In August 1777, the main body of the British Army in America landed at Elk Head, Maryland and began marching north toward Philadelphia. George Washington’s Continental Army rushed south to face the advancing British. A call went across New Jersey for patriots to join them.

First Monmouth Countians March to the Defense of Philadelphia

Although documentation is lacking, at least one company of Monmouth County militia marched into Pennsylvania in early September to join the Continental Army as it prepared to defend the capital along the Brandywine Creek in southeastern Pennsylvania. Two Monmouth County militiamen recorded participating in the Battle of Brandywine on September 11 and were at the Paoli Massacre on September 20. Joseph Kelly of Middletown recalled:

As many as could be spared from the shore went and, as fast as we could go, we arrived there in the beginning of September 1777, some miles below Philadelphia. Captain Smith went with us. He was one of Washington’s captains (regulars). We were placed under General Wayne [Anthony Wayne] at the Battle of Brandywine, which was a few days after we got there. It was a hot siege that we had there. That same night we left the battleground and filed off towards Philadelphia. We arrived there next morning, it rained and we were tired and had a very bad time. We soon encamped on French Creek. Shortly afterwards, we were sent into General Wayne’s detachment near the Paoli tavern. He remembers the night of the massacre well and a horrid night it was too, the British used the bayonet only and made a terrible slaughter.

Kelly’s narrative is corroborated by Thomas Patten of Shrewsbury who recalled "working on artillery carriages for the purpose of forming a flying company” in August “to march to the main army which was making head against the British.” Patten went “with seven others, were selected from said village on account of our activity & spryness. We marched toward the main body & joined the division under the command of General Greene [Nathanael Greene]." Patten manned a cannon at the Battle of Brandywine, which lasted eleven hours. The long day took its toll: “My head was so severely injured by the repeated explosions as to cause the blood to gush from my ears & create a deafness that has continued to this day."

After the Paoli Massacre, most of the Monmouth men fell back to Philadelphia and marched to Trenton, where they were dismissed. But some of the men stayed in Philadelphia and then marched west to guard the fleeing Continental Congress. Stephen Seabrook recalled his company "guarding the Congress from Philadelphia when the British was advancing on that city."

David Forman Raises a Large Force

Even before this first group of Monmouth men returned home, another call went out for more support. Governor William Livingston ordered out militia from across New Jersey. Beyond the militia call-out, Major Thomas Mifflin of the Continental Army, who participated in toppling the Loyalist insurrections in Monmouth County eight months earlier, made a direct appeal to Colonel David Forman for help. Mifflin knew Forman commanded an (undersized) Continental Regiment in Monmouth County. As Continentals, they would not be subject to the militia alarm. On September 14, Mifflin wrote directly to Forman about the need to protect Philadelphia and then appealed for help:

I believe that forty or fifty light cavalry from your state will be of infinite aid to us -- if they can be formed into a troop & sent forward without delay they will render essential service to America. I will supply them with forage.

It is not clear if Forman responded to Mifflin, but Forman, who was also the militia general over Monmouth, Middlesex, and Burlington counties, raised 900 men and crossed into Pennsylvania on September 25. The exact number of Monmouth Countians is unknown, but Monmouth militiaman Zachariah Hankins recalled marching with “Captain [Michael] Sweetman's company and some other companies of militia [Captains William Schenck and Benjamin Van Cleave], Captain [John] Burrowes's company of regulars, and [Joshua] Huddy's artillery company, all under the command of Col. Holmes [Asher Holmes] and Genl. Forman.” Solomon Ketchum of Middletown recalled the march:

Marched from Shrewsbury to Freehold when they were joined by some companies from Middletown and Freehold and, under the command of Colonel Asher Holmes, proceeded to Allentown where they stayed all night. Next day they marched to Burlington and crossed the Delaware at Bristol... Was ordered to cook three days provisions, which was done.

