The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Controversy Surrounds Local Prisoner Exchanges by Michael Adelberg In 1777, George Washington blocked Monmouth County officers from conducting a local prisoner exchange. However, local leaders conducted several local prisoner exchanges later in the war. - June 1780 - As noted in prior articles, prisoner exchanges were contentious not just with the enemy, but within the leadership ranks in Monmouth County. They were made more contentious by the “manstealing” (kidnapping) of a dozen militia officers in summer 1780. Advocates of locally-negotiated exchanges, such as Colonel Asher Holmes (commanding the county’s state troop regiment and largest militia regiment) saw exchanges as the only means of rescuing captured comrades from dismal British prisons. Opponents of local exchanges, including Colonel David Forman (Chairman of the vigilante Association for Retaliation ) believed that exchanges enticed a ruthless enemy to conduct additional manstealings. This issue, as much as any, split Monmouth County’s leaders into antagonistic factions , the leaders of which (literally) came to blows at the county’s October 1780 election . George Washington Stops First Attempted Local Prisoner Exchange The first discussions of prisoner exchanges for captured Monmouth Countian came after the Battle of the Navesink , during which 73 Monmouth militiamen were captured. Two captured officers, Captain Thomas McKnight and Lieutenant Thomas Little, were offered in an exchange on April 30: Richard McKnight & Thomas Little, taken prisoner in Monmouth County, New Jersey, have the [British] Commander in Chief's favor to be exchanged for Peter Campbell and Charles Harrison. The bearer, Wm. Taylor, has the Commander in Chief's leave to pass with a flag of truce in Monmouth County for the above purposes. The abovementioned William Taylor is permitted to pass to Sandy Hook in any boat or vessel duly authorized. Taylor was an attorney who led a Loyalist association that was broken up by Colonel David Forman and his regiment of Flying Camp in November 1776. Taylor arrived in Monmouth County in May 1777 and presented the exchange to Forman, then commanding the militia and Continental Army in the county. On May 11, Forman wrote George Washington, apparently requesting approval to conduct the exchange. Washington promptly disapproved: The proposition of exchanging Capt. Campbell and Harrison for Messrs Richard McKnight & Thomas Little, this I can by no means ascent to, as it would be establishing a precedent of a dangerous nature in its consequences. For then, whenever any of their Provincial Officers fell into our hands, they would send out parties to pick up our inhabitants of reputation in order to procure their release by exchange. At the same time, Washington approved of Forman’s decision to detain captured Middletown Loyalist, Richard Reading “who certainly forfeited any protection he might plead from Genl. Howe's permit” and directed that another Loyalist, George Rapalje, "should be sent immediately to the Governor to be tried by the laws of the land -- none but prisoners of war & spies are proper for military jurisdiction." The exact offenses of these men are unknown. Having disapproved the proposed exchange, Washington pledged to ask Elias Boudinot, Commissary of Prisoners, to contact his British counterpart in order “to bring about the exchange in some other manner." Washington further warned Forman not to accept visits from Loyalists under a flag of truce: I have no doubt of your vigilance & care, but I would beg your bear in mind that one intent of their sending those flags is to obtain intelligence which is clearly the case from their always sending people who know the country well. I therefore desire that such persons may never be permitted to come on shore. Washington’s criticism of local prisoner exchanges likely made an impression on Forman; he would carry forward Washington’s 1777 position when local exchanges became contentious again in 1780. Pressure Builds to Conduct Local Exchanges While Washington’s position had merit, local leaders faced great pressure to conduct exchanges that would bring home suffering loved ones. In June 1777, four captured New Jersey militia officers, including Capt. Stephen Fleming and Lt. Little of Monmouth County—wrote of their difficult imprisonment. They then asked the New Jersey Legislature to exchange them for captured Loyalists: Your petitioners lay our situation before you in hopes of redress, being melicia [sic] under your Government… As there are a number of people taken by our melicia going to join the King's Army, who no doubt would be as fond of exchanges as we, we beg you to use your influence to have [exchanges] effected as soon as possible. It does not appear that the New Jersey government acted on the petition, instead deferring to the Continental government which was seeking a general agreement (“cartel”) for exchanging prisoners with the British. A draft “Cartel for Prisoner of War Exchanges" was produced ten months later on April 10, 1778. It proposed an exchange schedule by which prisoners were valued by rank. Interestingly, the draft lists the last names of eleven officers held by the British, two of which were "Smock" and "Whitlock". These are Barnes Smock and John Whitlock, taken at the Battle of the Navesink fourteen months earlier. The draft cartel prioritized these officers as “objects of particular exception”—the first to be exchanged: We do hereby specially stipulate and declare, that the aforesaid officers shall be immediately exchanged on the terms of this cartel, for any officers of equal rank, or others by way of equivalent or composition; which have been or shall be delivered in lieu of them. It is unclear why Smock and Whitlock were prioritized over other Monmouth militia officers taken at the same time and still imprisoned. This cartel was not finalized. Smock stayed in jail until August (at that time, he was paroled home, not exchanged). Whitlock died as a prisoner in New York. The First Local Prisoner Exchanges With a general prisoner cartel stuck, New Jerseyans began conducting their own exchanges. Historian Edward Raser, who studied the prisoners captured at the Battle of Navesink, wrote that a militiaman named Vunck was exchanged in February 1778. Five more militiamen were exchanged in May 1778, including James Morris. These men were likely prioritized due to illness. Morris would later write that, on his exchange, he was "very sick with small pox, and looked very miserable, his hair was nearly all of his head.” Samuel Forman (not the Colonel of the same name) recalled the exchange of his brother Denice Forman. He “was confined to his bed, and for several days, nearly all hope of recovery was abandoned; but he providentially recovered." On May 27, a Loyalist party attacked Middletown Point and took John Burrowes, a leading citizen, prisoner. The next day, a mob led by Thomas Henderson (son-in-law to Burrowes) went to Middletown and took William Taylor prisoner (the same Loyalist who had sought to negotiate a prisoner exchange a year earlier). An attempt was made to conduct an exchange of Taylor for Burrowes. Burrowes was exchanged later that year, but it is unknown if he was exchanged for Taylor. Just two weeks later, the New Jersey Council of Safety authorized an “exchange” of Edward Taylor (William Taylor’s uncle) for John Willett, held by the British. Taylor (detained in Princeton ) was permitted to return to his home in Middletown in order to arrange the exchange. The order of the New Jersey Council of Safety read: That Edward Taylor, having procured the release of John Willett… Agreed, that said Mr. Taylor be discharged from his bond & have liberty to return to his place of abode, until the said John Willett be called back into British Lines. In September, the Council of Safety recommended an exchange of Anthony Woodward, a Loyalist insurrection leader, for Peter Imlay, a member of one of Upper Freehold’s leading families. Lacking a local intermediary to negotiate the exchange, it appears the exchange did not occur. In June 1779, Colonel Daniel Hendrickson and four other Shrewsbury Township militia officers were taken by a Loyalist raiding party as it razed the village Tinton Falls . While confined in New York, Hendrickson nearly arranged a six-person exchange that would have freed him and two others. Governor Wiliam Livingston endorsed the plan, but the exchange fell apart. On December 11, Elias Boudinot informed Livingston, "I am very much afraid the late proposal of an exchange by Coll. Hendrickson will not take place." Hendrickson was nearly exchanged again in March 1780 (for the Loyalist Colonel Billop) but that exchange also went awry. Exchange of James Mott Ignites Controversy In June 1780, James Mott, one of Monmouth County’s state legislators, was captured by a Loyalist manstealing party led by Colonel Tye. While detained at Sandy Hook, Mott was allowed to send note to his ally, Colonel Asher Holmes: My misfortune I suppose you have heard of before this reaches you. I would therefore beg of you to solicit my exchange, which can be done in lieu of Rich'd Reading, who was taken not many days ago, off the banks while afishing. I am obliged to go immediately for New York, which place I very much dread, as I am in an ill state of health. I am now promised here that James Wallen & John Wallen [James Walling, John Walling] would be exchanged for Richard Reading's two sons, who was taken with their father, I hope when you judge my case, you will use your interest to have an exchange effected and I make not the least doubt of you succeeding. Holmes apparently received Mott’s note and shared it. Mott’s father, James Mott, Sr., who had warm pre-war relationships in New York City, acted. Not content to let his son sit in a horrible British jail, he wrote, on June 22: "I am obliged to go to New York" to seek the release of his son “taken many days ago.” In so doing, Mott was plainly breaking the law by traveling behind British lines without a pass. Holmes and Mott’s decision to pursue an exchange drew the ire of David Forman, who complained in a July 12 letter to George Washington: The militia here [under Col Holmes] have lately gone into the exchange of prisoners taken when on duty, that the refugee parties take from their own houses or whilst about their usual business. The measure appears to me so replete with evil that I would be wanting in my duty should I pass it unnoticed... with every exchange made, we give encouragement to that British mode of manstealing, once gone into, will always enable them to hold a large ball of prisoners against us. Mott was exchanged that summer. In September, Forman and his allies again rebuked Holmes for seeking an exchange, this time for the captured Hendrick Smock. Forman and allies, on behalf of the extra-legal Association for Retaliation, summoned Holmes to answer for his conduct (sending a captured Loyalist, John Williams, to New York, offering himself in exchange for Smock). Holmes did not respond to their entreaty. Smock was not exchanged until January 1781. Complaints about Holmes’s locally-negotiated exchanges continued. This led to Governor Livingston inquiring if Holmes was improperly negotiating exchanges locally. Holmes responded stiffly on December 12: When I was last at Trenton, I informed your Excellency that one of our Commissaries of Prisoners had authorized me to exchange such prisoners of war, as are taken here; your reply then was that every commanding officer had a right to exchange their own prisoners. If any exchange going through my hands had been deemed not advisable, I think it would have been consistent with those professions you are pleased to make in your letter, to have mentioned to me at that time. Though controversial, local exchanges continued. Holmes continued conducting them even when it included frustrating negotiations with the hated Associated Loyalists . The table below shows that at least thirteen additional Monmouth County Whigs were exchanged home after Mott’s capture; the exchange of seven Loyalists is in a table in the appendix of this article. (Other attempted exchanges failed.) Monmouth Whig Date Additional Information Samuel Bowne June 1780 Re-taken three days after he exchanged home Lt. Joseph Wolcott July 1780 Provides intelligence on British ships at Sandy Hook Lt. Tunis Vanderveer July 1780 Retaken days later Lt. Tunis Vanderveer Dec. 1780 Second time exchanged Maj. James Whitlock Dec. 1780 Confined since February 1777 Capt. Barnes Smock Dec. 1780 Second time captured. Capt. Hendrick Smock Jan. 1781 Exchanged after four months of negotiation. Joseph Johnson Jan. 1781 9 ½ months in jail; sick with smallpox when exchanged Daniel Covenhoven Feb. 1781 Taken April 1779, fined for militia delinquency on return Lt. Britton Mount Feb. 1782 Taken in Jan. 1781, exchanged for Jacob Wooley John McLean Spring 1781 Taken, paroled home at Sandy Hook by family friend John Lane June 1782 Exchanged for Joel Wooley, Associated Loyalist William Everingham June 1782 Exchanged for Benjamin Dunham, Associated Loyalist Exchanged home, Mott finished his term in the New Jersey Legislature. In October 1780, he stood for re-election at the annual county election. Controversy erupted when election judges refused to hold the polls open a second day (to allow militia serving