that one can reach out and touch the banks with one's hand. If a boatman is unfamiliar with these channels or does not have a good pilot, it is impossible to pass through. This is true even though one can see another boat 1,000 paces away. By October 2, all of the men on the Triton were brought on shore. Wiederhold recorded that “after all was now ashore” the “surviving” materials were “loaded and driven up the Creek into the country.” However, because “the current was against us” the men sat at “anchor to stay overnight.” In the still wind, the men had to row the shallop upriver through the night. Finally, on October 3, at 7 a.m., the prisoners arrived at the privateer boomtown of Chestnut Neck. The village had been razed by a British raiding party a year earlier but the burnt buildings were likely rebuilt. Wiederhold did not note any destruction. The village was not equipped for so many prisoners. The Germans had to “lie in stables because otherwise [there] no room for them; were nevertheless pleased to be off the miserable ship and on God's Earth.” On October 4, Wiederhold met Major Richard Westcott. Wescott impressed Wiederhold because he was “so polite, so he gave 3 wagons for the sick.” The German officers compensated Wescott with their silver coins. The Germans were then marched overland to Philadelphia. They reached the Delaware River on October 16. The New Jersey Gazette reported that the Triton was not the only British vessel in the convoy to suffer: “four of the transports [were] much shattered, the Renown returned dismasted." One vessel sunk at sea. The capture of the Triton was Taylor’s last recorded capture. From this and other prizes, he had likely accumulated a small fortune, and he would surely receive harsh treatment from the British if captured. Taylor likely retired although his colleague, Decatur, would remain active . Related Historic Site : Dyckman House Museum (Hessian Hut) (New York) Sources : M.D. Learned, Tagebuch des Capt. Wiederholdt, Vom 7 October 1776 Bis 7 December 1780, (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1914), p74-88; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 65; Donald Shomette, Privateers of the Revolution: War on the New Jersey Coast (Shiffer: Atglen, PA, 2015); Edwin Salter, A History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, N.J.: E. Gardner and Son, 1890), pp. 119-120; Paul C. Burgess, A Colonial Scrapbook: The Southern New Jersey Coast. 1675-1783 (New York: Carlton Press, 1971), p 170; J.A. McManemin, Captains of Privateers. (Spring Lake, N.J.: Ho-Ho-Kus Pub. Co., 1994), pp. 341-344; Valentine C. Hubbs, Hessian Journals: Unpublished Documents of the American Revolution (London: Camden House, 1980) pp. 81-3; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930; Hand, JP, The Cape May Navy, (Charleston, SC: History Press, 2018) pp. 71-76. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Rise of Little Egg Harbor and the British Response by Michael Adelberg This map shows the winding Mullica River that connected the village of Chestnut Neck to Little Egg Harbor. It would become New Jersey’s most important Revolutionary War port. - July 1776 - By spring 1776, there had already been a handful of incidents involving British ships on the Jersey shore, including the capture of a British storeship in January intended for their army. An enormous fleet departed England, bound for America with 25,000 soldiers. It would be the largest European Army to ever land in the Americas. As New York City became rebellious, the squadron of British ships at New York sailed for Sandy Hook and seized it as a naval base—it would be held by the British navy longer than any piece of the Atlantic Seaboard. More British navy vessels arrived in American waters—and the British blockaded the major American ports in April. Philadelphia ships were blocked from entering the Delaware Bay. They diverted to Little Egg Harbor to avoid capture. The Rise of Little Egg Harbor Located immediately south of Monmouth County, Little Egg Harbor, and the inland village of Chestnut Neck, a few miles up the winding Mullica River, had long been part of Philadelphia’s economy. The Delaware River froze for parts of each winter and ships went to Little Egg Harbor (called “Egg Harbour” at the time) to reprovision and deposit cargo for overland transport. When the British blockaded Delaware Bay in April 1776, it was only natural that Philadelphia ship captains detoured to Little Egg Harbor. The Continental Congress, based in Philadelphia, embraced the New Jersey port. Its journals record more than a dozen references to activity there between April 1 and July 31. The Congress sent agents to Egg Harbor, received prisoners there, transported war materials, fitted out vessels, and sent wagon-trains back and forth from Philadelphia. In June, Congress considered the need to defend the port. It resolved: "The Marine Committee be empowered and instructed to build, man and equip two large row gallies for the defense of Little Egg Harbour." But there is no evidence that these gallies ever put to sea. Newspapers describe at least seven vessels coming into Egg Harbor in seven weeks. They are summarized in the table below: Date / Vessel / American Captain / Other Information April 22 British “tender” Capt. John Barry Takes six-gun schooner, tender to the HMS Phoenix May 5 Sloop Capt. Youngs Brings in cargo of “13 tons of powder, 24 tons of salt petre, and 60 arms” May 18 Schooner Fidelity Capt. Broadhurst New Jersey vessel chased by British vessel, crosses into Egg Harbor to escape June 5 Three prizes: Lady Juliana, Juno , and Reynolds Capts. George McEvoy and John Adams Two American privateers, Congress and Chance , bring in three prizes with “cargo of 187 lbs. of plate, 1000 hogshead of sugar, 246 bags of pimento, 396 bags of ginger, 25 tons of cocoa, 1 cask to turtle shells.” June 6 “small privateer” Unknown Cargo of “1100 hhds Sugar, 140 Puncheons Rum, 70 Pipes Madeira, 24000 Mexico Dollars” It can be safely assumed that additional ships entered and left the port during this period. British Warships Patrol the Jersey Shore The increased traffic at Little Egg Harbor and necessity of maintaining a presence at Sandy Hook and the Delaware Bay led to British warships traversing the Jersey Shore. In April, an anonymous New Yorker wrote about the effectiveness of the increasing Royal Navy activity: They are driving back all the boats from the Jersies and cutting off all our supplies and provisions… [but] it is impossible that the Men-of-War can watch all our vessels, though they lie at the Hook on that purpose; we have so many creeks and harbors that they know nothing of, that they cannot ruin us. The first prize taken by a British vessel on the Jersey shore might have been on April 1 when a British tender to a frigate “took a small sloop, then lying in the road, belonging to Egg-Harbor." Large British warships were frequently “tended” by sloops that ferried men and provisions in and out of shallow ports that the larger ships could not enter. The shallow, unmarked ports of the Jersey shore were dangerous to British frigates, so tenders were especially valuable for shore activity. Two weeks later, another tender took on a local pilot at Barnegat. The Pennsylvania Journal reported: “One Arthur Green of Barnegat was taken by the Phoenix 's tender and has given Capt. Parker an account of all the inlets about there.” The report noted that Green was now on a Loyalist sloop “which they have fitted out as an armed vessel, which, make no doubt, he will be cruizing in all the inlets." This appears to be the first reference to Loyalist privateering on the Jersey Shore. In May, the New York Provincial Congress noted that "Captain Jonathan Clarke, late from the French West-Indies… had the misfortune to have his vessel and cargo seized and taken by an armed tender near Black-Point, below Sandy-Hook.” The legislature advanced $25 to assist Clarke and his crew for their hardship. A few days later, Commodore Esek Hopkinson of the Continental Navy wrote of the sloop L'Amiable Marie being taken off the Shrewsbury shore by HMS Phoenix. He noted that sailors on board the sloop were pressed into the British Navy. The British Navy chased another vessel south of Sandy Hook on June 12. The Pennsylvania Ledger reported: A sloop belonging to New Brunswick from Curacao was drove ashore by one of the ministerial pirates a little southward of Shrewsbury. The crew got on shore and by assistance of the country people [and] drove the pirates off. Her cargo consists of dry goods and about 300 bushels of salt, which is safely landed. The British naval presence at Sandy Hook continued to grow, from three warships in April to seven in May, to twelve in early June. Patrols of the Jersey shore continued. On June 23, the New York Journal reported, "the enemy's ships were all on a cruise along the [Jersey] coast” and they apparently destroyed an American vessel, “the schooner that was burnt belonged to Egg Harbor." The British armada arrived at Sandy Hook on June 29. The British cruised the Monmouth shore without significant opposition. The Continental Navy had vessels around Cape May and scored a few victories against the British Navy. But Continental Navy vessels did not come north to the Monmouth shore until the end of 1776. In the meantime, the New York State Navy assigned two small vessels to patrol the shore north of Little Egg Harbor, but it appears that these vessels spent more time avoiding larger British warships than protecting American ships. Joseph Galloway, a leading Loyalist, wrote about the vulnerable New Jersey shore. New Jersey’s ports were "for the most part, naked, without fortifications and cannon." Little Egg Harbor was “altogether defenceless" and its vessels “stay in harbor" when British ships are nearby. He wrote to Admiral Richard Howe, commanding the British Navy in America, that "no privateer could pass out of any port… without your consent." Yet the British were not interested in moving against the small villages and shallow ports on the Jersey shore in 1776. Two years later, the British would regret their failure to move against Little Egg Harbor early on. It would blossom into a center of American privateering . The port of Toms River , 30 miles north in Monmouth County, would emerge as New Jersey’s second most important privateer port. Related Historic Site : Tuckerton Historical Society Sources : Margaret Willard, Letters on the American Revolution 1774-1776 (Associated Faculty Press, 1968) p 308; Joseph Galloway, Letter to the Right and Honourable Viscount Howe on His Naval Conduct in the American War, (London: J. Wilkie, 1779) pp. 15-19, 21-22, 24, 35-7; William James Morgan, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1969) vol. 5, p 713. Robert Scheina, "A Matter of Definition: The New Jersey Navy, 1777-1783," American Neptune, 1979, vol 39, n 3, p 211; Journals of the Continental Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/05000059/ v4, p293; 328, 351 and 379; v5 p445, 476, 722, 729; Donald Shomette, Privateers of the Revolution: War on the New Jersey Coast (Shiffer: Atglen, PA, 2015) pp 51-60; Donald Shomette, Privateers of the Revolution: War on the New Jersey Coast (Shiffer: Atglen, PA, 2015) pp 59-60; Peter Force, American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution, 1774-6 (digitized: http://dig.lib.niu.edu/amarch/find.doc.html), v5: p 745 and v6:1323; William James Morgan, Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1969) vol. 6, p 650 and vol. 5, p 698; Alverda S. Beck, ed., The Correspondence of Esek Hopkins (Providence, 1933), p 77; Christopher Marshall, The Diary of Christopher Marshall (Amazon Digital Services, 2014) p 69; Bruce Bliven, Under the Guns, New York 1775-1776 (New York: Harper & Row, 1972) p 279; Pennsylvania Journal, April 10, 1777; Maryland Journal, May 1, 1776; Library of Congress, NY Gaz & Weekly Mercury, reel 2904; New York Gazette & Weekly Mercury, May 27, 1776; Pennsylvania Journal, April 17, 1776; Virginia Gazette [Dixon and Hunter; Williamsburg], 22 June 1776; Pennsylvania Ledger, vol. 1, Jan. 1775-Nov. 1776; Pennsylvania Evening Post, June 13, 1776; Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 4 May 16, 1776 - August 15, 1776; http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?hlaw:3:./temp/~ammem_s9BZ :: Paul Burgess, A Colonial Scrapbook; the Southern New Jersey Coast, 1675-1783 (New York, Carlton Press, 1971) pp 107-8; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 1, pp. 110, 117. 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Monmouth County's Black Loyalists Emigrate to Canada by Michael Adelberg The town of Shelburne and its Port Roseway was a common destination for Black Loyalists in 1783, 28 of whom are identified as being born in Monmouth County. - April 1783 - As discussed in prior articles, Monmouth County had a large African-American population prior to the start of the American Revolution—roughly 10 percent of the population, both slave and free. Free Blacks were generally poor; they are listed as “householders” and “single men” in the tax lists. In an agricultural society where farming was the primary path to wealth—only a few owned enough land to be taxed as landholders. In addition, African-Americans were excluded from the militia and did not meet the property requirements to vote or serve on juries. The first campaign of Monmouth County’s Revolutionary militia was to enforce a curfew on African-Americans and confiscate their guns. When the British fleet landed at Sandy Hook in July 1776, they were soon met by Virginia’s Royal Governor Lord Dunmore and his Ethiopian Brigade. Dunmore had given freedom to the slaves of rebels who would join the British. Within a month, a handful of Monmouth County slaves escaped bondage to join the British as Loyalists. British promises of freedom throughout the war encouraged more slaves to seek their freedom behind British lines. But the British created few good opportunities for these African American Loyalists. Black Loyalists were banned from the British Army and its Loyalist corps. Some served as “pioneers” (manual laborers and earthwork diggers for the Army) and others became sailors. By the middle years of the war, African Americans were common in the irregular Loyalist raiding parties operating out of Sandy Hook. In summer 1780, they confederated as the “Black Brigade ,” conducting their own raids. After the death of their leader, Colonel Tye, in September, the Black Brigade lost cohesion though individual African Americans continued to be active Loyalists. 