One company of Forman’s Continentals joined the militia on the march, including the company of Captain Burrowes, the largest in the regiment. In all, the Monmouth Countians may have numbered about half of Forman’s 900. But some of these men never made it to Pennsylvania. Tunis Aumack recalled, "he marched part of the way to Germantown… but his company was sent back to drive off the British and Tories who were pillaging along the shore in their absence.”

While Forman’s force was considerable, its size disappointed General Washington. He wrote Forman on the 26th: "I am sorry to find you cannot bring on so respectable a force as we both could wish & had reason to expect.” He asked Forman to “collect your scattered parties as soon as possible." In a letter to Elbridge Gerry, Washington confided that he had expected Forman to bring at least 1,500 men.

The British Army took Philadelphia the next day. Forman circled around the British Army in the city and joined up with General William Smallwood’s Maryland regiment west of Philadelphia on September 27. They stayed with the Marylanders for the next week.

Monmouth Countians Fight at the Battle of Germantown

On the morning of October 4, Forman’s militia, together with Smallwood's Marylanders, were ordered by General John Sullivan, to “march a further circuit to the rear of the right wing to attack the British right flank.” The longer march and unfamiliarity with the land caused the Smallwood-Forman brigade to arrive later than expected. Foggy weather and smoke from cannon fire caused low visibility on the battlefield. In the confusion, Continental troops fired on each other.

Forman’s regiment, wearing red uniforms taken from the British six months earlier, may have added to the confusion within the Continental ranks. One of Forman’s men, Koert Schenck, recalled that Captain Burrowes' company “who all wore red coats and were fired at by some of our troops by mistake."

The next day, Major Asher Holmes of the Monmouth Militia (soon to be Colonel) wrote his wife about the battle. He recalled being in a brigade with "the Jersey militia and Red Coats under Gen. Forman and the Maryland militia" under Smallwood. Initially, the New Jersians and Marylanders "drove the enemy" but "by thickness of the fog the enemy got in our rear" and the Continentals around them retreated. According to Holmes, “the enemy was within a 120 yards of us in the hottest fire." Despite this:

The Monmouth militia and Forman's Red Coats stood firm and advanced upon the British Red Coats until our ammunition was nearly exhausted and the enemy advancing on our right flank, Gen. Forman then ordered us to retreat which we did in pretty good order.

Holmes noted that “the officers are all well since the battle, our army is in good spirits... we have lost very few, if any, killed and not many wounded.” Other sources add to Holmes’s account. An anonymous eyewitness recalled the brave (and perhaps exaggerated) action of a Monmouth man named Barkalow:

During the heat of the Battle of Germantown, while bullets flew as thick as hail stones, one Barkalow (of Monmouth) was leveling his musket at the enemy, when his lock was carried away by a ball. Undismayed, he caught up the gun of a comrade just killed at his side, and taking aim, a bullet entered his muzzle and twisted it around like a corkscrew. Still undaunted, our hero immediately kneeled down, unswerved the lock from the twisted barrel, screwed it into the barrel from which the lock had been torn, and blazed away at the enemy.

The newly-raised artillery company of Captain Joshua Huddy made the march to Germantown but did not make it into the battle. Jerusa Sanford, wife of one of Huddy’s men, William Sanford, recalled that “their piece was an iron one and very heavy so they were kept out of the battle."

William Stryker, who extensively researched New Jersey’s Revolutionary War soldiers in the late 1800s, determined that one of Forman’s men, Gershom Vanderhull, was fatally wounded and two other men (Andrew Mains and Jesse Vanderule) were wounded at Germantown. But Stryker did not record the wounding of Thomas Patten, who wrote: “Received a wound with musket ball in my side so severe as to disable me until the later period of the spring [1778]." He was taken back to Freehold "and remained there until late fall when I was taken to the hospital at New Brunswick until the latter part of May."

After the battle, the Monmouth men briefly stayed with the Army. Ketchum recalled that his “company became much scattered” during the battle and it likely took some time for the men to find each other after the retreat. Catherine Reid recalled that her husband, John Reid, took part in “burying two soldiers killed at Germantown.” Jerusa Sanford also wrote that her husband buried the dead after the battle.