on the shore to come to Freehold and vote). When Mott protested, David Forman stepped forward and beat him in front of a crowd. This is the subject of another article . Related Historic Site : Marlpit Hall Appendix: Exchanged Monmouth County Loyalists Date Loyalist Description Dec 1777 Capt. John Longstreet Captured in August 1777, Longstreet paroled in Burlington, New Jersey, but in December he “dishonorably broke parole” by returning to be “among his friends” in Monmouth County. Ordered to be arrested. Dec 1777 Lt. Col. Elisha Lawrence His exchange is held up until he pays debt, “I doubt not that you will have honor enough to pay the balance due.” Sep 1781 George Johnson Associated Loyalists captures and jails Lt. Britton Mount and George John. Releases Johnson, “to go to Monmouth County on parole for 15 days, to effect his exchange for Mr. Raymond of Capt. Tilton's Company” Feb 1782 Jacob Wooley, Associated Loyalist Taken in Jan. 1781, exchanged for Lt. Britton Mount Jun 1782 Joel Wooley, Associated Loyalist Exchanged for John Lane Jun 1782 Benjamin Dunham, Associated Loyalist Exchanged for William Everingham Aug 1782 Peter Stout Monmouth Loyalist captured and jailed in Freedhold; “exchanged” but required to stay in Monmouth County; pressured to give up claim to family estate Sources : George Washington to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections; Joseph Loring, passport, April 30, 1777; George Johnson [for George Washington] to David Forman, Neilson Family Papers, box 1, folder: Rutgersania, Rutgers University Special Collections, May 9, 1777; NYHS Gilder-Lehrman Collection; New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #4120. The draft cartel is in The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vol. 1, 1768–1778, ed. Harold C. Syrett. New York: Columbia University Press, 1961, pp. 466–472; Edward Roser, "American Prisoners Taken at the Battle of the Navesink," Genealogical Magazine of New Jersey, vol. 45, n 2, May 1970, p50-2; Forman, Samuel S. Narrative of a Journey down the Ohio and Mississippi in 1789-90 (Cincinnati, R. Clarke and Co., 1888) p 11; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), pp. 830-1; Franklin Ellis, The History of Monmouth County (R.T. Peck: Philadelphia, 1885), p202-3; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 253; Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey 1775-1776 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 2009) p 7; William Livingston to Elias Boudinot, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 3, pp. 248-9; William Livingston to George Washington, The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 24, 1 January–9 March 1780, ed. Benjamin L. Huggins. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2016, pp. 672–674; James Mott to ?, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; James Mott to Asher Holmes, John Stillwell, Historical and Genealogical Miscellany, 4 vols, Genealogical Publishing Co, 1970, v4, p90, 117; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Joseph Johnson; Information on Bowne’s exchange and recapture is in William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 406; David Forman to George Washington, Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, series 4, reel 68, July 12, 1780; George Washington from David Forman, 21 July 1780,” Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-02593, ver. 2013-09-28; Edward Roser, "American Prisoners Taken at the Battle of the Navesink," Genealogical Magazine of New Jersey, vol. 45, n 2, May 1970, p57; David Forman, Nathaniel Scudder, Thomas Seabrook to Asher Holmes, Monmouth County Historical Association, Cherry Hall Papers, box 5, folder 9; Asher Holmes to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 13, December 12, 1780; William S. Stryker, Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary War (Trenton: Naar, Day & Naar, 1872); Records of Prisoners in New York, National Archives, Collection 881, R 593; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John McLean of Middletown, www.fold3.com/image/#27289028 ; Daniel Covenhoven to William Livingston, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 14, February 15, 1781; The Mount for Wooley exchange is in Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, February 1782 p. 4; Elias Boudinot, The Elias Boudinot Letterbook (Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, 2002) p42, 52-3; Elias Boudinot Letterbook, Wisconsin Historical Society, p42; Peter Stout, Affidavit, David Library of the American Revolution, Great Britain Public Records Office, British Headquarters Papers, #9154, 9177; Johnson’s parole documented in Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, September 1781 p. 13; The Mount for Wooley exchange is in Clements Library, Proceedings of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, February 1782 p. 4; The Wooley for Lane exchange and the Dunham for Everingham exchange are in Princeton University Library, Microfilms Collection, #1081.133, Board of Associated Loyalists, June 6, June 24, 1782; Michael Adelberg, Biographical File , on file at the Monmouth County Historical Association. 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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > Associated Loyalists Raze Toms River by Michael Adelberg The Block House fort at Toms River was attacked by a 100-man Loyalist party that overwhelmed the defenders. The fort and the village were razed after the defenders surrendered. - March 1782 - In early 1782, Toms River was the most solidly Whig (pro-Revolution) village along Monmouth County’s sixty-mile Atlantic shoreline. According to antiquarian sources, the village included 12-15 homes, including the houses of four officers (John Cook, Jacob Fleming, David Imlay, Ephraim Jenkins) and two civil officeholders, Daniel Randolph and Abiel Aiken. The village also included the house of Mary Studson, whose husband, Joshua Studson was killed by London Traders in December 1780. The village had two taverns (belonging to Daniel Griggs and Aiken), a few warehouses and the gristmill of Abraham Schenck. On the south end of the village was a boatyard for repairing and constructing vessels. On the edge of the village was the Block House, an open fort described as “about six or seven feet high, made of large logs, with loop holes in between, and a number of brass swivels on top, which was entirely open, nor was there any way of entering, but climbing over.” Toms River had a wharf capable of holding up to twenty oar-powered and small sailing vessels. The port was too shallow for large vessels. They had to anchor in the bay and shuttle cargo to shore via oar-powered boats. Toms River was at a junction of three roads—one south to Little Egg Harbor, one north to Shrewsbury, and one northwest to Freehold. Travel on any of the roads was complicated by storms that felled trees and rutted the sandy roadbeds. Their poor condition caused a strong indictment of county Highway Overseers . One antiquarian source claims that the road to Shrewsbury was non-continuous. Travel on any of these roads was made dangerous by Pine Robbers and other thieves who preyed on travelers. New Jersey had three privateer ports—Cape May, Chestnut Neck (upriver from Little Egg Harbor), and Toms River . Local militia conducted patrols in boats. Dover’s long shoreline was sparsely populated and swampy—travel by boat was faster and more likely to yield encounters with London Traders. Interdicting the London Trade and providing a check against Loyalist Pine Robbers were the primary responsibilities of the local militia. Dover militia also acted as privateers when wounded British vessels came near shore. Dover militia officers took several prizes into Toms River during the war. The war brought an unprecedented amount of visitors and capital to Toms River. The Pennsylvania government built a large saltworks south of the village and a second saltwork was established at Mosquito Cove north of the village. The saltworks created jobs and purchased large amounts of provisions from locals. Privateering would prove to be the shore’s true boom industry . Over the course of the war, more than a dozen prizes were brought into Toms River. These captures filled the village’s warehouses with valuable goods and filled the taverns with deep-pocketed buyers. In late 1781, the Pine Robber gangs of John Bacon and William Davenport menaced Toms River. The village’s principal defenders were 30 state troops whose terms were expiring. Amidst a wave of complaints, a new guard was raised under Joshua Huddy of Colts Neck. It arrived in February 1782. But Huddy’s twenty men and the Block House would be no match for a large raiding party. The Toms River Raid in Original Documents On March 24, 1782, a large party of Associated Loyalists raided Toms River. The Loyalist New York Gazette printed the longest report of the raid. It is excerpted below and printed in full in Appendix 1 of this article. The Loyalists, under Lieutenant Blanchard, consisted of “armed whale-boats, and about eighty men belonging to them, with Capt. Thomas and Lieut. Roberts, both of the late Buck’s County Volunteers, and between thirty or forty other refugee Loyalists.” They assembled at Sandy Hook on March 20 but were detained until March 23 by “unfavorable winds.” On the 23rd, they left for Toms River “under convoy of Captain Stewart Ross, in the armed brig Arrogant .” At dawn on March 24, “the party landed near the mouth of Tom’s River, and marched to the block house… just at day light.” The march on Toms River was not easy: They were challenged and fired upon, and when they came to the works they found the rebels, consisting of twenty-five or six twelve-months men and militia, apprised of their coming, and prepared for defence. Blanchard called on the outnumbered defenders to surrender. He was “not only refused” but Huddy showed “defiance.” Blanchard then “ordered the place to be stormed… though defended with obstinacy, it was soon carried.” The report claimed nine defenders were killed (including Major John Cook) and twelve men were captured, including Huddy. “The rest made their escape in the confusion.” The Loyalists also suffered losses: “Two were killed: Lieut. Iredell of the armed boatmen and Lieut. Inslee of the loyalists, both very brave officers… Lieut. Roberts and five others are wounded.” The report described the “piratical set of banditti” living at Toms River whose past acts merited rough treatment. Accordingly, the fort was “burned to the ground and an iron cannon spiked and thrown into the river.” Two large boats, one reportedly owned by Adam Hyler, “were brought off.” Captain Ross of the British navy was thanked for his “spirit through the whole service” including “the politeness and tender treatment of the wounded while onboard his brig.” The New Jersey Gazette printed an anonymous letter describing the raid. Interestingly, the report did not portray the attack as led by the Associated Loyalists, but stated that “about one hundred refugees under the command of one Davenport” attacked Toms River. The report suggested a brave but doomed defense of the Block House: On the alarm, Capt. Huddy repaired to the Block House, in which some of the inhabitants joined him, and others remained outside: The house was defended until the ammunition was expended, when it surrendered. Major Cook, who was out of the house, fell; five others were killed and two wounded. Capt. Huddy, Daniel Randolph, Esq., and several more were carried off. A Monmouth County petition drafted three weeks after the attack on Toms River claimed that “five of Captain Huddy's men were most inhumanly murdered after his surrender." The razing of Toms River was near complete: “The enemy then burnt the village, except the houses of Aaron Buck and Mrs. Studson, after which they went off immediately. The unfortunate inhabitants have not saved more than two horses.” This is not correct. The report incorrectly stated that “Davenport was wounded, supposed since dead.” Davenport was killed three months later in a battle with militia at Forked River . The same report was printed in the Pennsylvania Evening Post . The Maryland Gazette also reported: The Refugees have paid Toms River a visit. They have burnt most of the houses, stripped and plundered the inhabitants of most everything. Mr. Daniel Randolph is carried to New York. Moses Robins is badly wounded and stripped of everything. The inhabitants are in great distress. Colonel Samuel Forman, commanding the local militia, wrote Governor William Livingston on March 25. The letter is similar to a report printed in the New Jersey Gazette , with some additional facts and innuendo. Forman accused Abiel Aiken, the port marshal and township magistrate, of fleeing the fight: "Abiel Aiken took his crooked leg out of the way on the alarm." He (incorrectly) claimed that "Capt. Davenport was wounded (supposed since dead) and one Negro killed." Forman had ordered out four militia companies from Dover and Stafford townships, plus "the 34 you requested from my regiment [from Upper Freehold], I shall also send for to reinforce them." Randolph was captured and was still in jail a month later when he gave a deposition at the court martial trial of Richard Lippincott (who had hanged Huddy). Randolph claimed that locals had warned Huddy "that a body of refugees were