40 African American Loyalists reportedly joined the Pine Robber gang of William Davenport. African American Loyalists Emigrate to Canada It does not appear that a large number of African Americans boarded the first ships for Canada (in fall 1782 ). Perhaps these earlier groups were mostly self-financed white Loyalists. However, in April 1783, the preliminary terms of the peace treaty reached America and the British started shipping out black Loyalists with greater urgency. This was in large part because Article VII of the peace plan prohibited "carrying away any Negroes or other property of the American inhabitants." A black Loyalist, Boston King, wrote of his worries that American slave owners would take them, "This dreadful rumor filled us with unexpressible anguish and terror." Indeed, George Washington wanted black Loyalists returned. His counterpart, General Guy Carleton and other British leaders claimed that the treaty language did not reverse the status of black Loyalists already free. Carleton wrote, "I have no right to deprive them of that liberty." On April 16, 1783, the remnants of the Black Brigade (49 men, 23 women, 6 children under 10 yrs old) boarded the vessel L'Abondance in Manhattan. The emigres ranged from Sarah, a 72-year-old woman, to small children. Sixteen were from New Jersey and eight from New York. Interestingly, 31 were from southern states and seven were seven years with the British (suggesting they may have arrived at Sandy Hook with Lord Dunmore). Almost half (32) were young adults between the agenda of 16 and 30. At least five of these emigres (probably more) were formerly from Monmouth County: Thomas Drake, 17 yrs old, 5 yrs away from Thomas Thurman; Oliver Vinson, 30 yrs old, 6 yrs away from John Freeman; Sarah Jones, 42 yrs old, 6 yrs away from Richard Stout; Isaac Jones, 10 yrs old, 6 yrs away from Richard Stout; Aaron Jones, 12 yrs old, 6 yrs away from Hendrick Smith. Other transports brought off hundreds more African Americans in spring 1783. In New York, under the leadership of General Samuel Birch, black Loyalists were given passports to Canada and recorded in the Book of Negroes (sometimes called “The Black Books ”). In Canada, attempts were made to list all of the African American Loyalists within a larger effort to log all Loyalist emigres—resulting in a compendium called “Carleton’s Loyalist Index.” The Book of Negroes identifies 24 African American emigres as from Monmouth County. In addition, the baby, Peter Van Sayl, was free born in New York to Monmouth County parents. 21 were born into slavery. Five are listed as former members of the “Black Brigade” (Aaron Jones, Isaac Jones, Sarah Jones, Thomas Drake, Oliver Vinson)—they emigrated with the Black Brigade on the L’Abondance. Two others (Rose French; Jane); are listed as serving in the British Army’s Wagonmaster department. About half had been employed as servants or waiters to comfortable men. The Book of Negroes also includes descriptors of the African Americans similar to the short descriptions in colonial newspapers when advertising the sale of a slave or the return of a runaway slave. For example, 15-year-old Joseph Stewart is listed as a "stout healthy Negro"; 24-year-old Lucy Lykes is listed as a “squat wench”; 27-year-old Judith Johnson is an “ordinary wench.” Since the African Americans were free people (with one exception discussed below), it is unclear what purpose these descriptions served—white Loyalists were not described this way. Three of the African-Americans from Monmouth County have interesting additional information listed about them. Peter Johnson "says he got his freedom from Stephen Brinley, Quaker, New Jersey.” Anthony Loyal is listed as "born free at Monmouth” but was apparently laboring under an indenture: “served his time with William Wikoff, Monmouth County." The most interesting circumstance is that of Betty, a 20-year-old woman. She is listed as having an infant with the additional note: "Conradt Hendricks of St. John's claimant… property proved." Betty had likely escaped from Hendricks during the war, but because Hendricks was a Loyalist, Betty was apparently returned to him. (Slavery was not abolished in Canada until 1834.) Carleton’s Loyalist Index contains much of the same information as The Book of Negroes . But the sources are not identical—each source lists a few emigres not contained in the other source. Further, there are small differences in the names and ages of some emigres. Carleton’s Index also includes additional information: the name of the vessel that transported the emigre, the date of arrival, and the place of settlement. From this, we learn that African American Loyalists were transported on five different vessels between April and October 1783. They settled in six different places. See table 17 for Monmouth County African Americans resettled in Canada. When combined, the two sources place 28 African American emigres as being from Monmouth County. This undercounts the total because the books include a number of emigres and slaveholders with Monmouth County names (e.g., Covenhoven, Longstreet, Hendrickson), but the emigres are listed as from “New Jersey.” Since these names were not exclusive to Monmouth County, these individuals are not included in the table, though it is very likely that some/most were from Monmouth County. The last group of African American Loyalists to leave New York for Canada appear to have left in October 1783. It was a large group—more than 700 emigres—and they were settled in three areas: 102 men, 59 women, and 61 children at St. John; 171 men, 145 women, and 114 children sent to Port Roseway; 84 men, 49 women, and 38 children sent to Annapolis. Interestingly, while there are several surviving land grant lists for white Loyalists, the author has not located land grant information for African Americans. Historian Mary Tsaltas-Ottomanelli notes that many free blacks were settled in segregated communities like Birchtown outside of Port Roseway (present-day Shelburne). This raises the possibility that the African American emigres were not offered land, but instead they were expected work as laborers and servants to white Loyalists. It has been estimated that 35,000 Loyalists went to Canada at war’s end. More than 10%, roughly 4,000, were African American. Despite affirming the freedom of African American Loyalists, the British, it appears, had no intention of treating African American Loyalists as equal to whites. The move to Canada was hard for nearly all Loyalists, but African Americans faced an added measure of discrimination. Related Historic Site : Shelburne Historic Waterfront District (Nova Scotia) Sources : Mary Tsaltas-Ottomanelli, Black Loyalists in the Evacuation of New York City (The Gotham Center for New York City History, November 15, 2023); Black Loyalists: Our History, Our People, http://blackloyalist.com/canadadigitalcollection/documents/official ; Black Loyalists: Our History, Our People. Book of Negroes http://www.blackloyalist.com/canadiandigitalcollection/documents/official/black_loyalist_directory2.htm ; Black Loyalists: Our History, Our People, http://blackloyalist.com/canadadigitalcollection/documents/official ; Graham R. Hodges, The Black Loyalist Directory: African Americans in Exile after the American Revolution (New York: Garland Publishing, 1996); Runaway Slaves in Carelton’s Loyalist Index, Carleton's Loyalist Index, http://www.uelac.org/SirGuyCarleton/PDF/NEGR_CLI.pdf . Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Controversy Surrounds Local Prisoner Exchanges by Michael Adelberg In 1777, George Washington blocked Monmouth County officers from conducting a local prisoner exchange. However, local leaders conducted several local prisoner exchanges later in the war. - June 1780 - As noted in prior articles, prisoner exchanges were contentious not just with the enemy, but within the leadership ranks in Monmouth County. They were made more contentious by the “manstealing” (kidnapping) of a dozen militia officers in summer 1780. Advocates of locally-negotiated exchanges, such as Colonel Asher Holmes (commanding the county’s state troop regiment and largest militia regiment) saw exchanges as the only means of rescuing captured comrades from dismal British prisons. Opponents of local exchanges, including Colonel David Forman (Chairman of the vigilante Association for Retaliation ) believed that exchanges enticed a ruthless enemy to conduct additional manstealings. This issue, as much as any, split Monmouth County’s leaders into antagonistic factions , the leaders of which (literally) came to blows at the county’s October 1780 election . George Washington Stops First Attempted Local Prisoner Exchange The first discussions of prisoner exchanges for captured Monmouth Countian came after the Battle of the Navesink , during which 73 Monmouth militiamen were captured. Two captured officers, Captain Thomas McKnight and Lieutenant Thomas Little, were offered in an exchange on April 30: Richard McKnight & Thomas Little, taken prisoner in Monmouth County, New Jersey, have the [British] Commander in Chief's favor to be exchanged for Peter Campbell and Charles Harrison. The bearer, Wm. Taylor, has the Commander in Chief's leave to pass with a flag of truce in Monmouth County for the above purposes. The abovementioned William Taylor is permitted to pass to Sandy Hook in any boat or vessel duly authorized. Taylor was an attorney who led a Loyalist association that was broken up by Colonel David Forman and his regiment of Flying Camp in November 1776. Taylor arrived in Monmouth County in May 1777 and presented the exchange to Forman, then commanding the militia and Continental Army in the county. On May 11, Forman wrote George Washington, apparently requesting approval to conduct the exchange. Washington promptly disapproved: The proposition of exchanging Capt. Campbell and Harrison for Messrs Richard McKnight & Thomas Little, this I can by no means ascent to, as it would be establishing a precedent of a dangerous nature in its consequences. For then, whenever any of their Provincial Officers fell into our hands, they would send out parties to pick up our inhabitants of reputation in order to procure their release by exchange. At the same time, Washington approved of Forman’s decision to detain captured Middletown Loyalist, Richard Reading “who certainly forfeited any protection he might plead from Genl. Howe's permit” and directed that another Loyalist, George Rapalje, "should be sent immediately to the Governor to be tried by the laws of the land -- none but prisoners of war & spies are proper for military jurisdiction." The exact offenses of these men are unknown. Having disapproved the proposed exchange, Washington pledged to ask Elias Boudinot, Commissary of Prisoners, to contact his British counterpart in order “to bring about the exchange in some other manner." Washington further warned Forman not to accept visits from Loyalists under a flag of truce: I have no doubt of your vigilance & care, but I would beg your bear in mind that one intent of their sending those flags is to obtain intelligence which is clearly the case from their always sending people who know the country well. I therefore desire that such persons may never be permitted to come on shore. Washington’s criticism of local prisoner exchanges likely made an impression on Forman; he would carry forward Washington’s 1777 position when local exchanges became contentious again in 1780. Pressure Builds to Conduct Local Exchanges While Washington’s position had merit, local leaders faced great pressure to conduct exchanges that would bring home suffering loved ones. In June 1777, four captured New Jersey militia officers, including Capt. Stephen Fleming and Lt. Little of Monmouth County—wrote of their difficult imprisonment. They then asked the New Jersey Legislature to exchange them for captured Loyalists: Your petitioners lay our situation before you in hopes of redress, being melicia [sic] under your Government… As there are a number of people taken by our melicia going to join the King's Army, who no doubt would be as fond of exchanges as we, we beg you to use your influence to have [exchanges] effected as soon as possible. It does not appear that the New Jersey government acted on the petition, instead deferring to the Continental government which was seeking a general agreement (“cartel”) for exchanging prisoners with the British. A draft “Cartel for Prisoner of War Exchanges" was produced ten months later on April 10, 1778. It proposed an exchange schedule by which prisoners were valued by rank. Interestingly, the draft lists the last names of eleven officers held by the British, two of which were "Smock" and "Whitlock". These are Barnes Smock and John Whitlock, taken at the Battle of the Navesink fourteen months earlier. The draft cartel prioritized these officers as “objects of particular exception”—the first to be exchanged: We do hereby specially stipulate and declare, that the aforesaid officers shall be immediately exchanged on the terms of this cartel, for any officers of equal rank, or others by way of equivalent or composition; which have been or shall be delivered in lieu of them. It is unclear why Smock and Whitlock were prioritized over other Monmouth militia officers taken at the same time and still imprisoned. This cartel was not finalized. Smock stayed in jail until August (at that time, he was paroled home, not exchanged). Whitlock died as a prisoner in New York. The First Local Prisoner Exchanges With a general prisoner cartel stuck, New Jerseyans began conducting their own exchanges. Historian Edward Raser, who studied the prisoners captured at the Battle of Navesink, wrote that a militiaman named Vunck was exchanged in February 1778. Five more militiamen were exchanged in May 1778, including James Morris. These men were likely prioritized due to illness. Morris would later write that, on his exchange, he was "very sick with small pox, and looked very miserable, his hair was nearly all of his head.” Samuel Forman (not the Colonel of the same name) recalled the exchange of his brother Denice Forman. He “was confined to his bed, and for several days, nearly all hope of recovery was abandoned; but he providentially recovered." On May 27, a Loyalist party attacked Middletown Point and took John Burrowes, a leading citizen, prisoner. The next day, a mob led by Thomas Henderson (son-in-law to Burrowes) went to Middletown and took William Taylor prisoner (the same Loyalist who had sought to negotiate a prisoner exchange a year earlier). An attempt was made to conduct an exchange of Taylor for Burrowes. Burrowes was exchanged later that year, but it is unknown if he was exchanged for Taylor. Just two weeks later, the New Jersey Council of Safety authorized an “exchange” of Edward Taylor (William Taylor’s uncle) for John Willett, held by the British. Taylor (detained in Princeton ) was permitted to return to his home in Middletown in order to arrange the exchange. The order of the New Jersey Council of Safety read: That Edward Taylor, having procured the release of John Willett… Agreed, that said Mr. Taylor be discharged from his bond & have liberty to return to his place of abode, until the said John Willett be called back into British Lines. In September, the Council of Safety recommended an exchange of Anthony Woodward, a Loyalist insurrection leader, for Peter Imlay, a member of one of Upper Freehold’s leading families. Lacking a local intermediary to negotiate the exchange, it appears the exchange did not occur. In June 1779, Colonel Daniel Hendrickson and four other Shrewsbury Township militia officers were taken by a Loyalist raiding party as it razed the village Tinton Falls . While confined in New York, Hendrickson nearly arranged a six-person exchange that would have freed him and two others. Governor Wiliam Livingston endorsed the plan, but the exchange fell apart. On December 11, Elias Boudinot informed Livingston, "I am very much afraid the late proposal of an exchange by Coll. Hendrickson will not take place." Hendrickson was nearly exchanged again in March 1780 (for the Loyalist Colonel Billop) but that exchange also went awry. Exchange of James Mott Ignites Controversy In June 1780, James Mott, one of Monmouth County’s state legislators, was captured by a Loyalist manstealing party led by Colonel Tye. While detained at Sandy Hook, Mott was allowed to send note to his ally, Colonel Asher Holmes: My misfortune I suppose you have heard of before this reaches you. I would therefore beg of you to solicit my exchange, which can be done in lieu of Rich'd Reading, who was taken not many days ago, off the banks while afishing. I am obliged to go immediately for New York, which place I very much dread, as I am in an ill state of health. I am now promised here that James Wallen & John Wallen [James Walling, John Walling] would be exchanged for Richard Reading's two sons, who was taken with their father, I hope when you judge my case, you will use your