Forman’s men soon returned to New Jersey. Hankins recalled: "After the battle, they remained a few days with the army and came back to Trenton under Genl. Forman, his company was discharged at Monmouth Court House and he went home." The total period of the call-out was six weeks, according to Benjamin Berry of Captain Sweetman’s Company (Freehold Township), but different companies mustered at different times, so Berry’s time estimate was not universal for all of the Monmouth men.

In total, Monmouth Countians responded well to the call to defend Philadelphia. Their conduct demonstrates a considerable turnaround from ten months earlier when the county militia “laid down its arms” rather than face Loyalists emboldened by the British advance across New Jersey. That the Monmouth militia advanced on the enemy in pitched battle, despite lacking munitions and training, is noteworthy. However, Monmouth County paid a price for marching so many of its patriots out of state; the county suffered (at least) two Loyalist attacks during the absence of its most patriotic Whigs.

Postscript: David Forman and the Defense of Red Bank

Even before David Forman left Pennsylvania, George Washington requested his return. He wrote Forman on October 6:

You having informed me that the time of your present brigade of militia is near expiring, and that many others who came out here for no certain amount of time are anxious to return home, you have my permission to march... When they cross the river, you may discharge them. But I must beg that you will use your utmost endeavors to collect a number equal to what you have brought to join the army under my command.

Two days later, the New Jersey Assembly passed an act to raise 2,000 militia under Forman. Governor Livingston accordingly called out the militias of Hunterdon, Burlington, Middlesex, Monmouth & Sussex counties to assemble at Princeton. However, Forman was not optimistic. He wrote Washington from Freehold on October 11: “Your Excellency observes that the order calls for 2,000, neither the Legislative body nor myself expect that so many will march."

Forman wrote Washington from Princeton on October 15: “I do not believe I shall collect three hundred men.” Only the Burlington County militia turned out, Forman noted needing to keep many of his own men on the Jersey shore to protect the salt works (in which he was heavily invested). He reported of the Monmouth militia:

The Monmouth militia turned out quite well as before, but from the interruptions of several enemy pillaging parties into that County during my late absence, the inhabitants have been led to petition the Legislative body that no part of their militia may march off, and have succeeded for the present.

In an October 19 letter, Washington acknowledged the need to protect the salt works requested whatever men Forman could spare. He was more forceful in his next letter to Forman on October 21. “I request in the most urgent manner that you use your utmost exertions immediately to collect a large body of your militia and hasten to the relief of that post [Red Bank on the Delaware River].” Washington argued that the immediate threat to Red Bank was more important than theoretical threat to the salt works:

What I have said is on supposition that the danger to the salt work is not so great as to require the whole force you may be able to gather to defend it. I do not mean to neglect the precaution necessary for their security, they are of too much importance; but the defence of Red Bank is an object of the greatest moment.

Forman marched for Red Bank on October 21 and arrived at Red Bank on October 26 with an unknown number of Monmouth men. He sent for the assembled Burlington militia. On his arrival, he began quarreling with Silas Newcomb, the militia general commanding the New Jersey militia from the southern counties. Forman complained about Newcomb to Washington who responded: “Your complaints respecting the conduct of Gen Newcomb give me more concern.”

But Washington deferred to the New Jersey government to consider the dispute. Governor Livingston sided with Forman and, two weeks later, ordered Newcomb to transfer his command to Forman.

As late as October 29, Forman was still collecting men. He wrote Washington from Red Bank:

The Excessive rainy weather has prevented the troops from Monmouth and Burlington coming forward as fast as I could have wished—They are however some of them this day advanced as far as Haddonfield and will in the morning be down, when I will Immediately incorporate them with the two Garrisons—They will not be equal to our wants.

On November 1, Washington wrote Henry Laurens, President of the Continental Congress, about the situation at Red Bank. He complimented the efforts of Philemon Dickinson (senior general of the New Jersey militia) and Forman “whose conduct and zeal upon every occasion, give them a claim to the Public esteem.” But he was still disappointed with the New Jersey militia’s turnout.