approaching this port.” Huddy dispatched a scout party but it “entirely missed the enemy" and provided the village no warning of the Loyalist landing. Randolph called the Block House "small and unfinished” and claimed that the attack “commenced without a previous demand for a surrender.” Randolph said “that Capt. Huddy did all that a brave man could do to defend himself against so superior a number” and claimed the Loyalist behaved horribly after quarter was called: This deponent saw a negro, one of the refugee party, bayonet major John Cook, and he also saw a number of refugees jump into the block house and heard them say that they would bayonet them [the defenders], but did not see the deed done to any person save major Cook. Eight Monmouth County militiamen recalled the attack on Toms River in their postwar veterans’ pension applications. John Wilbur, one of Huddy’s men, was posted as a sentry a half mile from the village. He provided the most vivid description: One John Eldridge and David Dodge were stationed sentry on the road about seven or eight hundred yards from my and [James] Kinsey's station; about daylight or a little after, we heard the enemy advancing by the noise they made in walking, and in a minute or two I heard the sentry hail them and fire. I retreated with Kinsey toward the Block House, he in advance of me. When I arrived at the Block House, I found that it was surrounded by the enemy and Kinsey was killed on the outside of the Block House; I did not attempt then to enter, but retreated across the bridge where I met Captain Brown, a sea captain, and George Cook. Dodge & Eldridge did not get in, the brother of George, whom I met on a bridge, was also killed before he got into the Block House; after the alarm of the advance of the enemy, myself and John Eldridge, and one Joseph Parker, were all who made their escape. Another small party also escaped "by being out on a scouting party.” John Eldridge, a sentry with Wilbur, wrote that “the whole party, comprised of thirty men - with the exception of himself and two- were killed or taken prisoner." Henry Applegate recalled that he was “wounded in the thumb on his left hand by a musket" at the battle but continued serving in the State Troops . Brothers, Joseph Parker and George Parker, served under Huddy. Joseph recalled that he “joined his [Huddy’s] company at Colts Neck, from whence they marched to Toms River and was there until the Block House at Toms River was taken and Captain Huddy was taken prisoner.” Geoge Parker recalled: They had been at that place a short time [when] they were attacked by a party of Refugees in a Block House and were all taken, except one man by the name John Eldridge, who got out and made his escape and one other that was left for dead, being badly wounded. George Parker was "confined in prison for about 7 months mostly in the Sugar House, he then got exchanged - returned home” with a festering wound, but he “got the vermin cleaned” and recovered. Parker referred to the Block House attackers as "a party of refugees, Negroes and sailors." Not all locals engaged in the battle. David Imlay, who commanded state troops at the Block House in 1781, wrote that he was "posted at the north end of Toms River Bridge, some forty rods from the Block House" and never engaged. Aaron Bennett of Dover Township recalled that "Toms River was their headquarters... a number of militia were constantly stationed there." But Bennett’s tour of duty expired two days before the attack. He did not return for the fight. Similarly, Aaron Chamberlain of Stafford recalled getting the alarm and marching for Toms River, but arriving too late, "He and a few others got a few shots at the Refugees before they got off, but did not kill any of them." Militia from other counties came to the defense of Toms River but word spread slowly on the sparsely populated shoreline, and they arrived too late to engage the Loyalists. Enoch Young of the Gloucester County militia recalled: He marched through the counties of Gloucester and Burlington and Monmouth to Toms River, at the Block House, to assist against the enemy in the engagement there, but was too late, the enemy had fled before they arrived. One Loyalist briefly discussed the Block House fight in his postwar Loyalist Compensation Application. David Lewis, formerly of Metticonk (present-day Jackson), recalled serving in the Associated Loyalists . He was at Toms River for the Block House raid where he was "very dangerously wounded." The Toms River Raid in Later Accounts Antiquarian sources provide several additional details on the Toms River raid. However, these sources must be regarded with some skepticism. An antiquarian newspaper account from 1868, for example, includes many false details. (See Appendix 2 for this article.) But other details in antiquarian accounts are illuminating, and likely true or mostly true. Some are summarized below. With respect to the Loyalists, one source claims that the Pine Robber leader, John Bacon, participated in the raid. Another claims that Davenport’s Pine Robbers carried off a great deal of plunder after the village was razed. A few antiquarian accounts note the role of William Dillon, formerly a boatman at Toms River, serving as a guide to the attackers. Dillon served as a pilot on Loyalist privateers and a boat belonging to him was taken and brought into Toms River shortly before the raid. So, he had strong motivation to help the raiders. His cousin was Aaron Buck, whose house was spared when the village was fired. Another source claims that Loyalists had planned to raid Manasquan and Shark River on their way back to New York, but gave that up in order to get prompt medical care for the wounded. Antiquarian sources also provide information on Toms River’s defenders. One source singles-out David Imlay (the former commander of the State Troops at Toms River) for cowardice—claiming that he fled the Block House and hid in a swamp. Imlay may have fled because he feared for his life if captured—having killed the Pine Robber, Richard Bird, a few months earlier. Other sources detail casualties: Killed : Maj. Cook (bayoneted after surrender), John Farr (killed in first volley from Loyalists), Lt. Ephraim Jenkins, James Kennedy (mortally wounded, dies that night), James Kinsley (shot and mortally wounded at swivel gun), Moses Robbins (shot in face, dies) and John Wainwright (shot five times). Captured : Lt. Huddy, Sgts. David Langdon, Luke Story; Privates: Daniel Applegate, William Case, David Dodge, James Edsall, John Eldridge, Jacob Fleming, Cornelius McDonald, John Mitchell, John Morris, John Nivison, George Parker, John Parker, Joseph Parker, John Pellimore, Moses Robins (shot in face, survives), Thomas Raftsnider, Daniel Randolph, Jacob Stillwagon, Seth Story, John Wainwright (shot six times but survives), John Wilbur. The accounting of men listed as killed and captured in antiquarian does not fully align names in contemporary sources. Antiquarians also disagree on the killed and captured—two men, John Wainwright and Moses Robins, are listed as either killed or captured depending upon the source. One modern historian has written a full account of the Toms River attack. Historian Donald Shomette wrote that the Loyalists were led by Captain Evan Thomas and Lt. Owen Roberts of the Bucks County Volunteers in whaleboats commanded by a Lt. Blanchard. Shomette concluded that the party was 120 Loyalists, supplemented by Pine Robbers who met the Loyalists at Toms River. Despite the size of the party, they evaded a scouting party sent out by Huddy on word of enemy landing. Shomette noted that the attack began at dawn. The battle was brief but bloody; two Loyalist officer fell during the battle—Lieutenants Insley and Lt. Iredell. Shomette concluded that the raiders outnumbered the defenders "six or seven to one” but the defenders held out until their ammunition ran out. After the surrender, the Loyalists committed "an orgy of destruction and revenge.” Shomette also wrote that Huddy was "mistreated with blows, slaps, etc." by the Loyalists. Due to the need to bring injured back to New York, the raiders did not stop at Manasquan on their return, as originally planned. Retaliation after the Razing of Toms River The attack on Toms River in March 1782 was the last significant Loyalist raid from New York. This is because it set in motion a chain of events that resulted in the British reining in their vengeful Loyalist allies . A few days after the raid on Toms River, a small Loyalist party landed at Long Branch. It included the veteran Loyalist raider, Philip White. Angered by the razing of Toms River and the capture of Huddy’s state troops there, the men who took White separated him from the other prisoners. They harassed White into attempting an escape. When he ran, they murdered him . Enraged Loyalists then took Huddy from jail in New York, brought him to the Navesink Highlands, and hanged him with a note proclaiming his murder an act of retaliation for White’s murder. The murders caused a diplomatic bonfire that reverberated to the highest levels of the British, French and American governments. All of these escalations are detailed in other articles. Related Historic Site : Joshua Huddy Park Historic Markers Appendix 1: "An authentic account of the Expedition against the Rebel Post on Tom’s River, New-Jersey (printed in the Loyalist New York Gazette) On Wednesday, the 20th instant, Lieut. Blanchard of the armed whale-boats, and about eighty men belonging to them, with Capt. Thomas and Lieut. Roberts, both of the late Buck’s County volunteers, and between thirty or forty other refugee Loyalists, the whole under the command of Lieutenant Blanchard, proceeded to Sandy Hook, under convey of Captain Steward Ross, in the armed brig Arrogant, where they were detained by unfavourable winds until the 23rd; about twelve o’clock on that night, the party landed near the mouth of Tom’s River, and marched to the block house, at the town of Dover, and reach it just at day light. On the way, they were challenged and fired upon, and when they came to the works they found the rebels, consisting of twenty-five or six twelve-months men and militia, apprised of their coming, and prepared for defence. The post into which they had thrown themselves was about six or seven feet high, made of large logs, with loop holes in between, and a number of brass swivels on top, which was entirely open, nor was there any way of entering, but climbing over-- They had, besides the swivels, muskets with bayonets, and long pikes for their defence. Lieutenant Blanchard called on them to surrender, which they not only refused, but bid the party defiance; on which he immediately ordered the place to be stormed, which was accordingly done, and, though defended with obstinacy, it was soon carried. The rebels had nine men killed in the assault and twelve made prisoners, two of whom are wounded. The rest made their escape in the confusion. Among the killed was a Major of the militia [John Cook] and two captains and one Lieutenant. The Captain of the twelve-months men [Joshua Huddy] is among the prisoners, who are all brought safe to town. On our side, two were killed: Lieut. Iredell of the armed boatmen and Lieut. Inslee of the loyalists, both very brave officers, who distinguished themselves on the attack, and whose loss is much lamented. Lieut. Roberts and five others are wounded, and it is thought some of them in a dangerous way. The town, as it is called, consisting of about a dozen houses, in which none but a piratical set of banditti resided, together with a grist and saw mill, were, with the block house, burned to the ground and an iron cannon spiked and thrown into the river. A fine large boat (called Hyler’s boat) and another boat, which the rebels used to make their excursions on our coast, were brought off. The appearance of bad weather and the condition of our wounded, being without either a surgeon or medicines, induced the party to return, where they arrived on the 25th." I should not do justice to the Loyalists who were with me, without expressing the highest prohibition of their behaviour and spirit through the whole service; and I beg leave to mention the very great obligation I am under to Captain Ross for his advice, attention to the convoy, and, in a particular manner, for the politeness and tender treatment of the wounded while onboard his brig. Capt. Ross has likewise mentioned in his report the Loyalists, during the service, paid every attention, and were willing to assist in every point." Appendix 2: THE OCEAN EMBLEM, JANUARY 30, 1858 On Toms River raid: “Woodmansee immediately returned to New York, when the plan was laid over until March 18th, 1782, when a second vessel was sent from New York with 100 picked British regulars, and about 25 or 30 refugees of the blackest dye. They arrived at the mouth of the river on the night of the 19th, where they landed and proceeded to the house of James Lippincott (now James Cook’s residence). They forced Mr. Lippincott to march as their guide to the village. Mr. Edward Flinn [Edward Flynn], a son-in-law of Mr. L., was let out of the chamber window by the females, and took a different route, to inform the villagers of the enemy’s approach. The enemy entered the field north-east of the place where John J. Irons’ residence now stands, and marched behind a barn of Abel Akins, Esq., near the present