interest to have an exchange effected and I make not the least doubt of you succeeding. Holmes apparently received Mott’s note and shared it. Mott’s father, James Mott, Sr., who had warm pre-war relationships in New York City, acted. Not content to let his son sit in a horrible British jail, he wrote, on June 22: "I am obliged to go to New York" to seek the release of his son “taken many days ago.” In so doing, Mott was plainly breaking the law by traveling behind British lines without a pass. Holmes and Mott’s decision to pursue an exchange drew the ire of David Forman, who complained in a July 12 letter to George Washington: The militia here [under Col Holmes] have lately gone into the exchange of prisoners taken when on duty, that the refugee parties take from their own houses or whilst about their usual business. The measure appears to me so replete with evil that I would be wanting in my duty should I pass it unnoticed... with every exchange made, we give encouragement to that British mode of manstealing, once gone into, will always enable them to hold a large ball of prisoners against us. Mott was exchanged that summer. In September, Forman and his allies again rebuked Holmes for seeking an exchange, this time for the captured Hendrick Smock. Forman and allies, on behalf of the extra-legal Association for Retaliation, summoned Holmes to answer for his conduct (sending a captured Loyalist, John Williams, to New York, offering himself in exchange for Smock). Holmes did not respond to their entreaty. Smock was not exchanged until January 1781. Complaints about Holmes’s locally-negotiated exchanges continued. This led to Governor Livingston inquiring if Holmes was improperly negotiating exchanges locally. Holmes responded stiffly on December 12: When I was last at Trenton, I informed your Excellency that one of our Commissaries of Prisoners had authorized me to exchange such prisoners of war, as are taken here; your reply then was that every commanding officer had a right to exchange their own prisoners. If any exchange going through my hands had been deemed not advisable, I think it would have been consistent with those professions you are pleased to make in your letter, to have mentioned to me at that time. Though controversial, local exchanges continued. Holmes continued conducting them even when it included frustrating negotiations with the hated Associated Loyalists . The table below shows that at least thirteen additional Monmouth County Whigs were exchanged home after Mott’s capture; the exchange of seven Loyalists is in a table in the appendix of this article. (Other attempted exchanges failed.) Monmouth Whig Date Additional Information Samuel Bowne June 1780 Re-taken three days after he exchanged home Lt. Joseph Wolcott July 1780 Provides intelligence on British ships at Sandy Hook Lt. Tunis Vanderveer July 1780 Retaken days later Lt. Tunis Vanderveer Dec. 1780 Second time exchanged Maj. James Whitlock Dec. 1780 Confined since February 1777 Capt. Barnes Smock Dec. 1780 Second time captured. Capt. Hendrick Smock Jan. 1781 Exchanged after four months of negotiation. Joseph Johnson Jan. 1781 9 ½ months in jail; sick with smallpox when exchanged Daniel Covenhoven Feb. 1781 Taken April 1779, fined for militia delinquency on return Lt. Britton Mount Feb. 1782 Taken in Jan. 1781, exchanged for Jacob Wooley John McLean Spring 1781 Taken, paroled home at Sandy Hook by family friend John Lane June 1782 Exchanged for Joel Wooley, Associated Loyalist William Everingham June 1782 Exchanged for Benjamin Dunham, Associated Loyalist Exchanged home, Mott finished his term in the New Jersey Legislature. In October 1780, he stood for re-election at the annual county election. Controversy erupted when election judges refused to hold the polls open a second day (to allow militia serving on the shore to come to Freehold and vote). When Mott protested, David Forman stepped forward and beat him in front of a crowd. This is the subject of another article . Related Historic Site : Marlpit Hall Appendix: Exchanged Monmouth County Loyalists Date Loyalist Description Dec 1777 Capt. John Longstreet Captured in August 1777, Longstreet paroled in Burlington, New Jersey, but in December he “dishonorably broke parole” by returning to be “among his friends” in Monmouth County. Ordered to be arrested. Dec 1777 Lt. Col. Elisha Lawrence His exchange is held up until he pays debt, “I doubt not that you will have honor enough to pay the balance due.” Sep 1781 George Johnson Associated Loyalists captures and jails Lt. Britton Mount and George John. Releases Johnson, “to go to Monmouth County on parole for 15 days, to effect his exchange for Mr. Raymond of Capt. Tilton's Company” Feb 1782 Jacob Wooley, Associated Loyalist Taken in Jan. 1781, exchanged for Lt. Britton Mount Jun 1782 Joel Wooley, Associated Loyalist Exchanged for John Lane Jun 1782 Benjamin Dunham, Associated Loyalist Exchanged for William Everingham Aug 1782 Peter Stout Monmouth Loyalist captured and jailed in Freedhold; “exchanged” but required to stay in Monmouth County; pressured to give up claim to family estate Sources : George Washington to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections; Joseph Loring, passport, April 30, 1777; George Johnson [for George Washington] to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections, May 9, 1777; NYHS Gilder-Lehrman Collection; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #4120. The draft cartel is in The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vol. 1, 1768–1778, ed. Harold C. Syrett. New York: Columbia University Press, 1961, pp. 466–472; Edward Roser, "American Prisoners Taken at the Battle of the Navesink," Genealogical Magazine of New Jersey, vol. 45, n 2, May 1970, p50-2; Forman, Samuel S. Narrative of a Journey down the Ohio and Mississippi in 1789-90 (Cincinnati, R. Clarke and Co., 1888) p 11; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), pp. 830-1; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p202-3; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 253; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 7; William Livingston to Elias Boudinot, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, pp. 248-9; William Livingston to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 24, 1 January–9 March 1780, ed. Benjamin L. Huggins. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2016, pp. 672–674; James Mott to ?, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; James Mott to Asher Holmes, John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany, 4 vols, Genealogical Publishing Co, 1970, v4, p90, 117; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Joseph Johnson; Information on Bowne’s exchange and recapture is in William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 406; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 68, July 12, 1780; George Washington from David Forman, 21 July 1780,” Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-02593, ver. 2013-09-28; Edward Roser, "American Prisoners Taken at the Battle of the Navesink," Genealogical Magazine of New Jersey, vol. 45, n 2, May 1970, p57; David Forman, Nathaniel Scudder, Thomas Seabrook to Asher Holmes, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; Asher Holmes to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 13, December 12, 1780; William S. Stryker, Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary War (Trenton: Naar, Day & Naar, 1872); Records of Prisoners in New York, National Archives, Collection 881, R 593; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John McLean of Middletown, www.fold3.com/image/#27289028 ; Daniel Covenhoven to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 14, February 15, 1781; The Mount for Wooley exchange is in Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, February 1782 p. 4; Elias Boudinot, The Elias Boudinot Letterbook (Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, 2002) p42, 52-3; Elias Boudinot Letterbook, Wisconsin Historical Society, p42; Peter Stout, Affidavit, David Library of the American Revolution, Great Britain Public Records Office, British Headquarters Papers, #9154, 9177; Johnson’s parole documented in Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, September 1781 p. 13; The Mount for Wooley exchange is in Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, February 1782 p. 4; The Wooley for Lane exchange and the Dunham for Everingham exchange are in Princeton University Library, Microfilms Collection, #1081.133, Board of Associated Loyalists, June 6, June 24, 1782; Michael Adelberg, Biographical File , on file at the Monmouth County Historical Association. 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Capture of the Schooner, Two Friends, and Its Captain by Michael Adelberg Cooperages like this one in England made barrels that carried rum and other spirits. 160 barrels of rum were recovered near Toms River by opportunistic locals from a wrecked Loyalist vessel. - December 1778 - As noted in prior articles, privateering along the New Jersey shore blossomed in the summer of 1778. With the entry of France into the war, the British navy now faced a powerful enemy and ships were diverted to other parts of the sprawling empire. American privateers, with Little Egg Harbor (commonly called “Egg Harbor”) as their base, cruised the Jersey shore in search of solitary British and Loyalist ships going to and from New York. Large vessels such as the Venus and Love & Unity were vulnerable to capture, and privateer captains, such as Yelverton Taylor took several vessels and amassed small fortunes. Though not as famous or prolific as Taylor, David Stevens was another one of Egg Harbor’s successful privateer captains in 1778. By August, he had taken at least two prizes into that port. He would take his largest prize on December 1. On December 3, the Pennsylvania Gazette , reported that two days earlier: "Captain Stevens in a privateer belonging to Egg Harbor took the schooner Two Friends , Capt. Sion, of 6 carriage and 12 swivel guns, with 22 men, belonging to New York." Stevens towed the prize back to Egg Harbor. The actual captain of the Two Friends , as indicated by later reports, was Captain Alexander Bonnett. A brief report in the New Jersey Gazette on December 9 added that a "British armed vessel… came ashore near Barnegat. The crew, about sixty in number, surrendered to our militia… and are sent as prisoners to Bordentown." Indeed, antiquarian accounts note that Two Friends had grounded off Barnegat and that Stevens was assisted by local militia who secured the crew. The vessel and its cargo would eventually sell for £12,000. (The New Jersey Gazette account claims it sold for £5,000, but that figure likely did not include the cargo which presumably was auctioned off separately). The loss of the Two Friends was important enough to be discussed in New York where William Smith, the former attorney general of the colony, now a Loyalist, recorded on December 3: "A store ship is on the shore at Barnegat, carelessness or perfidy. There is perpetual negligence in not employing American pilots or seamen." The New Jersey Gazette reported again on the Two Friends on January 27, 1779: The armed sloop Two Friends, commanded by Capt. Alexander Bonnet, was cut away on Long Beach, near Barnegat. A number of people from the shore went to their assistance and saved all of them, but one man drowned...she went to pieces in a few hours. It is interesting that the report suggests that Two Friends broke apart, while prior reports say that the vessel was taken by Stevens, towed into Egg Harbor, and sold. It is presumed that the first reports were correct. The January 27 report goes on to note that the captain of the Two Friends , Alexander Bonnett, was permitted to stay in Toms River as a non-combatant, even as his crew was taken prisoner. This raises the possibility that Bonnett bribed local officials into paroling him. The report in the Gazette discussed Bonnett’s fate. He boarded a vessel at Toms River, Endeavor , from the West Indies and presumably (illegally) bound for New York. Bonnett’s bad fortune soon turned tragic. The Gazette reported: “On the night he parted, her [the Endeavor ’s] cable was cast away in the bay and Capt. Bonnet, with every soul on board, perished." An antiquarian source further noted that most of the cargo of rum and molasses was lost, but 160 barrels of rum were saved by locals. They likely toasted Bonnet’s bad fortune soon after. The misfortune of the Two Friends and Alexander Bonnett is a good case study on the way that privateering, opportunism, and luck combined on the Jersey shore during the American Revolution. Certainly, Stevens and the local militia were necessary to the capture, but they were not the cause of it. If Smith is to be believed, the capture was attributable to a British captain sailing an overloaded ship in tricky waters without a local pilot. Locals on the Monmouth shore were both Patriots eager to seize an enemy vessel and opportunists happy to reach an accord with a vessel’s rich captain. This duality would remain evident on the shore for the remainder of the war. Related Historic Site : New Jersey Maritime Museum Sources : Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 80-4; Alfred Heston, South Jersey: A History 1664-1923 (Lewis Historical Publishing, 1923) p 225; William Smith, Historical Memoirs of William Smith: From 26 August 1778 to 12 November 1783 (New York: Arno, 1971) p 53; Pennsylvania Journal, February 3, 1779; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930 Alfred Heston, South Jersey: A History 1664-1923 (Lewis Historical Publishing, 1923) p 225; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 119-20; Paul Burgess, A Colonial Scrapbook; the Southern New Jersey Coast, 1675-1783 (New York, Carlton Press, 1971) pp 150; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 58. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > County Elections Marred by Violence and Voter Intimidation by Michael Adelberg County elections, like this one depicted in the 1800s, were crowded and chaotic. In Monmouth County, Machiavellian supporters of the Revolution intimidated voters and beat opposing candidates. - October 1780 - By 1780, Monmouth County Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) had split into rival factions . “Due Process Whigs” supported the war effort but not to the point of sacrificing individual protections under the law; “Machiavellian Whigs” believed that individual protections under the law could be sacrificed in order to wage war effectively. The two factions argued over impounding goods from farmers and negotiating prisoner exchanges with the enemy. The establishment of the Association for Retaliation —a vigilante society led by the most Machiavellian Whig leader in the county, Colonel David Forman—ratcheted up tensions between leaders of the two factions. As noted in a prior article, the New Jersey Assembly investigated the Association for Retaliation in September 1780 and issued a scathing report about the group. However, because the report did not explicitly declare the group illegal, James Mott, a Monmouth County Assemblyman, sought to amend the report with a statement that would outlaw the group. Mott’s amendment failed because Monmouth County’s other two delegates would not support it. Just a week later, Mott would stand for re-election at the county’s annual election. The Tainted 1780 Election On October 10, at the annual election, three Machiavellian Whig leaders—Nathaniel Scudder, Thomas Henderson, and Thomas Seabrook (all Retaliators) won seats in the Assembly—defeating Mott and Hendrick Smock (Seabrook was re-elected). Elisha Lawrence (cousin of the Loyalist of the same name ) replaced John Holmes in the Legislative Council (the legislature’s upper house). Scudder, a former delegate to the Continental Congress , who had stayed out of politics for a year, wrote his son: I am again, through the importunity of friends and from the imminent dangers threatening the State, on the point of entering public life, having been elected to serve in the General Assembly for the ensuing year... My colleagues are Doctor Henderson and Major Seabrook -- Colo. Elisha Lawrence is our Counselor. The party of Mr. Holmes and Mott were thrown out by a majority of almost three to one, are outraged and threaten to correct the election, but I believe they will find themselves unable. The “outrage” of Holmes and Mott was expressed in a petition that was waiting for the New Jersey Assembly when it reconvened on October 26. The minutes of the Assembly summarized “a petition and remonstrance from 241 inhabitants of the County of Monmouth, setting forth that at the late election of the 10th instant, they had not a free and fair election.” The petitioners made two arguments. First, the election judges should have held the polls open for a second day to allow for militia—serving on the shore—to vote in shifts over two days: It was not prudent for the whole of the frontier to leave their habitations all at one time, lest the enemy might take advantage thereof, that a number of the inhabitants of the County were on duty at separate posts, which posts could not prudently be left without a guard – It was therefore proposed that part of said guards should have the opportunity of electing on the first day and the other part on the following day… The judges of elections did close the polls at 7 o'clock in the evening of the same day, though they were earnestly requested not to close the polls that day, but to continue the ensuing day. Second, the petitioners argued that voters were intimidated when a candidate (Mott) was beaten in front of voters and protesting voters were threatened: “One of the candidates was most shamefully beaten and otherwise ill treated, and orders were made that his aiders should be treated in the same manner.” The petitioners demanded that the election be voided and new elections held. Another petition came into the Legislative Council from the defeated incumbent, John Holmes, and Colonel Daniel Hendrickson, commanding the Shrewsbury militia. His men were deployed on the Atlantic shore and subject to dramatic fines if they skipped militia service to vote. The petition argued “that the election lately held in said County for representatives was not a free one, and that the election was closed by the Judges on the evening of the first day, before all the voters intending to vote had given their votes, owing to their being on militia duty and other duties." They also called for the election to be voided and new elections held. These petitions were countered by statements supporting the October 10 election. The Assembly read "a memorial from 244 inhabitants of the County of Monmouth.” The memorialists “do highly approve of the judge's conduct at said election and of the members returned to the Legislature; that they are convinced, from good information, that the election was carried on and closed legally." The Assembly also received "a certificate from 60 inhabitants of said county setting forth that the election was carried on strictly according to the law; and that there were very few votes presented for two hours before the close of the poll." New Jersey Assembly Considers the County Election On October 27, the Assembly considered the Monmouth County election controversy. The House took into consideration the petitions and other papers presented to them relative to the late election for the County of Monmouth, on which a motion was made by Mr. Van Cleave that the petitioners [calling for voiding the election] be heard before the Legislature. The motion failed 8-15. A motion to hold new elections failed 3-15. The new Monmouth delegates—Scudder, Henderson, and Seabrook—voted against both motions. The Legislative Council considered voiding the Monmouth election on November 10: A resolution to hold an investigation failed by a 3-4 vote; a resolution to hold hearings only if the Council supported the complaining petitions passed by a 4-3 vote; and a resolution to dismiss the complaining petition passed by 4-3 vote. Monmouth's Elisha Lawrence abstained on each of these votes. The geography of Monmouth County greatly favored the Machiavellian Whigs—who were clustered around Freehold, the county seat. Here, the large Presbyterian congregation , combined with a few dozen families forced to move inland for their safety created a powerful voting bloc of strident Whig voters proximate to the polling site. Due Process Whigs—though almost certainly more numerous—generally lived in Middletown and the Atlantic shore townships. Their election-day strength was diluted by distance from the polling site, particularly when election judges refused to hold the polls open a second day. While the New Jersey Legislature was willing to void the county’s 1777 election when Forman and followers intimidated voters, it was unwilling to do so in 1780 when Forman’s conduct escalated to assaulting a candidate and threatening voters. Perhaps, after the three years of war, legislators were more tolerant of Machiavellian behavior. Perhaps legislators believed that men like Forman—whatever their excesses—were needed to win the war. The tainted election was allowed to stand. After the Election James Mott would gain a small measure of satisfaction in the courts. Mott hired one of New Jersey’s most prominent attorneys, William Paterson, and sued Forman in the New Jersey Supreme Court. In the court’s filing, Mott claimed that Forman "made an assault on the said James… then and there did beat, wound and evilly treated, so that his life was greatly disdained of and other enormities.". Mott sought £1,000 in damages—roughly the value of a small farmstead. While documentation is not conclusive, it appears that the case of Mott v Forman was not heard by the Supreme Court but was heard in the Monmouth County Court of Quarterly Sessions instead. Forman pled guilty to the assault charge, admitting that he did “beat, wound, and ill-treat” Mott. Forman’s fine is not listed, but £20—the value of a good horse—was the upper limit for an assault charge in other cases where the outcome is known. This was only one-twentieth of the amount sought by Mott. Meanwhile, the vigilantism of Forman’s Retaliators grew more aggressive . Far from ostracized, Forman was appointed a judge of the Monmouth Court of Common Pleas. Given the inaction following the 1780 election, it is not surprising that violence would again mar Monmouth County’s 1781 election. Petitioners recorded: At the late election, when a number of men (some in arms) appeared in a hostile manner, threatening all such persons at they called Tories and [London] Traders, if they should vote; A writing was put up at the Court House to the same effect; several persons were inhumanly beaten, some of them after they had voted, and some of them drove away who were legally entitled to vote, and went away without voting, not thinking themselves safe, as they did not confine their abuse to people they judged disaffected, but beat and abused several… and at the close of the election, one of the inspectors was attacked going down the stairs, and most barbarously beaten. In October 1782, the New Jersey Legislature passed an election reform law. The purpose of the law was to limit the power of "internal enemies" who engage in "clandestine practices and secret combinations." In some elections, blocs of disaffected voters supported "corrupt and disaffected candidates." (This was the case in Monmouth County’s lower shore townships of Dover and Stafford.) The annual elections for state office would now be "viva voice,” so that anyone voting for a disaffected person could be identified. The vote was also taken away from those "on parole, or persons against whom inquisitions and indictments for aiding and adhering to enemies of the State hath been found." The law was part of a broader range of activities at war’s end to “oppose the return of Tories . ” One provision of the law spoke to a condition in Monmouth County that tainted the annual elections. Under the law, counties now could have more than one polling place. Six New Jersey counties established second polling sites; curiously, Monmouth County did not establish a second polling site (though voting would be moved to the townships in the early 1800s). Perhaps Monmouth’s Machiavellian Whig officeholders blocked establishing a second polling place that would favor their political opponents. The law did not address voter intimidation as carried out by Forman and his followers. Related Historic Site : Museum of the American Revolution Sources : The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, October 26-27, 1780, p 1-8; Nathaniel Scudder to John Scudder, New Jersey Historical Society, Letters: Nathaniel Scudder; Journals of the Legislative Council of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: State of New Jersey, 1780) p1-9; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, October 26-27, 1780, p 1-8; Court Docket, Monmouth County Archives, Court of Quarterly Sessions, folder: 1780; Mott v Forman, New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, #25199; Larry Gerlach, New Jersey in the American Revolution 1763-1783 A Documentary History (Trenton: New Jersey Historical Commission, 1975) pp. 397-9; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #10948 and 11036, and Collective Series, Revolutionary War, document #114; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, October 1782, reel 1930. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > John Bacon Slaughters Gloucester Militia at Barnegat by Michael Adelberg Pine Robber, John Bacon led a party that surprised a 25-man militia party guarding a beached vessel on Long Beach. Bacon killed or wounded 21 militia and carried away a vessel and the militia’s boat. - October 1782 - A year after the surrender at Yorktown (October 1781), the British had retreated into a defensive crouch in New York City, drydocked Loyalist raiders , and started relocating Loyalists to Canada . They were actively negotiating a peace treaty in Paris premised on American Independence. Despite all of this, the Revolutionary War on the Jersey shore was not over. Small bands of Pine Robbers —domestic Loyalist partisans—had operated along the shore since 1778. By 1782, they had consolidated around Clamtown (present-day Tuckerton) at the southern tip of Monmouth County (Stafford Township) in two large gangs led by William Davenport and John Bacon. While Davenport generally avoided battle, Bacon was unafraid of confrontation, as when he routed the Stafford militia at Manahawkin in late 1781. When Davenport was killed by militia in June, John Bacon led the last significant Loyalist force operating in New Jersey. The Long Beach Massacre Bacon’s most infamous attack was the so-called Long Beach Massacre, a night attack against Gloucester County militia camped south of Barnegat in which 21 militiamen were killed or wounded. On November 2, the New York Royal Gazette reported that on October 25, 1782: A cutter bound for St. Thomas ran aground on Barnegat shoals. The American galley Alligator, Capt. [Andrew] Steelman, and twenty five men plundered her… but was attacked the same night by Captain John Bacon, with nine men, in a small boat called Hero's Revenge, who killed Steelman and all the party except four or five. A prior article reveals that the British vessel was originally an American merchant ship, captured by the British ship, Virginia , with “a very singular” cargo of tea worth £20,000. This meant the ship likely had only a small prize crew on board when it reached the Jersey shore—making it more vulnerable to American privateers . The Pennsylvania Packet would also report on the captured ship and Bacon’s attack: The cutter from Ostend bound to St. Thomas, mentioned in our last, ran aground on Barnegat shoals the 25th ultimo. The galley Alligator, captain Steelman, from Cape May, with 25 men, plundered her on Sunday last of a quantity of Hyson Tea and other valuable articles; but was attacked the same night by captain John Bacon and nine men in a small boat called Hero's Revenge, who killed Steelman, wounded the first Lieutenant and all the privates (four excepted) were either killed or wounded: the latter were sent to doctor with a flag of truce, by the captors, and the galley was brought in here on Wednesday last. John Dennis of the Gloucester County militia served under Steelman and was at Bacon’s attack. He later recalled Bacon’s attack in detail in his veteran's pension application. A British vessel ran aground on Long Beach while trying to avoid the New Jersey privateer, Rainbow , co-owned by Andrew Steelman of Great Egg Harbor. Dennis recalled that the Rainbow "had fallen in with a British letter of marque [privateer], loaded with dry goods, bound for New York – The letter of marque was armed, and on Long Beach and run aground there.” Dennis recalled his militia company going to secure the vessel: Twenty five men, deponent was one of them, volunteered their services, and entered on board a whale boat [Alligator] at Great Egg Harbor, under the command of a sea Captain named David Scull and Lieutenant Andrew Steelman. They had to go about sixty miles to the beach where the letter of marque was run a-shore. Dennis next recalled landing on Long Beach and securing the vessel, but being unable to move the vessel or its cargo due to bad weather: Arrived on Long Beach and went to work to save the property. The weather and surf was bad. The letter of marque lay about three miles from the main land but in the surf on the beach. They were there between two and three weeks, the weather being so bad that part of the time they could not work. They had got the goods out of the vessel on the beach, in a tent two or three hundred yards long. On October 25, Dennis recalled they were finally ready to move, “the goods ready and were waiting only for scows to take them off.” The militia may have been lax because “they looked out and saw no enemy near.” Dennis then discussed the surprise nighttime attack by Bacon and his men. He was incorrect in stating that British regulars were in the attack: The Captain (Scull) placed a guard all around the encampment. The night was pretty dark and the Americans had a considerable fire around which the men and officers laid. Captain Scull and Lieutenant Steelman laid together. The enemy (British from New York and tories) came about seven o’clock at night after the party and fired, wounded Captain Scull in his thigh and killed Lieutenant Steelman. Nearly all the American party were taken. Dennis escaped: “The guard of which deponent was one and a few others, got clear. Deponent ran along the beach, wading in some places, for about nine miles, then went on the mainland and went home.” Dennis discussed the fate of his colleagues, “The prisoners were soon exchanged. Captain Scull died some years afterwards of his wound, which never got well.” In 1783, James Somers, the other co-owner of the Rainbow , narrated Bacon’s attack while testifying against the double-dealing privateer , Nathan Jackson. Somers recalled "that a vessel appearing in a fight off Egg Harbor, the Rainbow went after her.” He stated that, “The Rainbow had driven the vessel on shore - that she was a cutter & the Rainbow 's people were saving her cargo & they employed a number of inhabitants to help save the goods.” Somers claimed that local “hired hands from the shore had gone & informed Captain Bacon, a refugee, & joined with his party.” Somers recalled