David Forman’s Controversies Cloud the Defense of Red Bank

Meanwhile, Forman’s troubles with the New Jersey Legislature were coming to a head. Forman had left Red Bank to rally more men to its defense. He wrote Washington from Princeton on November 7 complaining about his continued quarrels with General Newcomb and new quarrels with the New Jersey Legislature:

Two Petitions ware handed into the Assembly most unjustly charging me and sundry other Gent. with undue practices on the day of election & praying the election to be set aside—The Petition was read in the House and a hearing ordered on Tewsday [sic] next and a notice served on me to attend. I immediately went to the Assembly, informed them of my situation and requested the hearing might be deferred for a few days until the militia ware assembled and put in some order—My request was denyed [sic].

Forman told the Assembly, “it was impossible” for him to attend the Legislature while rallying the militia and leading the defense of Red Bank. Forman then informed Washington that he had “returned” his militia Brigadier General’s commission to the legislature. Forman also accused the legislature of insufficiently supporting the war:

I have long been disgusted with the indolence and want of attention to military matters in the Legislature of this State; I was determined to spin out this campaign in my Slavery until I found a set of Men plotting by the most unfair means to stain my reputation.

Washington was saddened by Forman’s resignation. He wrote Livingston, "General Forman has, to my great concern, and contrary to my warmest solicitations, resigned his commission upon some misunderstanding with the Assembly."

Forman returned to Red Bank. Despite having resigned from the New Jersey militia, Newcomb was removed and it appears Forman continued on as the de facto commander of the assembled New Jersey militia. On November 24, General Nathanael Greene noted that the New Jersey militia “under Forman” was leaving Red Bank. However, militiamen who had been recruited into the army during their service at Red Bank would have to stay.

Related Historic Sites: Battle of Brandywine Visitor Center (Brandywine, PA); Cliveden (Germantown, PA); Red Bank Battlefield Park

Sources: Cyclopedia of New Jersey Biography, David Forman, American Historical Society, New York City, 1921 Page 25-29; Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application of Benjamin Berry of VA, National Archives, p4-6; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Van Note of Ohio, S.3114; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Zachariah Hawkins of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#22623931; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Patten of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#27227091; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Kelley of PA, www.fold3.com/image/# 26180227; David Forman to [?], Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collection; Donald Brownlow, A Documentary History of the Battle of Germantown (Germantown, PA: Germantown Historical Society, 1955) pp. 11, 47; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, September 26 and 29, 1777; George Washington to Elbridge Gerry, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 11, 19 August 1777 – 25 October 1777, ed. Philander D. Chase and Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2001, pp. 326–327; Mary Hyde, Jersey at Germantown, New York Times, May 3, 1896, p1-2; National Archives,

Postscript Sources: David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, October 5 and 9, 1777; The Library Company, New Jersey Votes of the Assembly, October 8, 1777, p 195; William Livingston to David Forman, in Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, pp. 89-90, 93, 94-5; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, October 10 - 16, 1777; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 44, October 10 - 16, 1777; George Washington to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections; George Washington to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections; George Washington to David Forman, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 9, pp. 402, 411; George Washington to David Forman, Arthur Pierce, Smugglers' Woods, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1960) p 232; Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 3B, reel 17, October 20, 1777; George Washington to David Forman, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 11, 19 August 1777 – 25 October 1777, ed. Philander D. Chase and Edward G. Lengel. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2001, pp. 572–573; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 45, October 25 - 31, 1777; George Washington to David Forman, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 4, reel 45, October 25 - 31, 1777; David Forman to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 13–16; David Forman to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 49–51, 59; George Washington to William Livingston, John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 9, pp. 485-6. Library of Congress, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 168, item 152, vol. 5, p 161; George Washington to Henry Laurens, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 78–85; William Livingston to Silas Newcomb, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, pp. 99-100; David Forman to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 12, 26 October 1777 – 25 December 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. and David R. Hoth. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002, pp. 151–154; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 2, p 108; Nathanael Greene, The Papers of General Nathanael Greene (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1976) vol. 2, p 206.

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