site of the Presbyterian Church some two hundred yards east from the block house. About this time day began to dawn, and the enemy finding himself discovered, rushed to the charge, when the sentinel fired his alarm, and rushed into the fort, calling for someone to go for Capt. Huddy, as there was but one round of ammunition in the fort. The enemy charged on the four men in the fort, murdered John Farr and all the citizens who fell in their way, burned all the houses except three in the village, one of which was the residence of Mrs. Mary Studson, widow of the noble Joshua, which was preserved through the influence of a tory whom she recognized, although in disguise. While a part were satiating their revenge on the north side of the river, others had crossed the bridge and burned the mills of Williams & Randolph, near the mills, they found Capt. Joshua Huddy snugly stored in bed after a pleasant dance that he had attended the night previous, and made him a prisoner. He had commanded the fort only about four weeks. Considering discretion the better part of valor, they beat a retreat before Captain Tilton could arrive with his command, although he lay at Schenck’s Mill, four miles north. The end of the gallant Huddy is known as a part of our Revolutionary struggle, while no one has ever had patriotism sufficient to even point out the grave of Studson, although Woodmansee was subsequently taken, and tied to a stake in front of the widow’s house; his captors said to her, “your will is our pleasure;” she replied with all the magnanimity that woman’s soul is endowed with, “his life will not bring back the life of my husband; besides, his wife would be left with several fatherless children, while I have but one.” Woodmansee was compelled to furnish provision for her for one year, which he did, and then left the country. Mrs. Studson subsequently married Chamberlain; she survived him many years, and died in 1824.” Sources : Lorenzo Sabine, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1864), vol. 1, p 566; William Fischer, The Toms River Block House Fight, March 24, 1782; Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. 14, p423-5; Arthur Pierce, Smugglers' Woods, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1960) p 38-9; James Levitt, New Jersey Revolutionary Economy (Trenton: New Jersey Historical Commission, 1975) pp. 19-2-, 22. James Levitt, For Want of Trade: Shipping and the New Jersey Ports, 1680-1783 (Newark: New Jersey Historical Society, 1981) pp. 141-9; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 45; Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, David Lewis, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/18, reel 6; Library of Congress, Rivington's New York Gazette, reel 2906; Library of Congress, Early American Newspapers, Pennsylvania Evening Post; and New Jersey Gazette, March 27, 1782; Henry Beck, More Forgotten Towns, p86-8; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 164; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 222; Howard H. Peckham, ed, The Toll of Independence: Engagements and Battle Casualties of the American Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974) p 95; Donald Shomette, Privateers of the Revolution: War on the New Jersey Coast (Shiffer: Atglen, PA, 2015); National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Enoch Young of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# 24155756; Edwin Salter, Old Times in Old Monmouth (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970) p 17-8; Stryker, comp., Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary War (Trenton: Naar, Day, Naar, 1872); Samuel Forman to William Livingston, Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 4, pp. 388-9; Alfred Heston, South Jersey: A History 1664-1923 (Lewis Historical Publishing, 1923) pp. 233-5; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Henry Applegate of Monmouth, www.fold3.com/image/#12036438 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Aaron Chamberlain; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - Daniel Applegate; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Eldridge; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - David Imlay; National Archives, Revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - John Wilbur; William Fischer, Biographical Cyclopedia of Ocean County (Philadelphia: A.D. Smith, 1899) pp. 55-56; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - George Parker; Casualty List, New Jersey State Archives, Dept. of Defense, Revolutionary War, Numbered Manuscripts, #3854; Francis Bazley Lee, New Jersey as a Colony and as a State (New York: The Publishing Society of New Jersey, 1902), vol 2, pp. 244-6; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Aaron Bennett of New Jersey; Maryland Gazette, April 11, 1782; Contained in: National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Joseph Parker of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/# NJ 25397561; Correspondence with Jeff Brown, The Ocean Emblem, January 30, 1858; Alfred Heston, South Jersey: A History 1664-1923 (Lewis Historical Publishing, 1923) p 241; Library of Congress, Richard Lippincott, Court Martial, reel 1, pp. 201-4. Previous Next

This educational resource is the digital companion to the award-winning exhibit Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall. It teaches the history of slavery in New Jersey to middle school/high school students using fact-based research and primary source documentation. Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall Middle School / High School Education Resource Download Worksheet Request Teacher Resource Book a Class Trip Welcome to Colonial Monmouth! Marlpit Hall in Middletown, NJ stands today as a window into the 18th century. This c. 1762 home and its residents witnessed many of the most exciting, inspirational, and painful chapters in our history, from the fight for independence to the heartbreak of slavery. Join us as we explore what life was like from a unique perspective; through the lens of the enslaved Marlpit Hall. Unbroken Chains: Meet the Taylors of Marlpit Hall Above, the oldest known image of Marlpit Hall, taken in 1886 from the roof of what is now known as the Taylor-Butler house. The house known today as Marlpit Hall was constructed around 1762. Edward Taylor purchased the home in 1771, beginning an unbroken chain of Taylor ownership until 1931. There was also an unbroken chain of slave ownership through at least 1832, where men, women and children worked the fields, grist mill, and inside the house to maintain the Taylor lifestyle. Next > Seeds of Slavery As early as the 1620s, Dutch slave traders were transporting small numbers of enslaved Africans into the New Netherlands, the territory later known as New York and northern New Jersey. But it was not until New Jersey came under British rule in 1664 that the institution of slavery grew into a cornerstone of colonial society. Early English provincial law encouraged settlers to maintain enslaved labor. In one of New Jersey's founding documents, The Concession and Agreement of the Lords Proprietors of the Province of Nova Caesarea, white settlers were granted an additional seventy-five acres of land for every enslaved person they brought with them. Slavery spread quickly in East Jersey. Around 1675, Colonel Lewis Morris expanded his iron works at Tinton Falls in Shrewsbury with the labor of 60 enslaved Africans. His nephew, also Lewis Morris, would become the colonial royal governor of New Jersey. The enslaved labor working at Tinton Manor provided the template for Monmouth County's budding slave society. Sketch of Tinton Manor, c. 1680 By 1720, most enslaved Africans were brought to New Jersey from West Africa through the port at Perth Amboy. Those who came through the West Indies were seasoned for the slave market in a process that exposed them to new foods, disease, language, and agricultural training. Seasoning was a particularly cruel and enduring practice that claimed the lives of countless enslaved Africans. Next > They Were There Click an image to learn about the individual Tom Elizabeth Clarisse York Will Hannah Ephraim T he Taylor family of Marlpit Hall, like many of prominence and wealth in early Monmouth County, relied on slave labor. From around 1780 to 1830, Marlpit Hall was the primary residence of at least ten enslaved African Americans: York, Tom, MaryAnn, Elizabeth, William, Hannah, Matilda, Clarisse, Ephraim, and George. Four were likely born at Marlpit Hall. What is a kitchen family? White families and their enslaved often ate, slept, and worked within very close proximity to one another. Some households referred to enslaved African Americans as their "kitchen family;" a misleading term, given the way these individuals were treated. A n 1818 inventory of Marlpit Hall's upper level kitchen chambers reveals modest provisions for the enslaved: straw beds and bedding, cots, a rocking cradle, and a trundle bed. Wool and linen wheels, as well as a quilting frame, suggest that some women also used this space for spinning and weaving. The "Kitchen Family" Next > Community of "Africa" near present day Matawan Free Black Society Read More I would like to tell you many things...I don't tell all, but I keep it in my heart. Katy Schenck, 1851 Born into slavery in Freehold The enslaved protested their condition daily in different ways. Rather than leaving their African heritage behind, they celebrated it - secretly - through religion, food, and music. Some pretended to be sick or did a poor job of their tasks, such as burning meals, breaking tools, or working slowly. Some staged insurrections or destroyed property. Escaping was also a brave act of resistance. Resistance!! Next > So ... How Do We Know What We Know? The stories of the enslaved at Marlpit Hall were told using primary source documents and material culture. Learn how to analyze and use these tools! Enter the Primary Source Workshop Enter the Primary Source Workshop Many Thanks to Our Advisory Panel : Hank Bitten, Executive Director of the New Jersey Council for the Social Studies Dr. Wendy Morales, Assistant Superintendent of the Monmouth Ocean Educational Services Committee Noelle Lorraine Williams, Director of the African American History Program, New Jersey Historical Commission Upper Elementary Level Resource: Please visit the companion resource for grades 3-5 here , or find it at monmouthhistory.org/colonial-slavery. Professional Development, Clas s Trips or Questions: To arrange a professional development session or a class trip to our award-winning exhibit, Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall , please contact Dana at dhowell @monmouthhistory.org

The Monmouth County Historical Association collects, preserves, and interprets its extensive museum and archival collections relating to Monmouth County history and culture, making these resources available to the widest possible audience through special programming and exhibits. MCHA also preserves and interprets five significant historic sites that represent the county’s vanishing architectural heritage. Freehold High School, c. 1925 History is Ours Monmouth County, New Jersey is home to some of the most revolutionary history in the story of America. Originally settled in 1675 as part of what was known as the province of East Jersey and officially established in 1683, the county was divided into the three towns of Freehold, Middletown and Shrewsbury. It was from Freehold that Washington strengthened our resolve at the Battle of Monmouth, young William Burroughs Ross went off to fight for the Union, and a tenacious, spirited Lillie Hamm walked into Freehold High School, ready to change the world. Explore the Stories in the MCHA Museum and Archives and Beyond... Established in 1898, MCHA is home to one of the finest and most extensive regional collections in the country. Our museum collection contains over 35,000 objects, and our archives house over 1,000 manuscript collections. In partnership with local history organizations, this digital resource has been curated to support the NJ Social Studies Curriculum for high school students. We are pleased to offer a variety of local and national primary source examples and other fascinating material to help engage students in the classroom, and will continue to build and refresh the resource with new discoveries. Colonial Era thru Revolution 1600s - 1783 Slavery Era, 16oos-1865 Civil War Era, 1861-1865 Early L ocal Industry 1800s to mid-1900s The Gilded Age thru New Deal, 1870-1938 War in the 20th Century Featured Art Peter Luyster c. 1760 by Daniel Hendrickson No, we don't know either. But good luck sleeping tonight. Now and Then... Hover to Peek Into the Past! Click to Enter Under Construction ! Small Town Life Diverse Monmouth Monmouth County has a rich history of diversity, though minority populations have not always been documented as thoroughly. Through oral histories, video presentations and photographs, learn about the achievements of individuals with physical challenges, the fight for women's equality, the fascinating history of Asbury Park's Segregated Seashore, and the struggles and triumphs of our African American and LGBTQ communities. Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Inspiring Civil Rights Quotes from MC Residents We must discredit the notion that economic status defines an individual’s morality. - Reverend William H. Dickerson Next Social Justice Next Next Hey guess what? The next group of categories really have nothing to do with your curriculum, but we think this stuff is cool so we're sharing it with you anyway! Fun ... Fascinating... Quirky.... Monmouth County Stuff & Things People Interesting Stories Museum Collection Have an idea for us? We know an awful lot over here but we don't know it all...if you have an idea for a topic, please share it and we will do our best to integrate it! Email suggestions to dhowell@monmouthhistory.org