Bacon’s attack. The Loyalists “shot Captain Steelman & some of his crew dead and wounded. David Scull while lying at a fire some distance from the Rainbow ; and they went & took the Rainbow & the rest of her crew." There are several antiquarian accounts of the Long Beach Massacre, some of which are incorrect on verifiable facts. For example, one account states that the militia were from Cape May County rather than Gloucester County. Other accounts exaggerate key parts of the action. For example, one account claims that Bacon’s party “poured shot” into the sleeping militia. But the single-shot muskets of the era and small size of Bacon’s party makes it improbable that gunfire killed and wounded most of the 21 militiamen. Most of the militia were likely killed by bayonet (as was the case in the Osborn Island Massacre in 1778) or were hunted down while fleeing (like Philip White in March 1782). Historian David Fowler, working from antiquarian and primary sources, discerned important information from antiquarian accounts not offered in the primary accounts above: A disaffected local, Wiliam Wilson of Waretown, was cited for tipping off Bacon to the location the wounded ship and militia guard; Bacon rowed the wounded to shore under a white flag; Afterward, Bacon took the Loyalist vessel and the militia boat, Alligator , to New York. Fowler notes that after the massacre, a party of Gloucester militia, in retaliation, stormed the house of Bacon's father-in-law which “was full of London traders .” But Bacon was not there, and the interrogated men offer no usable information. Bacon Takes Another Prize in December In early December, Bacon took another prize near Barnegat. The New York Gazette reported on December 7 that, “Last Monday, in a galley from this place, Capt. Davenport [not the Pine Robber], captured a brig in Little Egg Harbor.” But Captain Davenport’s galley “grounded coming down the channel” and therefore “was obliged to abandon this prize.” Davenport’s problems worsened when, “He was attacked soon after in the Inlet by a 16 gun schooner which he was obliged to fight in order to get out.” Davenport was killed and his Lieutenant “concealed himself” rather than fight. The Loyalist galley was taken and “the prisoners were put ashore on 8 Mile Beach, between Egg Harbor and Barnegat, where they remained in starving condition for three days.” Bacon rescued the Loyalist crew and galley. They “were taken off by Capt. John Bacon of the Black Jack whaleboat, from this port, and sent here in a prize of Capt. Bacon's." Bacon remained an active partisan until his death in 1783. Related Historic Site : Barnegat Lighthouse Sources : Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 207; Pennsylvania Packet, November 7, 1782; David Fowler, egregious Villains, Wood Rangers, and London Traders (Ph.D. Dissertation: Rutgers University, 1987) p 259-60; Edwin Salter and George C. Beekman, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Monmouth Democrat, Freehold, 1887) pp. 46-47; Munn, David, “The Revolutionary War Casualties,” The Jersey Genealogical Record, vol. 55, (September 1982): p 131; Veteran Pension Application, National Archives, John Dennis, W.8196, State of Ohio, Clermont County; Alfred M. Heston, Editor, South Jersey - A History, 1664 - 1924, Volume I (New York and Chicago: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, 1924) p 240; Library of Congress, Revolutionary War Prize Cases, M162, reel 1, cases 91-2, David Forman v. Nathan Jackson; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, November 2, 1782, reel 2906. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Nathaniel Scudder Killed during Loyalist Raid by Michael Adelberg Nathaniel Scudder, who had served in the Continental Congress, joined a militia party in repelling Loyalist raiders who took six prisoners at Colts Neck. Scudder was killed in the ensuing clash. - October 1781 - As noted in prior articles, Nathaniel Scudder was Monmouth County’s most important political figure. He was an early Committeeman and militia officer. In January 1777, Scudder attached himself to Lt. Colonel Francis Gurney’s Pennsylvania regiment and guided them as they toppled Loyalist associations at Freehold, Middletown, and Shrewsbury. Scudder helped reassemble the dispersed Monmouth County militia on February 1 and marched the Freehold-Middletown regiment to the Navesink Highlands where it was promptly routed by British regulars. Nearly 100 men were killed or captured at the Battle of the Navesink —the worst defeat of the war for the Monmouth militia. Scudder served in the Legislative Council (Upper House of the legislature) in 1777, and then was selected to the New Jersey Council of Safety . In fall 1777, Scudder was selected to the Continental Congress where he served for two years. He declined to serve a third year, citing strains on his family and finances. Scudder returned to public life in summer 1780, helping to found the Association for Retaliation , a vigilante society. He was elected to the New Jersey Assembly that fall in an election tainted by Retaliator voter intimidation . He was re-elected on October 10, 1781, in another election tainted by Retaliator intimidation . Just five days later, a Loyalist raiding party landed at Shrewsbury and raided Colts Neck. Scudder responded to an alarm. The Death of Nathaniel Scudder The Pennsylvania Journal reported Scudder’s death on October 27, based on a letter that appeared in a Loyalist newspaper: The refugees who lately had their shallops burnt at Sandy Hook went into the county of Monmouth as far as Colts Neck, where they made prisoners of six notorious rebels, vizt. Hendrick Vanderveer, Joseph Maxson, Lt. John Fleming and three others. A party of the rebels, headed by Nathaniel Scudder and David Forman, pursued them as far as Black Point, when Mr. Scudder was killed; he had been for several years a member of the Continental Congress, and was at present a member of the New Jersey Assembly. The refugees got off safe with their prisoners to Sandy Hook. The Pennsylvania Evening Post published a longer narrative on October 30: A party of Refugees from Sandy Hook landed at Shrewsbury in Monmouth County, and under cover of night marched undiscovered to Colts Neck, near 15 miles from their place of landing, and took six of the inhabitants from their houses. The alarm reached Freehold before dawn and the local militia assembled to pursue the raiders, including Nathaniel Scudder. Scudder responded as a volunteer; as a legislator, he was not required to turn out. The Freehold militia pursued the raiders to Black Point (Rumson) where they attacked the rear of the raiding party. The report continued: “Dr. Scudder, whilst bravely advancing on the enemy, received a wound by a musket ball passing through his head." He died soon after. His minister at the Tennent Church , Reverend John Woodhull offered a "most excellent and affecting sermon" on October 17. The funeral was attended by "the most numerous and respectable concourse of people." Scudder’s friend, Colonel David Forman, was standing next to him when the musket ball passed through his head. The New Jersey Journal printed a long eulogy for Scudder, dated October 17, presumably written by Forman. Excerpts are below (the full eulogy is in the appendix of this article): To the great grief of the party, Doctor Nathaniel Scudder, whilst he was bravely advancing on the enemy, received a wound from a musket ball passing through his head, of which he instantly expired. His remains were removed from this place of action to his own house, with all the decency and solemnity suitable for such a mournful and melancholy event. The eulogy then discussed Scudder and his family: Few men have fallen in this Country who were so useful in life, so generally mourned in death. He was a tender husband, an affectionate parent, a sympathetic generous and real friend, a disinterested and determined Patriot, and has since the commencement of this war devoted his time, talents and a large part of his whole comfortable estate to this service of his country, and what will add luster to the whole, he is a finished Christian. Thus, a great and good man fallen in the prime of his life, and in the midst of his usefulness, having left behind him an unconsolable widow, five amiable children, and very numerous acquaintances to lament his fall. Forman also wrote George Washington about Scudder’s death on October 18: "I, this day, had my good friend, Doct. Scudder killed by my side on the banks of Black Point in Shrewsbury and that my particular attention is demanded to his widow and children." He wrote from Scudder's house of "the uncommon deep distress of the Doctor's widow and large family of children, when added to my own feelings for the loss of a sincere friend and worthy patriot, really rendered me incapable to discharge my duty." Despite this, Forman continued sending intelligence reports on British fleet movements at Sandy Hook. Elias Boudinot, a New Jersey delegate at Congress, wrote about Scudder’s death on October 21: He went out as usual to see his patients, on the way met Gen. Forman, who was getting a few men together to drive off some refugees who landed on the shore. Them coming down, at about 500 yards distant, one of them fired his piece, a random shot, but from above. The ball entered just one side of his nose & went thro' the Doctor's head -- He died in about two hours, thus a helpless family is left in a very destitute circumstances, as I believe the Doctor's attention to politicks has been very prejudicial to his little estate. Two of Scudder’s sons, Kenneth and Joseph, wrote of their father’s death in Kenneth’s postwar veteran pension application. Kenneth Scudder wrote that the family “lived only seven miles from the said village [Freehold].” His father was killed “at a place called Black Point… by the British & Tories.” Joseph Scudder recalled of his father’s death: When he was a member of the state legislature, and when the enemy was driven off by the militia, under the command of General Forman, on which occasion… the said Nathaniel Scudder volunteered his services and was killed in the service of his country - information he received from General Forman, who was standing by his side when he fell dead. The postwar pension application of Lewis Compton of Middletown provides additional information on the skirmish that resulted in Scudder’s death. He recalled that "the British were driven back by Capt. Barnes Smock's artillery, at which time Coll. Scudder was killed near Genl. Forman by a musket ball fired on board the enemy's boat, directly in his chin." Compton noted that it was a Middletown militia company, with artillery, that drove the raiders to their boats. The Freehold volunteers with Scudder and Forman arrived after the raiders had started to withdraw. Scudder was the only member of the Continental Congress to die in combat. The outpouring of sympathy after his death likely led the New Jersey Legislature to ignore three petitions that protested Retaliator interference in the county’s election (tainting Scudder’s re-election the New Jersey Assembly). The legislature, instead, ordered a new election for Scudder’s seat, to be held on November 28. At that election, Thomas Seabrook, also a Retaliator, was elected to replace Scudder. Related Historic Site : Tennent Church Appendix: Eulogy to Nathaniel Scudder, printed in the New Jersey Journal, October 17, 1781 “The day before yesterday a party of Refugees from Sandy Hook landed at Shrewsbury River in Monmouth County, New Jersey, and under cover of night marched undisturbed to Colt’s Neck, near fifteen miles from their place of landing, where they took six of the inhabitants from their houses. The alarm reached the Court House between four and five o’clock in the morning, when a small number of the inhabitants of the village of Freehold and its vicinity went immediately in pursuit of them, hoping either to relieve their friends who had been stolen into captivity, or to chastise the enemy for their temerity. They rode to Black Point, the place where the Refugees had landed, and with all possible speed, fell in with and attacked the rear of the Refugee party, and drove them on board their boats; in which skirmishing, to the great grief of the party, Doctor Nathaniel Scudder, whilst he was bravely advancing on the enemy, received a wound from a musket ball passing through his head, of which he instantly expired. His remains were removed from this place of action to his own house, with all the decency and solemnity suitable for such a mournful and melancholy event. Today, a most excellent and affecting sermon was preached on the occasion of his funeral by Rev. Mr. Woodhull, after which his remains, attended by the most numerous and respectable concourse of people ever known on similar occasions in this country, were interred at Presbyterian Church in Freehold, with the full honours of war; …Few men have fallen in this Country who were so useful in life, so generally mourned in death. He was a tender husband, an affectionate parent, a sympathetic generous and real friend, a disinterested and determined Patriot, and has since the commencement of this war devoted his time, talents and a large part of his whole comfortable estate to this service of his country, and what will add luster to the whole, he is a finished Christian. Thus, a great and good man fallen in the prime of his life, and in the midst of his usefulness, having left behind him an unconsolable widow, five amiable children, and very numerous acquaintance to lament his fall.” Sources : National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Lewis Compton; Library of Congress, Early American Newspapers, Pennsylvania Evening Post; New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930, October 24, 1781; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Oakey Vanosdol, National Archives, p4-9; Pennsylvania Journal, October 27, 1781; Elias Boudinot to Hannah Boudinot, Paul Smith, et al, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1970) vol. 18, p 150; Edwin Salter, History of Monmouth and Ocean Counties (Bayonne, NJ: E. Gardner and Sons, 1890) p 88, 210-1; Hamilton Cochran's Scudders of the American Revolution (Peterborough, N.H.: Scudder Association, 1976) pp. 99-100; Contained in: National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Kenneth Scudder of NY, www.fold3.com/image/# 20161011; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 81, October 17-19, 1781; Library of Congress, Early American Newspaper, New Jersey Gazette, reel 1930. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Major Richard Howell's Continentals Camp at Black Point by Michael Adelberg Major Robert Bayard was the East India Tea Company’s agent in New York City. He was one of the first New York City Loyalists to join the British at Sandy Hook. - August 1778 - The naval stand-off between the British and French fleets off Sandy Hook in July 1778 pushed George Washington toward action that he had previously resisted—stationing Continental troops in Monmouth County on a long term basis. Starting with Benjamin Tupper’s futile attempt to capture Sandy Hook in June 1776, detachments of Continental troops entered Monmouth County for specific, short-term purposes—e.g., Daniel Morgan’s Rifle Regiment shadowed the British Army on their march through the county (June-July 1778). But only David Forman’s Additional Regiment (raised from Monmouth County for the defense of Monmouth County) spent more than a month in-county. There were good reasons to resist stationing men in Monmouth County. When Governor William Livingston asked Washington to do so in April 1778, Washington declined, writing that a regiment of Continentals “would do rather more harm than good” by provoking attack from larger British forces without having the strength to resist them. He also feared the effect of placing his soldiers in daily contact with disaffected locals who might dispirit the men and increase misconduct. Nonetheless, the difficulties experienced while provisioning the French fleet in July 1778 convinced Washington of the need to send men into Shrewsbury Township. On July 19, he wrote General William Maxwell, leading the New Jersey Line, “You are to detach a good officer with about 200 men to Monmouth; they will be sent to keep that part of the Country in order, and will preserve the communication between us and the French fleet." Maxwell was slow to comply. His men had not arrived in Shrewsbury by August 4, prompting Colonel Asher Holmes of the Monmouth County militia to complain to Governor Livingston: Sometime past, Col Hendrickson [Daniel Hendrickson] with myself wrote your Excellency respecting a guard for the County of Monmouth but received no answer, I now make the same application as the enemy on Sandy Hook are very strong ; deserters come from the Hook say there are 2,500 men at that place... The inhabitants of the lower part of the County are much exposed. Holmes predicted a British foraging raid as “the country abounds with grain and forces are not sufficient to oppose the enemy in case they should come, which I have the greatest reason to believe they will, as it is in their power at any time.” He noted that “not one Continental soldier [is] near for our defence.” He referred to people near Sandy Hook as living on a “frontier” and concluded “they are now left at the mercy of the enemy, without assistance." Holmes’s complaint made it to Washington who, on August 8, again directed General Maxwell to send men to Monmouth County: I am uncertain whether you may not already have a party somewhere in Monmouth County, but however this may be, it is my wish you should without delay have one of 50 men stationed under a very vigilant and intelligent Officer. Washington specifically requested that Maxwell put the men under the command of either Lt. Colonel David Brearley, Lt. Colonel David Rhea, or Major Richard Howell. Brearley and Rhea were the seniormost Continental Army officers from Monmouth County; Howell was not from Monmouth County, but apparently spent time there before the war. Washington further asked for a mounted party to accompany the men, as it would be needed to quickly relay information about the British or French fleets at Sandy Hook (though the French had left for Rhode Island ). The practical commander-in-chief likely knew he had lowered his request for the Monmouth contingent from 200 to 50—a change presumably made to improve the chances that Maxwell would promptly comply with the order. A captured British vessel may have figured in the final decision of Maxwell to send troops to Shrewsbury. On August 12, the New Jersey Gazette reported that “this day, a row galley, carrying one 18 and 2 four pounders, belonging to the Enemy at New York, was drove ashore near Shrewsbury, and fell into our hands with 30 men [on board]." The Loyalist New York Gazette provided more information on the vessel: "The ferret galley, Capt. O'Brien, was cast away near Shrewsbury in a late violent gale of wind, and the crew are prisoners, on their parole at Princeton.” The hope of capturing another enemy vessel, a high prestige and often lucrative activity, likely hastened the arrival of Richard Howell at Shrewsbury. Richard Howell Camps at Black Point On August 21, Washington wrote General Nathanael Greene that Howell was now at Black Point (present-day Rumson). Howell’s first surviving letter from there is a personal letter dated August 23. Howell writes about preparations for a visit from "the lovely Kizey Burr” (a relative of Aaron Burr) whom he was courting. He worried about the implications of hosting a woman at his current camp with nothing to entertain her "but a few dusty law books and a sword." Howell’s first surviving military letter from Black Point is an August 26 letter to General Maxwell. Howell discussed hiring a local to get information from the British, “a fisherman for intelligence.” Howell also wrote about efforts to infiltrate the Pine Robber gangs that were operating on the shore: I sent out two men who pass for deserters to join the wood Tories, but could not join them, from their caution, having been deceived before. Since that measure was defeated, I now propose to go down by night & surround the swamp in which they are from, with this intelligence, and burn their cabins. Four days later, Howell had not moved on the Pine Robbers, but wrote Maxwell that he expected to: A few days past, the wood Tories attacked a man & robbed him -- they have said they will make their fortunes tomorrow out of the inhabitants on their way to the sale of a ship and cargo at Toms River -- I shall march all night and may perhaps mar their sport in the morning. Howell wrote that he was receiving intelligence from locals: "I have established connections with both Whigs and Tories in this place & hear everyday from the Hook and N. York." In addition, Howell noted that while the British have moved ships away from the Hook, they had left in place their floating battery , "the Leviathan lays off the Hook with one tier of guns, as a battlement." Washington originally wanted 200 Continentals to camp near Sandy Hook, but then revised his request to 50 men. But on August 30, Howell had only 30 men with him. This led Maxwell to send a few more men. Muster rolls indicate that four men from Nathaniel Polhemus’s Essex County company were sent to Monmouth in September and October, seven in November, and five in December. Howell’s reports on British activities apparently declined in frequency. Washington grew frustrated with the lack of intelligence, writing on October 5: Of the different observers in New York and those places proper for attending the motions of the fleet, not one has made any return of such an occurrence. Major Howell in particular whose station is at Black Point for the express purpose of watching the fleet, and giving regular information of their movements, has afforded me no light on this subject. He wrote Howell that day about a report claiming that a British fleet had left New York to attack French: I cannot suppose this account to be well founded because I have heard nothing of the kind from you; and I have too good an opinion of your vigilance to suppose it possible a circumstance of such importance could escape your knowledge—I shall however be glad to hear immediately from you; and must desire you will take measures to ascertain the truth or falsehood of this report—I must also desire, that besides communicating instantly any event of importance that takes place among the enemy’s shipping, you will every two or three days let me hear from you, if it be only to inform me that nothing new has occurred. The British fleet that cleared Sandy Hook was not attacking the French. It was carrying a 1,000-man raiding party headed for Egg Harbor to destroy the village of Chestnut Neck and the privateers based there. Lord Stirling [William Alexander] informed Washington of this on October 7. Stirling was disappointed that he did not learn of the raid from Howell: “I am much surpriz’d at Major Howels [Howell’s] silence.” Stirling reported that he had ordered Captain Jonathan Forman (of Middletown Point) to the Highlands to provide intelligence due to Howell’s silence: Genl Maxwell has sent two Messengers to Major Howell for Intelligence, I have now desired him to send Capt. Forman (who is well acquainted in that Country) to go to Middletown, Naversink &c. and get all the Intelligence he can and immediately to return. Two days later, Howell defended his conduct in a letter to George Washington. He said "nothing can escape my notice" and provided information on the Egg Harbor raid "based on a spy I sent last evening." Howell noted the danger of camping men on the Highlands to observe British movements: "I have but thirty men, insufficient to guard this little post & I am unable to dispatch a party on so dangerous a command.” He remained confident in the locals who were reporting to him, "I have made good connections and believe I shall be master of every intelligence so as to communicate it speedily." On October 11, two letters from Howell reached Lord Stirling via Captain John Burrowes, (who went to Middletown instead of Forman). Howell reported on the attack on Egg Harbor and forces sent to defend the area. Stirling forwarded these letters to Washington and also reported that “two classes of the Militia of Monmouth County are now out… I hope to quiet Major Howells’ fears and give him an opportunity of affording us somewhat better Intelligence." Howell next wrote on October 15. He reported on the return of the British raiders from Egg Harbor. He also discussed an unusual prisoner: “We receiv’d a prisoner as a Spy taken by some men on the shore—He is a genteel well bred man came from No. Carolina” and “hid in a barn when pursued.” Howell asked his commanders for information on the man and noted that “he is under the direction of the militia who took him.” From the earliest days of the war to the end of the war, Loyalists journeyed from other states to enter British lines at Sandy Hook. On October 21, Washington wrote Lord Stirling with a new concern about Howell’s party. He wrote that "instances of commerce between the inhabitants and the Enemy may be have been tolerated [by Howell’s men]." Washington asked Stirling to investigate, "if you discover any improper connivance on the part of the officers at Shrewsbury, that you will take proper care measures not only to prevent it in the future, but to punish it in the past." The outcome of the investigation is unknown, but it would not be the last time that Continentals camped in Monmouth County turned a blind eye to illegal trading. Howell’s next surviving letter is from November 23. He reported on British ships arriving at Sandy Hook. He also wrote of two American ships taken near Sandy Hook, a Philadelphia vessel, Abingdon , and a vessel from Egg Harbor. He further reported on two Loyalist boats that landed near Black Point “with a party plundering most villainously an old man." Howell attempted to take the raiders: "I received intelligence and marched after them and marched as fast as possible against them, but they run off & soon the [New Jersey] Volunteers made their escape." On December 1, Stirling wrote Washington of another small Loyalist raid: "the troops from the Hook went towards Middletown last night, are gone; the night before last, the militia of that place firing in a boat in the Gut kill'd one of the enemy." On December 20, Howell sent his last dispatch from Black Point, bundling reports from 16th, 17th, 19th and 20th. The reports mostly summarize ships coming in and out of Sandy Hook. Beyond that, the report for the 19th noted “a foraging party to go to the southward” into Monmouth County though Howell downplayed the threat. He also heard from a Loyalist informer: “Through the Tory channel… I heard that one Mount [James Mount], formerly a Major of militia in this place and now a refugee, lost his trading set and a number were taken prisoner.” Howell noted his inability to stop these incursions, “I went with some troops to patrol the shore at night to no effect." He reported on intelligence of three or four enemy vessels anchoring off Middletown that proved to be false. By now, Washington and Stirling were ready to pull Howell’s small command out of Monmouth County and replace it with a larger detachment that might do better at curbing the illegal trade with Loyalists on Sandy Hook and Staten Island. Washington wrote Stirling on January 8: I have received such repeated information of the trade that is carried on between Monmouth and New York… that I find it an absolute necessity of sending down a party to that quarter to put a stop to that intercourse. Be pleased therefore, to order about 250 men of the line under the command of a field officer to go immediately upon that service. There will be a necessity of Major Howell's remaining in Monmouth until after the party goes down. On January 30, Washington wrote Governor Livingston, "I had ordered a party under Colo. North [Caleb North] into Monmouth County with a view of restraining the malpractices which prevailed there, the measure may lighten the service of the militia." After more than five months at Black Point, Howell’s small detachment rejoined the Continental Army. Howell’s men spent more time in Monmouth County than any army detachment besides Forman’s Additional Regiment. While Howell provided semi-regular reports on British movements, his small command was incapable of curbing illegal trade, battling Loyalist raiders, or suppressing Pine Robber gangs. North’s regiment, though far larger than Howell’s company, would also struggle against local Loyalists and their elusive disaffected allies. This is the subject of another article . Caption : Major Richard Howell spent five months at Black Point watching the British fleet at Sandy Hook. His small detachment attempted to provide security to the region, but was unable to do so. Related Historic Site : Portland Place Sources : George Washington to William Livingston, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 11, pp. 256, 436; Tench Tilghman to William Maxwell, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 50, July 1 9, 1778; Asher Holmes to William Livingston, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; George Washington to William Maxwell, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw120326)) ; George Washington to James Caldwell, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw120328)) ; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 2, pp. 368, 380; Maryland Gazette, September 1, 1779; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; George Washington to Nathanael Greene, Nathanael Greene, The Papers of General Nathanael Greene (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1976) vol. 2, p 487; Richard Howell to Hose Evers, Howell Family Papers, HM67368, HM67369, Huntington Library; Richard Howell to William Maxwell, George Washington Papers, Library of Congress, Series 4, Reel 5; Richard Howell to William Maxwell, George Washington Papers, Library of Congress, Series 4, Reel 6; Capt. John Polhemus, Muster Roll, National Archives, New Jersey Continental Army Muster Rolls, posted at: https://sites.google.com/site/garlandsboutique/home/McDonaldFamilyHistory/benjamin-mcdonald/soldier-of-the-american-revolution/1775---1780-new-jersey-continental-line; Richard Howell to William Maxwell, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 16, 1 July–14 September 1778, ed. David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006, pp. 468–470, note 3; George Washington to Richard Howell, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw130036)) ; George Washington to Richard Howell, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 266–267; Lord Stirling to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 300–301; Richard Howell to George Washington, George Washington Papers, Library of Congress, Series 4, Reel 7; Lord Stirling to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 345–346; Richard Howell to Lord Stirling, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 17, 15 September–31 October 1778, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008, pp. 472–475, note 3; George Washington to Lord Stirling, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw130091)) ; George Washington to Lord Stirling, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 13, p 120; Richard Howell to Lord Stirling, New York Historical Society, William Alexander Papers, vol. 1, p. 207-10; Richard Howell to Lord Striling, Richard Howell to Lord Stirling, Rowan University Special Collections, NJ 03, MSS; Richard Howell to Lord Stirling, New York Historical Society, William Alexander Papers, vol. 1, p. 251; George Washington to Lord Stirling, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 5, p 388. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > New Jersey Legislature Voids Monmouth County Election by Michael Adelberg This painting of a county election in the 1700s depicts a rowdy public event. Monmouth County’s chaotic 1777 election was tainted by voter interference and voided by the state legislature. - November 1777 - As discussed in prior articles, David Forman was the most powerful man in Monmouth County in 1777—its senior militia officer and Colonel of the locally-stationed Continental Army regiment. With no functioning local government to check him, Forman’s actions became increasingly reckless. Due to his zeal in serving the Revolutionary cause, other leaders sought to look past his transgressions. Of the many controversies surrounding Forman in 1777, it was his intervention in Monmouth County’s 1777 annual election that finally forced a check on his conduct. Under New Jersey’s Constitution, county elections were held annually to select delegates to New Jersey’s legislature and certain county offices, including sheriff. Elections were held at the county seat (Freehold) and votes were cast in public—so the votes of an individual were known to all present. Elections were overseen by three election judges who advertised the election, qualified voters, recorded votes, and tallied vote totals. While Monmouth County did not have political parties, there was a political split among its Revolutionary leaders. One group of leaders placed laws and individual rights above the need to prosecute the war. The other group believed that the war was such an existential threat that true patriots had to take any steps they deemed necessary to prosecute the war. Over time, this split would harden into competing factions of “Due Process” and “Machiavellian” leaders. Most Due Process leaders were from vulnerable shore areas, while most Machiavellian leaders were from Freehold and other relatively safe inland areas. The election judges at the October 14 election were Samuel Forman, Samuel Forman Jr., and Thomas Henderson—each of whom lived inland in Freehold and Upper Freehold townships. The Tainted Election of 1777 Based on the counted votes at the county election on October 14, two of Monmouth county’s three incumbent “Due Process” delegates were defeated by two “Machiavellian” candidates from Freehold Township—Kenneth Anderson (also county clerk) and Kenneth Hankinson (also militia captain). One Due Process incumbent, James Mott of Dover Township, was re-elected. But two petitions sent to the legislature alleged that the election was grossly unfair. One of those petitions has survived; in it, three complaints were made: First, petitioners complained about the closure of the polls. “The [election] judges, altho' demanded by the Sheriff and others that the election should go on” closed the polls before some voters could reach Freehold. Sheriff Asher Holmes and others asked the polls not “be adjourned until the next day” but second day voting was not permitted. This favored Machiavellian candidates because voters living on the vulnerable shorelines needed more time to travel to Freehold. Second, the petitioners accused David Forman and Dr. Thomas Henderson (an election judge) of cajoling voters and issuing threats during the voting. This was not allowed once voting commenced: General Forman, assisted by Lt Col Henderson harangued the people on the conduct of the late Assemblymen & candidates for the present Assembly, charging them with throwing cold water on every spirited measure & saying the people's liberties depended on their conduct that day... and made a partial representation from the votes of the late Assembly, and threatening to cram the votes down the throat of one of the late members, then a candidate for the present one and confine him with his guards, with many other threats. Third, the petitioners accused the election judges of permitting illegal voting: “a security [evidence of voter eligibility] was also demanded but refused, altho' several voted that was not entitled to vote by law.” The petitioners concluded, “therefore we conceive the election illegal, unjust & unconstitutional and even dangerous to the liberties of a free people." New Jersey Legislature Voids Election On November 4, the new session of the New Jersey Assembly convened and the elected Monmouth delegates—Anderson, Hankinson, and Mott—were seated. According to the minutes of the Assembly, the first item of business was considering two petitions from Monmouth County "complaining of undue and illegal proceedings at the election of representatives for the County." Summons were sent out to the petitioners, election judges, and David Forman. Forman had recently fought at the Battle of Germantown and was currently raising troops for the defense of Red Bank on the Delaware River. He declined the summons. He wrote George Washington about his decision: Two petitions ware handed into the Assembly most unjustly charging me and sundry other Gent. with undue practices on the Day of Election & praying the Election to be set Aside—The Petition was read in the House and a Hearing ordered on Tewsday [sic] next and a Notice served on me to Attend. I immediately went to the Assembly, informed them of my then situation and requested the hearing might be deferr’d for a few days until the Militia ware Assembled and put in some order—my request was Denyed [sic]. Forman “found myself hurt as a Gent. by the illiberal charges” and said his duty as an officer would not let him spend so much time away from Red Bank . “I then delivered [my Brigadier General commission] to Mr Speaker and left the House.” Forman said that the Assembly Speaker rejected the return of his commission, but he found someone else who would accept it. Forman then blasted the Legislature for not supporting the war effort: I have Long been disgusted with the indolence and want of attention to military matters in the Legislature of this State. I was determined to spin out this Campaign in my Slavery until I found a set of Men plotting by the most unfair means to stain my reputation. Forman’s resignation saddened George Washington, who wrote: “General Forman has, to my great concern, and contrary to my warmest solicitations, resigned his commission upon some misunderstanding with the Assembly." Yet, Forman’s resignation did not deter the New Jersey Assembly. It re-read the petitions on November 11 and heard testimony from witnesses on November 12. Other scandals related to Forman including the banishing of Loyalist women and extra-legal hanging of Stephen Edwards were likely discussed. On November 13, the New Jersey Assembly voted by a 13-12 margin to void the Monmouth County elections. This action drew a protest from the Monmouth County election judges. They claimed the Assembly’s majority “refused to point out to us or inform us in any degree (although requested of the House) we had violated the law, or whereupon the conduct of the officers acting at said election had been so illegal as to make necessary to set the election aside.” Therefore, judges would not “give any certificates further respecting the said election." This meant that those elected to county office on October 14 (including the new sheriff) would not have their election certified. The refusal to certify the election of county officeholders sparked another Monmouth County petition against the election judges: "The Judges at the late annual election refuse to give the Sheriff [newly-elected Nicholas Van Brunt of Shrewsbury Township] a certificate of his election, whereby they are deprived of a Sheriff for the said County, and praying a law for Commissioning said Sheriff." On November 21, the Upper House of the Legislature, the Legislative Council, unanimously concurred with the Assembly’s vote and ordered newly-elected Sheriff Van Brunt to advertise the new election. On November 28, the legislature passed "An Act to procure a Return of the Election of a Sheriff of the County of Monmouth” which affirmed the election of Sheriff Van Brunt and empowered him to supervise the new election that would be held to rectify the tainted October 14 election. This appears to be the first time that the New Jersey legislature had investigated, much less overturned, a county election. The Monmouth County delegates were sent home and new elections were held in December. In the new election, three Due Process leaders, Mott, Peter Schenck (Middletown Township), and Hendrick Smock (Freehold Township but Middletown family) were elected. No doubt, unfortunate timing and recent events impacted what happened at Freehold on October 14. The British had captured the nation’s capital three weeks earlier and David Forman had rallied hundreds of Monmouth Countians to support Washington’s Army; at the Battle of Germantown on October 4, Monmouth Countians had at least one killed and others wounded. Forman’s men returned home defeated and were exasperated by news of punishing Loyalist raids into Monmouth County near Shrewsbury . Forman had also just convened a tribunal and issued a death sentence on Stephen Edwards, who would be hanged at Freehold on October 15, the day after the election. These events came to a head at Freehold on October 14. Anger over recent events combined with the ample levels of liquor, gossip, and simmering grudges that day. The result was a combustible atmosphere that tempted leaders into actions that were illegal and undemocratic. Related Historic Site : Monmouth County Historical Association Sources : Petition, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, Photocopy; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, November 4-12, 1777, p 5-17; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 151–154; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, p 108; Personal Correspondence: David J. Fowler, Letter: Samuel Forman, Samuel Forman Jr. and Thomas Henderson to New Jersey Assembly, no date; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, November 26-27, 1777, p 28, 30; Missing or Alienated Records of the State of New Jersey, http://www.nj.gov/state/archives/missinglaws13.html; and The Acts of the Council and General Assembly of the State of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: Trenton, 1784) p33; Journals of the Legislative Council of New Jersey (Isaac Collins: State of New Jersey, 1777) p15. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > David Brearley Leaves Continental Army for the Supreme Court by Michael Adelberg David Brearley served as a Lt. Colonel in the Continental Army from 1776 into 1779. Difficult service made him willing to leave the army to become Chief Justice of New Jersey Supreme Court in July. - July 1779 - David Brearley was born in 1745 in Hunterdon County. He went to Princeton, studied law, and established a law practice at Allentown. He was an early and outspoken critic of British policies whose father was briefly arrested by Royal authorities. Brearley was the first colonel of the Upper Freehold militia before being mobilized as Lt. Colonel in General Nathaniel Heard’s New Jersey Flying Camp. He was with the Continental Army through the disastrous New York Campaign of 1776. Brearley was then commissioned the Lt. Colonel of the new 4th New Jersey Regiment of the Continental Army. Except for a furlough to be with his wife, Elizabeth, as she died in August 1777, Brearley served with the Army stoically through the difficult Philadelphia Campaign (fall 1777), the famous winter at Valley Forge, and the Battle of Monmouth . Brearley served faithfully but not silently. Along with Colonel Israel Shreve, he returned to New Jersey in February 1778 to advocate for better provisions for his men, shivering at Valley Forge. He appealed to the New Jersey government: The condition of the New Jersey troops is such that it would be criminal to keep silent longer… New Jersey soldiers are as brave as any. Why they should be neglected is a problem in politics hard to explain. Brearley also returned to Allentown in March to look in on his motherless children, but before he did, he was one of six officers to sign a memorial to the Continental Congress complaining about the inadequate provisions available to the Army. Leaving the Continental Army While the Continental Army’s winter at Valley Forge (1777-1778) is more famous, the winters of 1778-1779 and 1779-1780 were harsher on the men. The New Jersey Line shrunk from four to two regiments in 1778, but, even with the downsizing, the New Jersey government still struggled to recruit and provision its soldiers. On April 17, 1779, Brearley, Captain Jonathan Forman and Forman’s three junior officers signed a letter to the New Jersey Assembly complaining of the lack of provisions for the troops and the inflation that depreciated their pay. Three weeks later, Captain Forman wrote bitterly about the indifference of the New Jersey Legislature to its state’s soldiers. He sent near-identical letters directly to George Washington and Governor William Livingston on May 8. After mentioning past petitions to the state legislature, he stated: It will be proper to inform your Excellency that the officers of the Jersey Brigade have repeatedly at almost every session of the Assembly since 1777 memorialized upon the necessities of the troops, but we have the misfortune to inform your Excellency that not a single resolve was entered into the minutes on our favor. Forman threatened mass-resignation from New Jersey’s line officers: We have lost all confidence in our Legislature, reason and experience forbid that we should have any… We have the highest sense of your ability and virtue, the execution of your orders has given us pleasure, that we love the service and we love our Country; but when that Country gets so lost to virtue & justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from that service. However, Forman did not resign. Brearley, as his commanding officer, may have convinced Forman to stay in the service. He remained in the Army until 1783, and was even promoted to Major. Washington wrote General William Maxwell, commanding Brearley’s regiment. He was unsympathetic: Our troops have been uniformly better fed than any others—they are at this time very well clad and probably will continue to be so—While this is the case, they [the complaining officers] will have no just cause of complaint. It is important that any misconception on this point should be rectified. Washington, however, took the complaint as an opportunity to lobby for his men. He forwarded Forman’s letter to John Jay, serving in the Continental Congress, warning that: “This is an affair which Congress will no doubt view in a very serious light.” He discussed that “the distresses in some corps are so great… that officers have solicited even to be supplied with the cloathing destined for the common soldiery.” Washington concluded: “The patience of men, animated by a sense of duty and honour will support them to a certain point, beyond which it will not go.” He ended the letter by warning of the “extreme danger” of a mass officer resignation. Meanwhile, Forman’s letter to Livingston apparently prompted action from the New Jersey Assembly. Washington wrote of a letter he received from Livingston: I have this moment received information that the Assembly have made some provision for their troops. It seems there was a compromise upon the occasion. The officers withdrew their remonstrance, and the Assembly went into the business. It is lamentable, that the measure should have been delayed, ’till it became in a manner extorted. Notwithstanding the expedient adopted for saving appearances, this cannot fail to operate as a bad precedent. After months of discontent, Brearley apparently readied to leave the Army. In May, he was ordered to prepare his men for a difficult campaign against the Iroquois and marched with them to Easton, in northeast Pennsylvania, where the campaign would soon begin. The prospect of spending months in the wilderness might have been the final nudge Brearley needed to look for other forms of service. He likely exchanged letters with New Jersey leaders about the state’s vacant Chief Justice position (Chief Justice Robert Morris resigned on June 10). On July 1, General John Sullivan, commanding the Army in Northeast Pennsylvania, wrote, "Lt Col Brearley having business of importance which calls him to New Jersey has leave to retire from the Army and settle the same." On July 2, Brearley recorded that he "retired from Wyoming." Soon, he was home in Monmouth County. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court On July 22, Brearley wrote the Continental Congress "that the State of New Jersey, to which he belongs, has lately appointed him Chief Justice of the State, an office important & honorable, but not lucrative.” He noted that the state “requested him to retire from the Army and enter upon the duties of that office” and “that he is determined to comply with the request; but is very desirous of holding his rank in the Army without pay." Congress dismissed the request, noting in its minutes: "Resolved, that the desire cannot be complied with." Brearley was in Philadelphia on July 25 when he received this news and presumably informed friendly members of Congress that he was leaving the Army to become New Jersey’s Chief Justice. Some sources suggest he served his first day as New Jersey’s Chief Justice on July 27 (the first day of the 3rd Monmouth County Court of Oyer and Terminer ) although Brearley would later state that August 4 was his first day of service. Despite Congress denying Brearley’s request to maintain his commission, he apparently never resigned, and this became a source of controversy. On September 4, Brearley wrote to Colonel Shreve, commanding the 2nd New Jersey Regiment, regarding complaints about him. Brearley wrote defensively that "they charge me with wishing to serve individuals, [but] so would every gentleman that wishes to do justice for his Country.” He then asked Shreve to deliver a tough message to the junior officers who wanted his commission: You therefore will please inform these gentlemen who wish so much for my promotion, and it is very uncertain when I shall or whether I shall resign at all; for when I was at Philadelphia, I was advised by some gentlemen of high rank and knowledge not to resign. Brearley did not resign until July 1780, and it apparently took the intervention of George Washington to force the matter. Washington wrote Brearley on July 7: I have to request that you would be so obliging as to inform me by the earliest opportunity at what time you were appointed as the Chief Justice of this State. My reason for this request is that a board of officers of the Jersey line ought to take rank from that time. Brearley replied on July 11: "I am to inform your Excellency, that I was sworn into Office as Chief Justice the fourth day of August last." Even at this time, he did not explicitly resign. Some sources suggest that Brearley finally resigned on March 17, 1780—eight months after he left the army. Brearley’s reluctance to resign was not without precedent. Monmouth County’s two other high ranking Continental Army officers behaved similarly: Lt. Colonel David Rhea did not resign his commission until summer 1780, despite leaving the army to serve as Monmouth County’s Quartermaster agent in 1778. Colonel David Forman lost command of his regiment in early 1778, but maintained his commission through the entire war. Brearley left Allentown and moved to a fourteen-acre farm outside of Trenton, but the job of Chief Justice kept him on the road much of the time. Over his decade of service as New Jersey’s Chief Justice, the state’s courts gradually professionalized and the irregularities that plagued New Jersey’s first courts steadily lessened. As Chief Justice, Brearley attended Courts of Oyer and Terminer on which he sat with a panel of county judges. These courts heard the most severe and politically-oriented charges. Brearley participated in meting out several death sentences, including many in Monmouth County. Brearley presided over Holmes v Walton , a case involving the seizure of silks from John Holmes and Solomon Ketchum of Middletown by Major Elisha Walton. While the goods were almost certainly acquired illegally, Holmes and Ketchum were not given a fair jury trial. The seizure was upheld by Judge John Anderson and a six-man mini-jury that was treated to free liquor by Walton. Holmes, lacking an appeal under the law, hired an attorney, William Wilcocks, a former Judge Advocate for the Continental Army, who filed a case before the New Jersey Supreme Court. Brearley likely knew of all of this as he became Chief Justice and was well-acquainted with Wilcocks, with whom he served in the Army. Brearley heard the case In September and invalidated the seizure of the silks on the grounds that the New Jersey law under which the seizure was made was unconstitutional (because it did not give Holmes a full jury trial, a right guaranteed in New Jersey’s Constitution). The case is the first known example of judicial review in U.S. history, and established the power of the courts to void a law as unconstitutional. However, Brearley took ten months to issue the ruling in order to give the New Jersey legislature time to amend the law. As Chief Justice, Brearley was able to take on special assignments, one of which was to host and serve on a multi-state commission to settle the boundary dispute between Connecticut and Pennsylvania over rights to northeast Pennsylvania. In late 1782, Brearley and the commission sided with Pennsylvania. At the end of his tenure, Brearley participated in the Constitutional Convention where he played a prominent role in advancing the “New Jersey Plan” for the new national Congress—a plan premised on all states having the same number of Congressional delegates regardless of their size. Brearley was also active in devising the Electoral College as a compromise between big and small states, and a check against a popular demagogue who might temporarily win the favor of an electoral majority. After the Convention, Brearley returned to New Jersey and played a leading role in getting the state to ratify the United States Constitution. He was an elector for New Jersey at the Electoral College that elected George Washington President, and then was appointed a federal judge by Washington. He died in 1790—having accomplished a remarkable amount in only 45 years of life. Related Historic Site : St. Michael’s Episcopal Church Sources : T.H. Pyle, David Brearley: America’s Most Important Forgotten Founding Father, unpublished manuscript in the possession of the Allentown Historical Society); William Stryker, The New Jersey Continental Line in the Indian Campaign of 1779, (1885) p 15; New York Historical Society, Fairchild Collection, item: Jonathan Forman; Selections from the Correspondence of the Executive of New Jersey, From 1776 to 1786 (Newark, NJ: Newark Daily Advertiser, 1848) p 146; Dennis Ryan, A Salute To Courage The American Revolution as Seen through Wartime Writings (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979) p 151; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 20, 8 April–31 May 1779, ed. Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010, pp. 439–441; Diary, New Jersey State Archives, Revolutionary War, Manuscripts Coll., box 2, #12; Library of Congress, Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. 14, p 861; Gen. John Sullivan to David Brearley, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, I41, Memorials to Congress, v1, p475; David Brearley to Congress, National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, M247, Remonstrances to Congress, I43, p53; David Brearley to Israel Shreve, Pennsylvania Historical Society, Dreer Collection, David Brearley, September 4, 1779; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/P?mgw:2:./temp/~ammem_wnJq:: and “To George Washington from David Brearley, 11 July 1780,” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified November 26, 2017, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-02439 . Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The Rental of Loyalist Estates by Michael Adelberg Dr. James Boggs lived in Shrewsbury before the war. In December 1776, he became a surgeon in the British Army. His family stayed behind. Despite this, his estate was seized and rented in 1777. - July 1777 - In August 1776, Monmouth County became the first county in New Jersey to inventory the estates of Loyalists who had left to join the British. New Jersey law established a multi-step process through which Loyalists forfeited their estates to the state for resale. First, state-appointed commissioners (in Monmouth County—Kenneth Hankinson, Samuel Forman, and Jacob Wikoff) inventoried the estate; next, a formal inquisition was posted and citizens could make statements regarding the status of the inventoried estate owner; finally, the Forfeiture Commissioners could confiscate and re-sell the estates. While the cash-strapped New Jersey government desperately needed money, land confiscation in an agricultural community was the ultimate penalty; land was the primary route to acquiring wealth. Estate confiscation was tantamount to a final and irreversible break with the Loyalist. In 1777, most Americans clung to a belief that a short war and reconciliation was still possible and were not ready to confiscate estates. Renting Loyalist estates was a way to bring in revenue without the finality of confiscation. Renting Loyalist Estates in Monmouth County According to surviving records, the Forfeiture Commissioners—Hankinson, Forman and Wikoff—rented 34 Loyalist estates in July 1777 and would ultimately rent out 89 estates. Estates rentals raised an impressive £21,000. Monthly rents ranged from £1 to £87 (the estate of Daniel Van Mater , who had purchased a new farm in New York). Estates were rented across Monmouth County’s four northern counties—Freehold, Middletown, Shrewsbury and Upper Freehold. Dover and Stafford township Loyalists were not included in this process. The Loyalists whose estates were rented were a combination of wealthy and modest landholders. While several of the most prominent Loyalists had their estates rented—Colonel John Morris, Colonel George Taylor, Rev. Samuel Cooke—others had their estates temporarily spared—Colonel Elisha Lawrence, Major John Antill. Three families were particularly prone to estate rentals—such as: Van Mater: Daniel Van Mater, Chrineyonce Van Mater, and Henry Van Mater; Taylor: George Taylor, Morford Taylor, John Taylor, and William Taylor; Leonard: John Leonard, Joseph Leonard, and Thomas Leonard. Other families, including those that headed the Loyalist insurrections , such as the Woodwards of Upper Freehold, were conspicuously not included on the list of rented estates. The criteria for estate rental is not easily explained from surviving documents. Determining exactly who was subject to an estate rental was controversial. At the highwater mark of Loyalism in New Jersey, December 1776, many Monmouth Countans lined up behind the British. Many of these fickle Loyalists did not become Loyalist refugees when the British quit New Jersey in January. Authorities were generally lenient toward these fickle men , as long as they were not leaders and were not violent. Still, the dividing line was controversial. On June 2, 1778, the New Jersey Council of Safety received a petition from Monmouth County: Setting forth that a number of persons who had been in the enemy's lines, aiding & assisting them, and who plundered a number of inhabitants when the enemy were last in Trenton, and had returned to their respective homes & being bailed by the Justices & suffered to go at large. The petition was delivered by militia Colonel Asher Holmes along with a list of the "delinquents" and the magistrates who dropped charges against them. The estates of these delinquents would presumably be subject to inventory and rental. The rental of Loyalist estates could become complicated. One case specific to estate rentals rose to the New Jersey Supreme Court in January 1781. In this case, Daniel Randolph, acting as a subcontractor to the Forfeiture Commissioners, charged William Grover with reneging on rents owed. Grover had rented two farms, and later a third farm, from Randolph for £150 a month which "he faithfully did promise to pay." Grover promised to pay the Commissioners £98 of the fees owed. The indictment claimed Grover “has not paid for that one either despite being summoned to pay.” Grover was charged with "not regarding his several promises... contriving to fraud." Grover’s defense and the outcome of the case are unknown. Whatever the complications, the rentals of Loyalist estates raised significant and much-needed cash for the New Jersey government. On October 10, 1778, the New Jersey Assembly recorded receiving £3680 from Samuel Forman, on behalf of Monmouth County’s Forfeiture Commissioners. This was the approximate value of two mid-sized estates if sold at auction, and a larger sum than any county forwarded to the Legislature at that time. Other Loyalist estates were not rented until April 1779 or later, after Loyalist estates were being confiscated and sold at public auction. Later account books demonstrate that well over one hundred Loyalist estates were sold in Monmouth County (different sources have differing totals), so several confiscated Loyalist estates were never rented. Perhaps the Forfeiture Commissioners showed mercy on certain families by delaying or not renting their family estates. After the war, Loyalists applied to the British government for compensation for their lost property. In these applications, virtually every Loyalist discussed and estimated the value of their lost estates. Only one Monmouth Countians, Dr. James Boggs, additionally discussed losses to his family related to the rental of his estate prior to confiscation. Boggs took a British loyalty oath on December 7, 1776 and joined the New Jersey Volunteers as a surgeon. His family stayed behind in Shrewsbury. Despite this, his 111-acre farm in Shrewsbury was rented out in July 1777 (and then confiscated in May 1779). The Boggs family was presumably evicted. The rental of Loyalist estates was an important intermediate step toward confiscating and re-selling Loyalist property. While it aroused some controversies and displaced some Loyalist families, the impacts of estate rentals were small in comparison to what would come later. Related Historic Sites : Nassau Hall Sources : New Jersey State Archives, Commissioners of Forfeited Estates, box 5, folder 4.1; Peter W. Coldham, comp., American Loyalist Claims (Washington, D.C.: National Genealogical Society, 1980), p 42; Rutgers University Library Special Collections, Great Britain Public Record Office, Loyalist Application Claims, James Boggs, D96, AO 13/17; Auditor’s Book, New Jersey State Archives, Dept of Treasury, Auditor's Account Books, reel 181, pp. 469-72; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 245; NJ State Archives: NJ Supreme Court Records, case #32076; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 245; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 245; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, October 10, 1778, p 192-194. Previous Next