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The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > British Counter-Attack American Privateers Off Sandy Hook by Michael Adelberg British frigates were uncommon at Sandy Hook later in the war, but a few frigates were based at Sandy Hook in spring 1780. They took several American privateers during a temporary offensive. - April 1780 - Prior articles have discussed the rise of privateering along the Jersey shore starting in 1778. American attacks on British shipping climaxed in 1779 and 1780 when New England privateers , often in small packs, hovered outside of Sandy Hook and took dozens of British ships. In spring 1780, New York-based Loyalist privateers scored some victories against small New Jersey ships and boats. Further, the British navy, though spread too thin to chase off the privateers, also scored victories against a few larger privateers. HMS Galatea and Vulture Attack Privateers In spring 1780, British frigates based at Sandy Hook, came outside the Hook to engage American privateers. In May 1780, the Connecticut Journal reported an April 13 incident off Manasquan: A few days ago, the privateer brig Rattlesnake, from Boston, on a cruize, was drove ashore on Squan beach by a British frigate from New York. As soon as she struck, and the guns were thrown overboard, 33 of the hands determined to make their escape by swimming but unfortunately, three were drowned. In the interim, the brig, by the swelling of the tide and the wind setting on shore, drifted inside the bar, by which means the remainder of the crew, except one, got on shore before the enemy reached the vessel. On taking possession, they [the British] plundered and set fire to her. The New York Royal Gazette , on April 19, reported on three incidents close to Sandy Hook: Last Saturday, a rebel brig privateer of 8 guns and 52 men was driven ashore about a half a mile from the Light House at Sandy Hook by his Majesty's ship Galatea; the crew are now prisoners and the vessel will probably be saved. The report continued with two other actions, one being the Rattlesnake (discussed above) and the other being the ship, Blacksnake , “the same day was driven ashore on Deal Beach, 12 miles off the Hook, another rebel privateer brig, by his Majesty's ship Vulture .” It was noted that these two privateers “sailed in company with two [other] privateers." The report concluded by noting one additional action. A rebel privateer was driven ashore near Sandy Hook by the Galatea . The crew, consisting of six officers and forty-five men, fitted [sic?] their vessel and attempted escape into the country; but being observed by the officer commanding at the Light House, a detachment was immediately sent in pursuit under Lt. [Samuel] Leonard, by whose address and gallant behavior the whole were made prisoners. Leonard was an officer in the New Jersey Volunteers , a Loyalist corps of the British Army that camped on Sandy Hook to defend the lighthouse and peninsula. Word of the beached privateers spread quickly and reached William Marriner, the daring privateer of the Raritan Bay. Marriner loaded a crew into a whaleboat and rowed outside Sandy Hook and down the shore to the stranded Blacksnake , which he reached on April 20. Within sight of the Vulture , Marriner’s men moored themselves to the privateer and quietly climbed on board. They floated the vessel and sailed off. That evening, at 5:00, they came upon the Loyalist privateer Morning Star , under Captain Robert Campbell, with four swivel guns and 33 men. Marriner made for the ship and grappled onto it. After an “obstinate” fight, Marriner’s men took the Loyalist vessel and brought both vessels into Little Egg Harbor. The fifty-two prisoners taken from the two vessels were taken overland to prison in Philadelphia, and New Jersey’s admiralty courts would condemn both prizes to Marriner. The Attack on the Arterial The best-documented action off New Jersey in spring 1780 was the near-capture of the British ship, Arterial, carrying the Army’s mail. The Connecticut Gazette and Boston’s Independent Ledger reported on the May 23 incident: Yesterday, returned into port [New London] from a cruize, the Hancock, Experiment and Young Beaver privateers. Last Tuesday, the above privateers, in company with the Holker of Philadelphia, fell in the Arterial, a packet commanded by Charles Newman, mounting 20 guns, at which time, the ship being near the east point of Sandy Hook, run ashore, by which they [the privateers] carried off the mail. The prize would soon have been got off, but the fleet coming out of the Hook the next morning, the privateers were obliged to flee, taking out a few articles. The Virginia Gazette published a June 17 report from New Jersey that adds some additional details on the incident: We learn that four privateers, three of them belonging to New London, on Wednesday last, drove a copper-bottomed ship ashore on Long Island beach six miles from Sandy Hook; she mounted 22 nine pounders and by some papers found on board proves to be the London packet, from Falmouth. The report stated that Arterial had a 55-man crew. While the privateers had to give up the prize when British frigates sailed toward them, the privateers “escaped with the mail.” Christopher Prince, a Connecticut privateer sailor, confirmed the reports. He wrote in his autobiography: "sailed in Hancock , which, along with Experiment, Young Beaver , and Holker , chased Arterial , a twenty gun packet, on shore near Sandy Hook on May 23." The Cruise of the HMS Eagle There may only be a single British naval source that documents the spring 1780 crackdown on privateers along the Jersey shore. Captain Henry Duncan of the HMS Eagle recorded his sail down the Jersey shore, starting from Sandy Hook on May 27. He recorded that "I was sent along the Jersey shore to endeavor to pick up two privateers said to be on the coast." He spotted the vessels the next day: In the morning, I saw a sloop & a schooner & gave chase; drove them both close to the beach; they then separated, the sloop [carrying 12 cannon], by far the larger, went before the wind to the northward; chased her but she kept close to shore. When I found she would not quit, we drove her on shore; the people [privateer sailors] dropped from the bowsprit into the water and got to shore; the sea broke all over her & I suppose she will not get off again. One of our boats stood in close for her, [but] was fired at by the people on shore; called her off. Surviving documents do not reveal whether the British counter-attacks on American privateers in spring 1780 were part of a deliberate strategy to retake the waters outside of Sandy Hook or were merely the byproduct of a temporary increase in British naval strength. In either event, the spike in British activity proved temporary and American privateers again were attacking British shipping with impunity by the end of the summer. Related Historic Site : Connecticut River Museum Sources : Connecticut Journal, May 4, 1780; Archives of the State of New Jersey, Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey (Paterson, NJ: Call Printing, 1903) vol. 4, p 308; American War of Independence at Sea - American Privateers: http://www.awiatsea.com/Privateers/B/Black%20Snake%20Rhode%20Island%20Schooner%20%5bCarr%20Pierce%20French%5d.html; William Horner, This Old Monmouth of Ours (Freehold: Moreau Brothers, 1932) p 70; Henry Duncan, The Naval Miscellany: The Journals of Henry Duncan, vol. 1 (London: Navy Records Society, 1909) p 192. Previous Next

Become a Volunteer Educator! Would you like to be a part of something greater than yourself? Would you like to engage with students eager to learn about their amazing local history? Would you like to give the gift of time and effort to help our education program and youth community grow? If your answer to any of these questions is YES , then we want you to VOLUNTEER WITH US! Apply The generosity and efforts of our valued volunteers are integral to the success of our K-12 education programs. A background in education is preferred, but those with a flair for storytelling or a love of history are encouraged to apply! Prerequisites : Availability during school hours Reliable transportation to locations Ability climb stairs Interview by phone and/or in person Program Locations: Marlpit Hall, Middletown Covenhoven House, Freehold MCHA Museum, Freehold Allen House, Shrewsbury Additional Information : We will work with your schedule and preferences Tours run about 60 minutes for Grades 3-5; 90 minutes for Grades 6-12 Mandatory training will be provided by MCHA staff to ensure our volunteers are confident and effective educators Volunteers will always conduct programs with one or two other staff/volunteers Period clothing is required for programs at Covenhoven House and Allen House, and will be provided from our authentic colonial reproduction wardrobe! MCHA Volunteer Educator Application Please fill out the form completely to be considered for a position Name Email Phone Address Hours of availability Our volunteering shifts vary depending on the location or event. 9am-3 Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday How did you hear about us? Language skills About yourself References Submit Thank you! Your application has been sent Volunteer Application Have a question? Please email Yvette Rego, On-Site Education Coordinator at education@monmouthhistory.org

Monmouth County Historical Association collects, preserves, and interprets its extensive museum, research library, and archival collections that relate to Monmouth County’s history and culture and makes these resources available to the widest possible audience. About Us Our Mission Monmouth County Historical Association collects, preserves, and interprets its extensive museum, research library, and archival collections that relate to Monmouth County’s history and culture and makes these resources available to the widest possible audience. The Association promotes the study and appreciation of regional and national history through educational programming, publications, special exhibits, and research services. The Association also preserves and interprets five significant historic sites that represent the County’s vanishing architectural heritage. Through its pursuit of these objectives, the Association enriches the quality of life in Monmouth County by preserving and passing on knowledge of its diverse heritage for future generations. Logo History Over a quarter of a century ago, MCHA adopted the thistle as the official logo of the organization. The image was taken from a carving in a rare chair in the Association’s collection. The Rhea Chair is the oldest piece of documented New Jersey furniture and the only surviving wainscot chair made in the state. The chair maker Robert Rhea emigrated from Scotland to America, eventually settling in Monmouth County. Rhea, who was both farmer and carpenter, carved the Scottish thistle along with his and his wife Janet’s initials into the chair back with the date “1695.” According to James Fenimore Cooper, “The thistle is the order for dignity and antiquity.” The national symbol of Scotland, it is also the emblem of the Order of the Thistle, one of the highest orders of chivalry of Scotland. Throughout Celtic areas the thistle signifies strength, bravery, durability and determination. As the familiar symbol of the Association, the thistle reflects both the depth of the collection and the qualities central to the MCHA’s ongoing mission. Photo caption: Carving on chair back crafted by Robert Rhea with thistle along with date and initials. Executive Committee President Charles H. Jones III, Ed.D. First Vice President R. Glenn Cashion Second Vice President John Gagliano Treasurer Sarah Ashmore Bradley Secretary Betsy O'Connor BOARD of TRUSTEES Thomas Bovino Sarah Ashmore Bradley Elise Casey Leslie M. Clark Lynne Taylor Clemons Eugene Croddick Thomas J. DeFelice III John Gagliano Anna Greeley Jean Holtz Peter Izzo Robert G. Kash Michael J. McCarty William J. Mehr, Esq. La wrence J. Metz Lauren Stavola Luke Mosley Dwight Pittenger Candace Sparks Jessie Spector C arol Stillwell Thomas S. Taylor William Wells Advisory Committee Robert D. Broege, Esq. Hope Jones Ross Millhiser, Jr. Claire Knopf Events 3rd Annual Farm to Fork Honoring Carol Stillwell of Stillwell-Hansen Saturday, October 4th, 2025 We had another phenomenal event this year - thank you to all of our sponsors and supporters. We could not do it without your help! Please click here for the ad journal video. Many Thanks to Our Garden Party Supporters! The 50th anniversary celebration of this MCHA tradition was a wonderful success thanks to all who donated to help us protect and preserve Monmouth County History. Click here to view the ad journal of our supporters.

Beneath the Floorboards: Whispers of the Enslaved at Marlpit Hall Virtual Professional Development Course for Grades 3-12 Teaching Slavery The topic of slavery can be daunting for even the most experienced educators. Students react with varying degrees of realization and comprehension; it can be emotional at times, and questions can be challenging. This professional development program provides educators with the background knowledge and confidence necessary to offer strong answers to difficult questions. You will also learn skills to analyze and interpret historical documents like historians do. It is our hope that you will find these skills beneficial in fostering meaningful and impactful classroom discussions. Video Tour The following short video tour will give you a brief introduction to the exhibit space. You will meet seven of the twelve known enslaved individuals at Marlpit: Tom, Clarisse, Elizabeth, York, Will, and Hannah. Exhibit Research on Slavery in New Jersey These materials, researched by our award-winning team of curators, will help you learn the core facts and concepts necessary to effectively teach the subject of slavery in New Jersey. Primary Source Workshop These materials, researched by our award-winning team of curators, will help you learn the core facts and concepts necessary to effectively teach the subject of slavery in New Jersey. Frequently Asked Questions Here are some of the more common questions we receive on field trips to Marlpit Hall. These answers are the ones we typically provide. The topic of slavery is complex and in-depth, and for our younger students we offer strong building blocks for understanding the full devastations of slavery as they mature intellectually. While there are many different opinions from highly respected educators in the field on if, when and how the sexually explicit topics of rape and breeding should be presented to upper elementary students , we do not highlight this aspect at this level, though this is simply the approach we have chosen to take. Though highly impacted, high school students are more than capable of hearing the full weight of the"adult answers." For our upper elementary educators, only you know the level of emotional and intellectual maturity of your students, so feel free to customize the information to guide the discussion at your discretion. Answer A is for high school to middle school, Answer B is for upper elementary students to middle school. 1. Who was Hannah's / Clarisse's husband? Alternatively, "Who was Matilda's / Elizabeth's / Will's father?" Middle School / High School response : We do not have records on who the husbands/fathers of the women and children were. Marriages of the enslaved were not legally recognized but rather "accepted" out of tradition if the enslavers were inclined to allow it. It is more than likely that unmarried enslaved women who became pregnant had fallen into the hands of the white males in the household, or in the surrounding local areas. Enslaved women had few options to resist that would not end in severe punishment to themselves or potentially their own sale away from those they loved. They had no legal recourse against the act. Birth records listing children born as "mulatto" are clear indicators of Black/White intercourse, though in the absence of a primary source account describing the relationship, we are unable to say for certain what the actual events were surrounding the child's birth. The use of the word "rape" is certainly appropriate and applicable to any instance in which the woman does not have a say in her life or fears for her safety if she does not acquiesce. Upper Elementary response : We don't know who Hannah's husband was (alternatively, who Matilda's / Elizabeth's / Will's father was, as we do not have a primary source record naming them. We do know that Clarisse got married to Reverend XXX XXX after the Civil War, because we have a newspaper article that tells us this event happened, but we cannot say for sure who Matilda's father was. 2. Why are there so many different reward prices offered in the Runaway Ads? Some ads offered one penny, while others offered forty dollars... It all depended on how badly the enslaver wanted to get the individual back. Some people had the attitude that the escaped individual was legally their property and must be returned regardless of reward, else that would be considered stealing. 3. Why didn't all the slaves just run away? Running away was an exceptionally brave act of resistance that could potentially result in death, but almost certainly in severe punishment if the enslaved individual was caught - which was a high probability. Choosing not to run away did NOT mean the enslaved individual was happy or complacent with their situation. There were many valid reasons not to run: 1. Fear of severe punishment for themselves or those they left behind 2. Unwillingness to leave loved ones behind 3. Lack of provisions (adequate food, money, clothing, shelter) 4. Lack of destination (where would they go?) 5. Uncertainty (would the situation be worse elsewhere?) We also cannot know how many people planned to run every day, but did not have a viable opportunity to do so.

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The First Battle of Monmouth by Michael Adelberg Under the command of Francis Gurney, Thomas Mifflin led 120 Pennsylvanians in routing 200 Monmouth Loyalist recruits under Elisha Lawrence at Freehold on January 2, 1777. - January 1777 - The Battle of Monmouth, fought on June 28, 1778, is the most famous Revolutionary War event to occur in Monmouth County. Thousands of men from both of the great armies participated. But the principal actors in the battle, whether Continental or British, were not from Monmouth County. A week before the battle they were outside the county; a week after the battle they were outside the county. And the Battle of Monmouth did not greatly change the trajectory of the local war inside the county. In contrast, a much smaller battle occurred in nearly the same place eighteen months earlier on January 2, 1777. Unlike the much larger second Battle of Monmouth, only a few hundred men participated in this first Battle of Monmouth. Unlike the larger second Battle of Monmouth, the majority of fighters in this first Battle of Monmouth were Monmouth Countians. And this first Battle of Monmouth was pivotal in changing the trajectory of Monmouth County’s local war. Loyalists Gather at Freehold to Form New Militia As noted in prior articles about the Loyalist insurrections in Upper Freehold and Freehold-Middletown (less so in the Shrewsbury insurrection), Monmouth County’s embryonic Loyalist regime sought to legitimize its rule by turning out all able-bodied men at Freehold starting on December 28, 1776. The men would take British loyalty oaths and either enlist in the Loyalist New Jersey Volunteers or divide up into Loyalist militia companies. The resulting Loyalist militia would become the vehicle for enforcing future Loyalist rule. A week earlier, Lt. Colonel Elisha Lawrence, leading the 1st Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers, had re-entered Monmouth County. He recalled, "In December 1776, he was ordered into Monmouth County with his battalion to collect horses and wagons for use of the Army, he collected many." As the first recruits began dribbling into Freehold in the days before Christmas, Lawrence positioned himself as the commander of this nascent county militia. Establishing a camp capable of provisioning several hundred men was critical to the plan. The first document to discuss this is a December 22, 1776 letter from Colonel Joseph Reed of Pennsylvania to George Washington. Reed forwarded intelligence from an informer who saw sixteen wagons “for the Baggage of about 500 Men who were to quarter about Cranberry—inlisted Tories commanded by one Lawrence [Elisha Lawrence]." The informer was incorrect about the location—the Loyalist camp would be at Freehold. At this time, public notices went up across Monmouth County calling on men between the ages of 16 and 60 to report to Freehold on December 28. The notices were signed by three British-appointed Monmouth County Commissioners—John Lawrence of Upper Freehold, John Taylor of Middletown, and John Wardell of Shrewsbury. Small numbers of men started arriving at Freehold on December 28. Word of Washington’s victory at Trenton and a fresh snowfall likely dampened turnout. On December 31, Col. John Cadwalader commanding a regiment of Continentals close to the British Army in western New Jersey wrote George Washington on the gathering of Loyalists at Freehold: Colonel Elisha Lawrence (late Sheriff of Monmouth) is now collecting men at Monmouth Court House. He has got together about 70 men. He has put twenty men into prison for refusing to bear arms. The person who brings the intelligence flew [from Lawrence]; Major Nichols is desirous of going after Lawrence's party. I think it is not an object at this time, and have refused the application. Gurney’s Pennsylvanians March on Freehold General Israel Putnam also learned of the gathering Loyalists at Freehold as (he commanded Continental forces at Crosswicks and Allentown in the days immediately before the Battle of Princeton on January 3). Putnam detached a regiment of Pennsylvania soldiers under Lt. Colonel Francis Gurney to head to Freehold to engage the gathering Loyalists. One of Gurney’s junior officers, Adam Hubley, described the engagement at Freehold, 1/2/77: We arrived there Thursday evening, we were informed of a party of men consisting of about 200, under the command of Col Morris. We had our party (about 120 in number) formed in proper order and intended to attack them in town, about a half hour before night. Col Morris [a reference to John Morris, but it was Elisha Lawrence] it seems got account of our arrival, had his men drawn and baggage in order to move toward Middletown, a town about 18 miles below the Court House. They pushed off from town and got about a mile and a half, within sight of us. We immediately pushed after them, when they made a halt. We came up, about a quarter of an hour before night, when we engaged them, and they stood us about 8 minutes, a very heavy firing was kept up between us for that time. The enemy at last gave way, and retreated very precipitously, at this time it was quite dark and we could not see what loss the enemy sustained. On our side, we had none killed. We marched from the field to the town and lodged there that night. The next morning we sent out a party to the field we engaged in, they brought four dead bodies, which we buried. We took during the engagement 23 prisoners, which we brought to this place. We also took from the enemy 7 wagon loads of stores and 12 horses. Putnam summarized the battle similarly on January 6, though his numbers differ slightly from Hubley: Major Mifflin [Thomas Mifflin], at the head of 120 men, attacked a body of 250 Tory recruits in Monmouth County a few days ago, killed 4 of them and took 24 prisoners. They were enlisted during the American rebellion. Captain Smith, with about 30 rifle-men has brought 22 prisoners with a wagon containing their baggage. Putnam’s choice of the term “Tory recruits” explains why the smaller body of Pennsylvanians was able to rout the larger body of Monmouth Loyalists. The Pennsylvanians, though poorly armed and trained in comparison to the British Army, were vastly better armed and trained than the Loyalists. It can be safely assumed that the Loyalists lacked the cohesion, discipline, and munitions necessary for battle. When the first few Loyalists turned and ran, it likely induced a general panic in their ranks. If 200+ committed Loyalists were not taken and shipped out of state in December, the outcome might have been different. An additional account of this first Battle of Monmouth is in the pension application of John Hunter of Pennsylvania, who served under Major Thomas Mifflin: They then marched against Col [John] Morris [actually Elisha Lawrence] of Monmouth and drove him and his forces, that they killed some and took others prisoners and that they took plunder from the enemy in that encounter to amount to ten dollars per soldier when sold. Nathaniel Scudder of Freehold also described the battle: Gen'l Putnam detached a party of militia [Flying Camp] under command of Col Francis Gurney of Philadelphia, who marched them into Monmouth, routed the Tories and seized a considerable body of stores in several places. After the battle, Scudder guided Gurney to Middletown and Shrewsbury in a campaign that finished off Monmouth County’s brief Loyalist regime. It is interesting that Hunter chose to note that the Pennsylvanians received a bounty based on the sale of confiscated Loyalist stores. This might explain why the Pennsylvanians were so eager to continue the campaign against Monmouth Loyalists, the subject of the next article . Related Historic Site : Monmouth Battlefield State Park Sources : Michael Adelberg, The Forgotten First Battle of Monmouth, Journal of the American Revolution, March 2013, https://allthingsliberty.com/2013/05/the-forgotten-first-battle-of-monmouth/ ; The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 7, 21 October 1776–5 January 1777, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1997, pp. 414–417; Peter Force, ed., American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution 1774–1776, 9 vols. (1837–53), 5th Services, vol. 3, pp. 1514; Rutgers University, Special Collections, Loyalist Compensation Applications, Elisha Lawrence, Coll. D96, PRO AO 13/110, reel 10; Joseph Reed, Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, Philadelphia: Lindsay & Blankston, 1847, p 287-8; Gaillard Hunt, Fragments of Revolutionary History (Brooklyn: Historical Publishing Club, 1892) pp. 112-5; Samuel Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives (Harrisburg: State of Pennsylvania, 1902) First Series, vol. 5, pp. 158, 168. Dennis Ryan, A Salute To Courage The American Revolution as Seen through Wartime Writings (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979) pp. 60-1; National Archives, Papers of the Continental Congress, reel 178, item 159, #33; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, John Hunter of PA, www.fold3.com/image/#24019015 . Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > The "Tory Ascendancy" in Shrewsbury and Down the Shore by Michael Adelberg At the Battle of Trenton, the Continental Army routed the Hessians and turned the British Army back toward New York. Monmouth County volunteers joined the Continental Army for the attack. - December 1776 - As discussed in other articles, in late November, 1776, the Continental Army retreated across New Jersey and the British Army entered New Jersey. On November 30, General William Howe, the British Commander in Chief, invited the citizens of New Jersey to sign a loyalty oath and receive British protection from any future rebel harassment. Across New Jersey, but particularly in Monmouth County, disaffected New Jerseyans switched sides. In Monmouth County, Loyalist insurrections sprung up in Upper Freehold, Freehold-Middletown, and from Shrewsbury down the shore. The December 1776 Loyalist insurrection that occurred from Shrewsbury to Toms River was less organized than the insurrections in Freehold-Middletown and Upper Freehold . This may have been more a reflection of the region’s far flung geography than a lack of disaffected residents to power the counter-revolt. Just a few weeks before the December insurrection, Samuel Wright’s Loyalist association from the neighborhoods of Long Branch, Deal and Shark River was exposed and broken up. Wright and twelve of his men were captured. Immediately after, Colonel Charles Read of Burlington County led a short campaign that captured 70 more Loyalists. These events removed more than 80 committed Loyalists just before the start of the general insurrection. But even with these men in prison, there were many disaffected residents in the shore communities ready to support the British. The Insurrection Begins Pro-British rioting occurred immediately after Charles Read’s militia left Shrewsbury Township. On December 1, John Halloway, a Shrewsbury Township yeoman, plundered the home of Garrett Longstreet, an officeholder under the new government. According to the Supreme Court Indictment, Halloway led a gang of ten men who: With force and arms, to wit, sticks, staves, swords, guns and other offensive weapons… assembled and gathered together at the dwelling house of Garrett Longstreet, there situated, unlawfully & riotously did break open & enter a quantity of rum, sugar and cyder belonging to certain persons... in the said dwelling house, did take and carry away. This riot occurred on the eve of the insurrection—an insurrection that would begin with the return of John Morris and his battalion of Loyalists. The prior July, Morris (a former British Army officer who settled near Manasquan in the 1760s) led 68 Shrewsbury Loyalists to Sandy Hook and joined the British Army. They became the 2nd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers. When the tide of the war shifted and the British Army marched into New Jersey, Morris’s Loyalists entered Shrewsbury, probably on December 3. On that day, Robert Bowne, a Shrewsbury merchant, wrote that the British were “9 or 10 miles this side of Amboy, which has occasioned the Provincials [Morris’s men] to brave the guards along the coast." Bowne also noted that his kinsman, Thomas Bowne, from Queens, New York, was illegally traveling back and forth and transporting goods between Shrewsbury and British-held New York: Thomas has been down here several times this fall... the last he was here was about two weeks ago, when he brought down 1500 [Continental] dollars. Seeing no prospect of laying it out to advantage in these parts, we concluded [it] best for him to go to Virginia and lay out the same. From this letter, it can be inferred that disaffected Shrewsbury farmers were consorting with pro-British New York traders and that Continental dollars were not viewed as valid tender along the largely disaffected shoreline. Corroborating evidence of this is provided in prior articles about New York Loyalists hiding out in Shrewsbury and disaffected residents refusing to muster for the Monmouth militia. Loyalists Take Control A number of militiamen, including William Brinley of Shrewsbury, “laid down their arms” on the arrival of John Morris’s armed Loyalists. This may have forced several Shrewsbury Whigs (supporters of the Revolution) to leave the township in early December. William Davis, a solid Whig from Shrewsbury Township, recalled that he “volunteered under Benjamin Dennis to go to Philadelphia to join General Washington.” But his party of Shrewsbury volunteers did not make it. On the way to Philadelphia, prior to reaching Freehold, Davis “with some others (among whom was Captain John Dillon of Dover) were captured by a scouting party of British Colonel John Morris - He was then marched direct to the City of New York. There he was detained as a prisoner for 22 months.” It is impossible to know whether Davis’s decision to leave Shrewsbury was motivated by patriotism or the need to avoid arrest back home. Other Shrewsbury Whigs did make it to the Continental Army. Thomas Patten, for example, left Shrewsbury for the Continental Army: I entered a company of volunteers who were forming for the purpose of operating with the Army of Washington against the Hessians at Trenton... I was severely wounded by a musket ball near the Assunpink Creek & being removed to Pennington, New Jersey was confined there. One of the first of Morris’s Loyalists to return to Shrewsbury was Thomas Okerson, formerly of Tinton Falls (and a lieutenant in the New Jersey Volunteers). He was sent back into Shrewsbury township to capture an unnamed militia officer (probably Colonel Daniel Hendrickson or Lt. Colonel Aucke Wikoff, both of Tinton Falls). But Okerson was ordered to show restraint when making the capture, "you are on no account to touch his life.” There is no record of Okerson making the capture. An aversion to violence characterized the Shrewsbury insurrection—this aversion would not last the war. John Wardell, the former judge whose disaffection was exposed by David Forman weeks earlier, was appointed Commissioner for administering British oaths in Shrewsbury. His name appeared as one of three commissioners (along with John Taylor and John Lawrence) on an advertisement circulated across the county calling on citizens to “qualify” for British protection. As Wardell began administering oaths, John Morris pushed south toward Toms River in Dover Township. Captain Robert Morris (not related to John Morris) remained in Shrewsbury with a newly-raised company of New Jersey Volunteers. James Corneilius would later testify that Morris was assisted by two disaffected Quakers, Walter Curtis and Peter Brewer: Sometime about the latter end of December last, saw the above Walter Curtis with the enemy & in company with Robert Morris at the town of Shrewsbury, and at the same time that he saw Peter Brewer with sd Morris and his party. John Morris reached Toms River on December 23. Another article discusses his meeting with Thomas Savadge, the Administrator of the Pennsylvania Salt Works , the largest enterprise in the township. Morris chose to spare the salt works and left them in the custody of two local Loyalists. Morris apparently relied on Joseph Salter (the first militia colonel for the area, but now disaffected) to line up residents to take British loyalty oaths. Salter induced many to sign. Daniel Griggs of Toms River later recalled Salter’s approach: About the 27th day of December last, he, sd deponent, did sign a paper of protection of Col John Morris at Toms River, of which sd paper Joseph Salter, of the township of Dover, was the first signer. The sd Mr. Salter was very often at the deponent's house in company with sd Morris & his officers, that on a certain day the sd Salter clapt his hand on the deponent's shoulder & said 'the times are very much altered, as [I] always expected it would be'. Thomas Potter, of Toms River, vividly recalled John Morris’s visit to Toms River and the prominent role played by Joseph Salter in supporting the Loyalists. In an April 1777 deposition, Potter described "being sent for by Colonel Morris & threatened to be sent to the guard house if he did not come.” Potter went to the house of John Cook, the senior militia officer at Toms River, “where he saw Joseph Salter of said county & John Williams with the said colonel John Morris.” Morris showed Potter “a paper with a number of signers & that the first name subscribed thereto was Joseph Salter.” He was told that the “purpose of the said paper was to put us on the same footing we formerly were, under the King.” Potter was compelled to sign and accept British protection when Major John Antill of Morris’s battalion “tendered him an oath of allegiance to the King.” When Potter initially declined, “Morris told him that unless he [Potter] did [take the oath], he [Morris] would strip him of everything, upon which & being also threatened to be sent to the guard house & the said oath being explained to him [Potter] by the said Salter, he at length complied.” Because Potter had accepted British protection, he was told by Salter that he did not need to surrender his gun. The End of the Insurrection But time was running out on the nascent Loyalist association that Potter had just joined. On January 2, 200 newly-mustered Loyalist militia from Upper Freehold, Freehold and Middletown townships were routed in a short battle near Freehold. The British Army, defeated at Trenton and Princeton, pulled back across New Jersey. John Morris took his troops out of Monmouth County and the most strident Loyalists either joined him or went into hiding. The first Pine Robber gangs, covert Loyalists operating in salt marshes along the shore, included Loyalists who fled as the Loyalist insurrections crumbled. Concealing Loyalists was dangerous. Richard Lippincott, a disaffected Shrewsbury resident who had received a loan to start a salt works the prior summer, was accused of aiding a Loyalist-in-hiding; for this, he was jailed in Burlington County. On release, Lippincott fled to British-held New York. By the end of war, he would be the most despised man in Monmouth County for hanging Joshua Huddy . Related Historic Site : Washington Crossing Historic Park Sources : New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, State v John Halloway, # 35895; New Jersey State Archives, Supreme Court Records, State vs Samuel Longstreet, #36663 and 36665; National Archives, revolutionary War veterans Pension Applications, New Jersey - William Brinley; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, James Cornelius; Robert Bowne to Thomas Bowne, Rutgers University Special Collections, AC 1246; New Jersey State Archives, Bureau of Archives of History, Council of Safety, box 1, document #3; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, William Davis of Ohio, www.fold3.com/image/#14680717 ; National Archives, Revolutionary War Veterans' Pension Application, Thomas Patten of NJ, www.fold3.com/image/#27227091 ; Lorenzo Sabine, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1864), vol. 2, p 562. Jones, E. Alfred. The Loyalists of New Jersey, (Newark, N. J. Historical Society, 1927) p 165; Deposition of Daniel Griggs, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 4, April 7, 1777; United Empire Loyalists, Loyal Directory, Richard Lippincott: http://www.uelac.org/Loyalist-Info . United Empire Loyalists, Loyal Directory, Richard Lippincott: http://www.uelac.org/Loyalist-Info ; Deposition of Thomas Potter, New Jersey State Archives, William Livingston Papers, reel 4, April 7, 1777. Previous Next

The articles in the collection 250 for the 250th: The American Revolution in Monmouth County represent the most complete history of this topic ever assembled. < 250 Home < Previous pg. Next > New York Tories Find Refuge in Shrewsbury by Michael Adelberg Isaac Lowe served in the 1st Continental Congress and led protests against British policies, but he did not support independence. Fearing for his safety, he left New York for Shrewsbury. - July 1776 - The arrival of the British fleet on June 29 set the Loyalists of New York and New Jersey in motion. In Monmouth County, some Loyalists assembled and joined the British Army on Sandy Hook. However, many other Loyalists, due to age or preference, had no interest in serving in the British Army. They sought a place of safety as they came under increasing scrutiny from the Revolutionary governments of New York and New Jersey. Shrewsbury, where resistance to the Continental cause was well known, was such a place. New Yorkers Hide in Shrewsbury Township The first evidence of New York Loyalists seeking refuge in Shrewsbury is in the minutes of the New York Convention. On July 18, that body recorded “that John L. C. Roome requests that he may be sent a prisoner, on his parole, to Shrewsbury.” It is not recorded whether Roome’s relocation to Shrewsbury was approved, but he was in Shrewsbury, with or without consent, a week later. On July 26, Governor William Livingston wrote to Samuel Tucker, President of the New Jersey Convention: I have authentic information that some of the most malignant New York Tories have seated themselves in Shrewsbury; a very improper place on account of the facility it affords for keeping up a communication with the Enemy. Isaac Lowe and one Roome [John Roome] are particularly mentioned. That same day, Nathaniel Woodhull of New York Convention informed George Washington and the New Jersey Convention that New York Loyalists were seeking refuge in Shrewsbury. Woodhull had deposed Balthazar DeHart, a lawyer who practiced in the Monmouth County courts. He reported: When he [DeHart] left Shrewsbury, far the greater part of that place was inhabited, or rather, infested, with Tories... he has understood that their disaffection has been greatly increased by a number of persons who have gone from New York, and secretly labored to deceive the lower set of people, the higher being almost all disaffected. Woodhull named some of the Loyalists: Isaac Low, William Walton, Anthony Van Damm, John Roome, William Kipping, and [?] Hullet "a dance master." Woodhull also reported on the activities of Shrewsbury Loyalists: Joseph Wardell, John Corlies, and George Allen, went the week before last, or last week, to General Howe's camp, on Staten-Island, after, as they pretended, two negroes, who had run away from William Kipping and the said John Corlies; that they stayed some time there. The “negroes were delivered to them by Howe's order” which Woodhull took as proof that the Shrewsbury residents had pledged themselves Loyal to the British King (a prior British order said that slaves of rebels who agreed to serve the British cause would be freed, but slaves of Loyalists would not be freed. This might have increased unrest in Shrewsbury’s Black community). Dealing with New Yorkers in Shrewsbury Township On August 5, the New York Government sought to stop the further migration of Loyalists to New Jersey. It issued a public notice banning unauthorized travel: "No person whatsoever, either male or female, above the age of 14 will be permitted to pass to the State of New Jersey without a proper pass." The notice was not only printed in New York newspapers, it was also printed in Philadelphia papers. In 1776, New Jersey had no newspaper. Calls were made to the New Jersey government to take action against the New York Loyalists in Shrewsbury and the disaffected providing refuge to those Loyalists. On August 7, an anonymous New Yorker wrote Governor Livingston: I have received repeated information that a number of persons known to be inimical to the cause of the United States, or of suspicious character, have lately removed from this place [New York] into the County of Monmouth in New Jersey, with intent, no doubt, of communicating with and aiding our enemies. That same day, George Washington wrote the New Jersey Legislature a very similar letter (suggesting collaboration between the New Yorker and Washington’s aide-de-camp): I have received repeated information that a number of persons known to be inimical to the cause of the American States or of suspicious character have lately removed from this and other places to the County of Monmouth with the intent, no doubt... of communicating with and aiding the enemy. I must urge the necessity of your Congress of adopting the same measure [for arresting Loyalists] in all those parts of the Province that are contiguous to the enemy. Nine days later, George Washington wrote to the Councils of Safety of New York and New Jersey: I am informed, that in Consequence of my Letter acquainting you that a number of Persons deemed unfriendly to the Interests of America, were suspected of holding a Correspondence with the Enemy from Shrewsbury and its Neighborhood; Mr. Isaac Low late of this City has been apprehended, and is now detained under some kind of Confinement. Isaac Lowe was arrested, but released three days later. Without a sheriff [sheriff Elisha Lawrence was with the British] or functioning courts, it fell to the Monmouth County Committee to take action against the New York Loyalists in Shrewsbury and their local collaborators. On August 24, John Holmes of the Shrewsbury Township Committee sent a lengthy letter to Woodhull summarizing the Committee’s actions. Holmes broadly agreed with Woodhull’s characterization of disaffection in Shrewsbury: “Many parts of the County are exceedingly infested with Tories of the most inveterate disposition, owing in great measure to the malign influence of our late Attorney General.” This was reference to Courtland Skinner, the Attorney General under the Royal government, who was courting Loyalists to join the New Jersey Volunteers , of which he was named its Brigadier General. Holmes further suggested that the Shrewsbury township committee was, itself, disaffected and not to be trusted. As a result, the County Committee “constituted a sub-committee from our body, who are authorized to cite every inhabitant of New York within the Township of Shrewsbury to appear before them, and show cause why they not be immediately removed." John Holmes also discussed the three disaffected Shrewsbury residents who had visited the British Army on Staten Island to retrieve the runaway slaves: “They went under Col. [George] Taylor's permission, who granted them a flag [permission]; they had not been qualified. We have put them under oath, and have not been able to make any very important discoveries." Holmes discussed attempts to curb illegal trade with the British: A number of armed vessels have frequently been at anchor and hovering near the coast, and we have no doubt have had frequent intercourse with and supplies from the disaffected from this County... Our guards are now on the spot, and we have given orders that all stock be immediately driven from all beaches, we flatter ourselves that the enemy will be disappointed in any future attempt to procure provisions. Holmes claimed that "Gen. [Hugh] Mercer has arrived with a Continental guard at Shrewsbury, who have orders to seize and detain all craft belonging to said shores, and to apprehend such suspicious persons ...several arrests have been made." Continental Army records mention Continental guards in Shrewsbury but do not document General Mercer being at Shrewsbury.) However, Holmes’s account of driving livestock from the shore is corroborated by the records of the New Jersey Convention which, on July 23, recorded: Unanimously resolved and directed that the County Committee of Monmouth proceed, without delay, to remove all stock on their coast which may be in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy, back into the country. Holmes concluded that the events in Shrewsbury were exhausting the County Committee: "We have spent more time and undergone more vexation and fatigue than any other Committee of this State." The Monmouth County Committee likely uncovered some of the New Yorkers, but did not root out all of them. On December 3, 1776, Robert Bowne of Queens, New York, sent a letter from Shrewsbury to his brother in New York. Bowne summarized his status “in this time of great calamity,” he wrote: I have endeavored to avoid giving offence to any, have associated with very few, which I have found to be much the safest as there are many warm persons near us that are scratching at everything they can take the least advantage of to distress those who do not approve of their violent and unjust proceedings. He also discussed other New Yorkers still hiding in Shrewsbury. “The New Yorkers have all been threatened that they should be drove away from this quarter, tho' they [Whigs] have never put it in execution; many that was here have returned to New York.” The disaffection in Shrewsbury revealed in the letters of Woodhull and Holmes would soon be corroborated by the actions of a large association of Loyalists at Long Branch. Historic Site : Christ Church Sources : New York Committee of Safety, July 18, 1776, Convention, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the state of New-York : 1775-1777, 2 vols., (Albany : Thurlow Weed, printer to the State, 1842) v. 1, item 541; Carl Prince, Papers of William Livingston (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987) vol. 1, p 107; Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 1, p 602-3; The Library Company, Pennslyvania Ledger, vol. 1, Jan. 1775-Nov. 1776; Paul Burgess, A Colonial Scrapbook; the Southern New Jersey Coast, 1675-1783 (New York, Carlton Press, 1971) pp 109; John Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1932) vol. 5, p 388; Selections from the Correspondence of the Executive of New Jersey, From 1776 to 1786 (Newark, NJ: Newark Daily Advertiser, 1848) p 7; New Jersey Convention resolve, Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 6, p 1651; Library of Congress, George Wahsington Papers, http://memory.loc.gov/cgibin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw050383)) ; Peter Force, American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs (Washington, DC: U.S. Congress Clerk's Office, 1853), 5th Series, vol. 1, p 1534-5; Rutgers University Special Collections, Robert Bowne, AC 1246. 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